k 


V'  


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the  Hammill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division 
Section  • 
Number 


F 12.3 1 
5 .B  95 
1893 


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FROM  BOSTON  TO  BAREILLY  AND  BACK. 

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THE  LAND  OF  THE  VEDA: 

Personal  Reminiscences  of  India — its  People,  Castes, 
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pal Monuments,  Palaces,  and  Mausoleums;  Incidents 
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BKN1T0  JUAKUZ, 

The  “'Washington”  of  Mexico. 


Mexico  in  Transition 


FROM 


The  Tower  of  Political  Romanism 


Givil  and  Reliqiou^  Liberty 


By  WILLIAM  BUTLER,  D.D. 

ILLUSTRATED 


"THERE  IS  A WAKING  ON  THE  MIGHTY  HILLS, 

A KINDLING  WITH  THE  SPIRIT  OF  THE  MORN.** 


THIRD  EDITION-REVISED 


NEW  YORK  : HUNT  & EATON 
CINCINNATI:  CRANSTON  & CURTS 
1893 


TO 


SEAL  OF  MEXICO 


Copyright,  1892,  by 

HUNT  eg?  EA.TON, 

New  York. 


1 


I 


PREFACE. 


In  view  of  tlie  false  representations  which  were  so  indus- 
triously disseminated  during  the  struggle  described  in  this 
work  by  those  who  had  an  interest  in  the  wrongs  which 
Mexico  so  long  endured,  it  is  hoped  that  our  readers  may 
kindly  excuse  the  constant  quotations  and  documentary  as- 
pect of  much  of  the  text.  Only  by  going  back  to  original 
evidence  and  furnishing  the  authority  for  our  statements 
could  these  falsehoods  be  exposed  and  the  whole  truth  be  placed 
before  our  readers.  This  for  the  author  was  a long,  slow, 
and  laborious  process.  But  we  believe  it  has  been  amply  jus- 
tified, and  that  the  reading  public  has  now  at  last  Mexico’s 
side  of  the  question  placed  before  it,  with  its  evidences,  so  that 
it  can  form  a more  intelligent  opinion  upon  the  merits  of  the 
mighty  struggle  which  was  so  providentially  guided  to  an  issue 
that,  while  it  overwhelmed  the  enemies  of  the  rights  of  the 
Mexican  people,  at  the  same  time  and  in  due  order  vindicated 
and  established  those  rights  upon  foundations  which  it  is  ex- 
pected will  stand  while  sun  and  moon  endure. 

The  errors  corrected  the  reader  will  find  to  have  been  very 
many;  some  of  them  as  willful  and  baseless  as  that  which  so 
daringly  asserted  that  “ Colonel  Lopez  was  a traitor,  who  sold 
his  sovereign  and  the  password  to  the  Republicans  for  thirty 
thousand  dollars,”  and  thus  loaded  down  that  officer  for  twenty 
years  with  an  opprobrium  that  was  heavy  enough  to  have  sunk 
him  into  a dishonored  grave,  while  at  the  time  his  lips  were 
closed  in  his  own  defense  until  the  hour  came,  three  years  ago, 
when  the  commanding  general  broke  the  seal  of  silence  and 
released  the  colonel  from  the  peculiar  and  undeserved  misery 
which  he  had  so  long  endured  under  a sense  of  loyalty  to  the 


VI 


PREFACE. 


express  wishes  of  Maximilian,  adding  another  illustration  to 
the  maxim  that  “ Truth  is  often  stranger  than  fiction.” 

While  these  pages  were  being  prepared  for  the  press,  to 
illustrate  the  merciful  intervention  of  Almighty  God  on  behalf 
of  those  who  are  wronged  and  denied  the  rights  of  popular 
government,  a remarkable  utterance,  and  from  a high  quarter, 
for  a contrary  doctrine  made  its  appearance.  The  United 
States  senator  from  Kansas — regarded  by  his  admirers  as  being 
“ brainy,  brilliant,  and  audacious  ” — saw  fit  to  choose  his  oppor- 
tunity lightly  to  pour  his  contempt  upon  convictions  to  which 
multitudes  of  thoughtful  people  give  their  earnest  sympathy. 
Standing  upon  the  battle-field  of  Gettysburg — upon  ground 
hallowed  by  the  blood  of  thousands  of  American  heroes — this 
man  is  reported  as  having  given  utterance  to  the  following  pe- 
culiar and  amazing  language : 

The  purification  of  politics  is  an  iridescent  dream.  Government  is 
force.  Politics  is  a battle  for  supremacy.  Parties  are  the  armies.  The 
decalogue  and  the  golden  rule  have  no  place  in  a political  campaign. 
The  object  is  success.  To  defeat  the  antagonist  and  expel  the  party  in 
power  is  the  purpose.  In  war  it  is  lawful  to  deceive  the  adversary,  to 
hire  Hessians,  to  purchase  mercenaries,  to  mutilate,  to  kill,  to  destroy. 
The  commander  who  lost  a battle  through  the  activity  of  his  moral  nature 
would  be  the  derision  and  jest  of  history.  This  modern  cant  about  the 
corruption  of  politics  is  fatiguing  in  the  extreme.  It  proceeds  from  the 
tea-custard  and  syllabub  dilletanteism,  the  frivolous  and  desultory  senti- 
mentalism of  epicenes. 

No  doubt  but  this  would  be  welcome  news  to  the  enemies  of 
the  reign  of  law  and  personal  and  social  purity  everywhere, 
people  who  hate  to  be  rebuked  or  controlled  by  either  God 
or  man,  by  law  or  by  conscience.  The  decalogue  and  the  ser- 
mon on  the  mount  stand  very  much  in  the  way  of  such  persons, 
and  it  would  have  been  greatly  to  their  comfort  and  liberty  of 
action  had  the  senator  been  able  to  add  the  proof  that  they 
were  really  abrogated,  as  he  said,  and  that  such  persons  had 
nothing  to  fear  from  them  either  now  or  hereafter. 

But  this  book  will  show  that  it  was  not  with  such  a creed  as 


PREFACE. 


vii 

this  that  the  wronged  and  suffering  Liberals  of  Mexico  struggled 
np  through  their  forty  years  of  agony  and  effort  to  the  joy  of  a 
purified  political  system  which  at  last  gave  their  country  rest 
and  peace.  And  surely  the  Christian  and  patriotic  dead  be- 
neath that  senator’s  feet  in  that  cemetery,  who  gave  up  home, 
family,  and  life  itself  to  rectify  that  “ corruption  of  politics  ” 
which  flung  over  om  fair  land  treason,  rebellion,  and  death, 
could  they  have  risen  from  their  graves,  would  have  indignantly 
confronted  him  as  he  thus  characterized  convictions  like  theirs 
as  “ modern  cant,”  etc. 

The  conscience  of  the  nation  was  shocked  by  this  ill-omened 
utterance,  and  Kansas  herself  resented  it  as  every  way  unwor- 
thy of  her  own  convictions.  For  a few  weeks  after,  when  the 
time  for  the  re-election  of  her  senator  came  round,  she  retired 
this  man  to  private  life  and  elected  another  in  his  place.  Kor 
will  the  lesson  be  lost.  It  does  not  pay  public  men,  and  especially 
those  in  prominent  positions,  in  the  long  run,  to  get  into  con- 
flict with  the  Author  of  the  ten  commandments  or  the  golden 
rule,  or  to  turn  an  indifferent  ear  to  the  earnest  appeals  of  the 
men  or  the  women  who  look  to  them  for  sympathy  and  help 
in  their  struggles  against  sin  and  wrong. 

It  seems  singular  that  the  refuge  of  divine  law  should  be  un- 
welcome to  any  human  being,  or  that  men  can  be  found  who  would 
object  to  have  religion  operate  in  this  sphere  of  ours  as  though 
it  were  an  intrusion  to  be  tolerated  only  in  the  clouds  above 
and  the  world  beyond,  but  not  to  dictate  here  to  the  hearts  and 
lives  of  men  nor  aim  to  control  their  private  ways,  much  less 
their  public  acts  and  policies.  Sooner  or  later  an  awakening 
comes  to  such  dreamers,  and  they  have  to  learn — often  too  late 
— that  the  ten  commandments  and  the  sermon  on  the  mount 
were  not  given  as  laws  of  life  to  saints  and  angels  in  heaven, 
but  to  men  and  sinners  down  here  in  this  wicked  world,  and 
that  their  mothers  were  right  when  they  taught'  their  infant 
lips  to  pray,  “ Thy  kingdom  come,  thy  will  be  done  on  earth 
as  it  is  done  in  heaven.”  Any  attempt  to  exclude  public  life 
and  its  responsibilities  from  the  sphere  of  conscience  and  the 


PREFACE. 


viii 

divine  control,  and  then  “to  teach  men  so,”  is  a high  crime  and 
misdemeanor,  not  only  against  the  souls  of  men,  but  also  against 
patriotism  as  well  as  religion,  against  love  of  country  and  love 
of  God,  all  of  which  go  hand  in  hand  and  constitute  the  “right- 
eousness which  exalteth  a nation,”  and  is  equally  exalting  to  its 
leading  men. 

Rectification  of  wrong  is  the  only  true  foundation  of  tranquil- 
lity ; “ first  pure,  then  peaceable.”  “ There  is  no  peace,  saith 
God,  to  the  wicked,”  and  never  can  be.  The  most  perfect  and 
permanent  of  all  governments  is  that  of  the  reigning  Redeemer, 
of  whose  blessed  administration  the  eternal  Father  testifies: 
“ Unto  the  Son  he  saith,  Thy  throne,  O God,  is  for  ever  and 
ever : a scepter  of  righteousness  is  the  scepter  of  thy  kingdom. 
Thou  hast  loved  righteousness,  and  hated  iniquity ; therefore 
God,  even  thy  God,  hath  anointed  thee  with  the  oil  of  gladness 
above  thy  fellows.”  He  is  the  very  model  for  legislators  and 
governors.  The  anthem  that  inaugurated  his  administration 
has  gone  on  sounding  round  the  world  ever  since,  “ Glory  to 
God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth  peace,  good-will  toward  men.” 
lie  evidently  maintains  that  purified  politics  and  Christian 
prayer-meetings  can  go  well  together,  that  caucuses  and  class 
meetings  stand  related  to  each  other,  and  that  a man  can  be 
president  of  one  of  earth’s  mightiest  empires  and  yet  be  a saint 
like  Daniel,  who  bends  his  knees  to  the  God  whose  help  he 
implores.  Thank  Heaven,  the  men  who  recognize  God  in 
political  life  bear  the  names  that  humanity  now  loves  to  re- 
member and  honor — Protestant,  Catholic,  and  heathen  alike ; 
and  the  number  of  such  pure  patriots  is  on  the  increase.  It  is 
not  necessary  that  we  quote  illustrative  instances.  One  alone 
shall  speak  a brief  word  for  the  whole  class  in  decided  contra- 
diction of  the  unworthy  utterance  against  which  we  here  protest. 

The  Marquis  of  Dalliousie  was  regarded  by  his  contempora- 
ries as  the  most  distinguished  governor-general  that  England 
ever  sent  to  rule  her  Oriental  empire.  This  honored  man,  dur- 
ing the  eight  years  that  he  held  this  great  responsibility, 
ruled  and  guided  nearly  one  sixth  of  the  human  family.  His 


PREFACE. 


IX 


feeble  frame  bent  down  at  last  beneath  the  mighty  load,  but 
God,  whom  he  had  so  long  honored,  enabled  him  to  finish  his 
duty.  The  day  on  which  his  successor,  Lord  Canning,  arrived, 
in  1856,  he  was  ready  to  leave.  They  tenderly  bore  him  from 
the  viceregal  palace  in  Calcutta  down  to  the  ship  that  awaited 
him,  and  laid  him  in  the  berth  from  which  he  was  unable  to  rise 
till  the  voyage  ended.  As  he  lay  there  he  wrote,  with  feeble 
hand,  using  pencil  and  tablets  by  his  side,  his  last  report  to  the 
Court  of  Directors.  In  that  report  he  found  room  for  God, 
and  here  is  the  finishing  sentiment  of  his  public  life,  so  ger- 
mane to  our  subject  here  : 

These  papers  are  an  instance  of  the  principle  that  we  should  do  right 
without  fear  of  consequences.  To  fear  God  and  to  have  no  other  fear  is  a 
maxim  of  religion,  hut  the  truth  of  it  and  the  wisdom  of  it  are  proved 
every  day  in  politics. 

The  golden  rule  abrogated  ! Hay,  verily.  “ Heaven  and 
earth  shall  pass  away,  but  Ilis  word  shall  not  pass  away ! ” 
That  word  is  pledged  to  help  the  oppressed  of  every  land. 
“ The  meek  shall  inherit  the  earth  and  delight  themselves  in 
the  abundance  of  peace.”  For  nineteen  hundred  years  since 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  announced  his  mission  in  Capernaum 
(Luke  iv,  IS)  his  has  been  the  “ power  working  for  righteous- 
ness” in  all  lands;  for  this  he  lives  and  reigns.  As  immortal, 
while  he  may  make  haste,  he  does  not  need  to  hurry.  He  can 
take  his  time,  for  the  future  is  all  his  own,  and  is  sure  to  come 
to  him  for  the  completion  of‘  his  great  task.  Wisely  and  ef- 
fectively is  he  now  mightily  working  in  “subduing  all  things 
unto  himself”  and  guiding  the  elements  in  motion  to  the  grand 
conclusions  which  will  surely  bring,  by  the  attractions  of  his 
cross,  the  wide  world  to  his  feet  in  loving  and  adoring  homage. 
Already  there  are  millions  of  men  and  women  who  would  will- 
ingly lay  down  their  lives  for  him  to  evidence  that  love;  and 
the  number  of  such  is  daily  increasing.  Long  after  the  men 
who  have  slighted  his  authority  have  passed  away  and  been 
forgotten  better  men  will  be  filling  the  positions  which  they 


X 


PREFACE. 


were  unworthy  to  occupy,  and  this  glorious  Deliverer  will  be 
closing  up  to  completion  the  high  mission  of  his  manifesta- 
tion. 

“ In  his  name  shall  the  Gentiles  trust,”  not  merely  for  the 
salvation  of  the  soul,  but  also  for  the  rectification  of  every 
wrong  and  the  vindication  of  every  right  to  “ life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness,”  for  all  the  good  available  in  “ the  life 
that  now  is,  as  well  as  for  that  which  is  to  come.”  This  “ King 
of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,”  whose  cross  redeemed  the  world, 
is  yet  to  sway  its  happy  populations  by  his  golden  rule  until 
even  “ the  isles  shall  wait  for  his  law.”  For  ages  this  has  been 
the  expectation  and  prayer  of  Christians  and  lovers  of  the  Bible, 
who  have  been  looking  forward  to  that 

“ One  far-off  divine  event 
To  which  the  whole  creation  moves.” 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Mexico’s  long  and  deep  degradation — Unheeded — Daniel  Webster — Warrant  for 
the  Conquest — Resources  of  Mexico — Population — The  Armada — Mode  of 
Christianizing  Aztecs — Credibility  of  Cortez — Cuatemoctzin — Haciendas — 
Wealth  of  the  Church — Lerdo’s  report — Fueros — Calderon  and  Domenech’s 
testimony  to  desagravios  and  idolatrous  worship — Character  of  clergy  and 
people — Humboldt — Indulgences Page  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

“Gross  darkness” — Mariolatry  of  Mexico  unique — Hostility  of  the  two  Virgins — 
Their  respective  legends — Their  fabulous  wealth — General  Thompson  and 
Mrs.  Gooch’s  testimony  to  this  wild  idolatry — The  “cursed  fools”  of  Guada- 
lupe— Opposite  parts  taken  by  these  Virgins  in  the  conflict  for  popular  rights 
— Impossible  titles  and  relations — The  terrible  climax  at  Puebla — Mexico’s 
degradation  fully  accounted  for  here — Dates  of  dogmas 42 

CHAPTER  III. 

From  darkness  to  dawn  through  conflict  and  suffering — Spanish  rule — Viceroys — 
“Patriarch  of  Mexican  Independence” — His  “Grito”and  helpers — The  Bravos 
— Odds  against  freedom — Iturbide  and  coronation — Unfortunate  return — Mon- 
roe doctrine — Texan  war  and  its  object — McNamara  and  “Methodist  wolves” 
—General  Fremont — War  with  United  States — Treachery  at  Cherubusco— 
The  hand  of  God — Hidden  refuge  for  Bible  study  in  the  Cafiadas 64 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Extending  freedom  in  South  America — Resisted  by  the  pope — Liberalism  dis- 
tasteful to  privilege — Duke  of  Richmond — Testimony  of  Curtis — Ecuador 
the  papal  model  for  Mexico — President  Barrundia  and  the  papal  bull — 
Policy  of  Pius  IX. — Constitutional  freedom  promised — Withdrawn — Flight 
of  the  pope  to  Gaeta — Roman  republic — Papal  appeal  to  Catholic  powers  to 
crush  the  Romans — Responded  to  by  Louis  Napoleon — Protest — Reaction 
and  vengeance — “The  Butcher  of  Bologna” — Gladstone — Sardinia — God 
within  the  shadow 96 


CONTENTS. 


xii 


CHAPTER  Y. 

Desperate  efforts  of  the  Mexican  clericals — Merits  of  the  conflict — Coup  d’etat  of 
the  church  party — Terrorizing  policy  of  Miramon — Violation  of  British  em- 
bassy— Republican  victories — Benito  Juarez,  Mexico’s  “Washington,”  and 
his  aids — Perfidy  of  Louis  Napoleon — Intervention — Co-operation  of  the  pope 
— “ Laws  of  reform  ” — Tripartite  treaty — Jecker  bonds — De  Morny — Collapse 
of  Jecker — “Cinco  de  Mayo” — Maximilian’s  call  and  warning...  Page  118 

CHAPTER  YI. 

Why  Maximilian  failed — Warnings  in  Austrian  history — Francis  Joseph — Papal 
denunciation — Denying  a grave — Jaurez  and  Congress — Jaurez  and  Lincoln 
— South  American  interest — Netherland  League — Position  of  the  United 
States — Marshal’s  disagreement  with  the  archbishop — Impossible  task — Em- 
pire without  foundation — Abbe  Domenech — Career  for  the  Latin  race — Grant 
— Failure  of  efforts — Nuncio — Pope’s  expostulation — Clericals  in  politics — 
Confidential  letter  of  Carlota — Denial  of  papal  authority 157 

CHAPTER  VII. 

England  and  recognition  — Beecher’s  effort  — Cotton-spinners  of  Lancashire  — 
“Kicked  out  of  Rome” — Papal  missive  to  “Lincoln  & Co.” — Recognition  of 
Jeff  Davis  by  the  pontiff — Outline  of  policy — Interview  with  Juarez  sought 
by  Maximilian — Confidential  letter  of  the  emperor — False  proclamation  con- 
cerning Juarez — “The  Black  Decree” — Execution  of  Arteaga  and  Salazar — 
Letters — Libro  Rojo — Santa  Anna — Sudden  departure  of  the  empress — Inter- 
view with  the  pope — Incurable  insanity — French  troops  withdrawn — The 
emperor’s  attempted  departure — Interference  of  French  and  clericals — Sheri- 
dan at  Rio  Grande 187 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Collapse  of  the  empire — Siege  of  Queretaro — Efforts  to  escape — Capture  of  Maxi- 
milian— Court-martial — Charges — Defense — Sentence — Appeals  for  pardon — 
Why  decliued — Priucess  Salm-Salm — Plan  of  escape — Falsehood  and  bribery — • 
Interview  with  Juarez — The  execution — Unjust  charges  against  Colonel  Lopez 
— “Selling  Maximilian  for  $30,000” — Escobedo’s  letter — Taking  of  Mexico  city 
—^Merciful  treatment  of  prisoners — Santa  Anna’s  last  game — Disposal  of  the 
body  of  the  archduke — Admission  of  Maximilian’s  lawyers 221 

CHAPTER  IX. 

“Vengeance  is  mine,  I will  repay,  saith  the  Lord” — “So  that  men  shall  say, 
Verily  there  is  a God  that  judgeth  in  the  earth” — The  conspirators  against 
freedom — Could  only  be  reached  by  the  retributions  of  Almighty  God — The 


CONTENTS. 


xiii 


pontiff — Temporal  power  for  one  thousand  years — Decree  of  infallibility — 
Declaration  of  war — Downfall  of  Napoleon — The  pope’s  temporal  power  ex- 
tinguished— Italy  uuitied — Papal  coin — Scene  in  San  Angelo — Emperor  Will- 
iam denies  the  pope’s  claim — Napoleon  rushes  to  ruin  at  Sedan — End  of  his 
glory — Death  of  the  Prince  Imperial — Eugenie  in  exile — France  republican — 
Religious  liberty — Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits Page  256 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  star  on  Orizava — Summary  of  what  Mexico  has  gained — Her  resources — Im- 
proved financial  condition — Porfirio  Diaz — Evangelical  missions — Miss  Ran- 
kin— Circus  of  Chiarini — Providential  help — Purchase  of  Inquisition — Popular 
vengeance — Buried  martyrs — General  Assembly — Statistics  of  Protestantism 
— Persecution — Interview  with  President  Diaz — Santa  Anna — Epitaph — 
Tomb  of  Jaurez — Memorial  services  of  the  Emperor  William — Madame  Cal- 
deron’s prophecy 281 


TABLE  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Benito  Juarez, 

The  “"Washington”  of  Mexico frontispiece 

Significant  Seal  of  Mexico, 

Her  Eagle,  on  the  Nopal,  killing  the  Serpent  of  Despotism. . .on  title  page 

Mexican  System  of  Railways,  facing  page 

Showing  the  eleven  lines  in  use  or  under  construction 1 

Hernando  Corte'z,  Marquis  of  the  Valley  of  Oaxaca, 

Conqueror  of  this  New  World,  and  its  first  Captain-General,  1521 9 

The  Plaza,  or  Great  Square  of  the  Capital, 

The  most  historic  spot  in  Mexico,  and  scene  of  its  leading  “ Pronun- 

ciamentos.” 25 

The  Disciplinas  (two  plates), 

Used  on  the  body  for  self-torture 32 

The  Virgin  of  Remedios, 

The  Patroness  of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico 44 

The  Virgin  of  Guadalupe, 

The  Patroness  of  the  native  Mexicans 48 

Miguel  Hidalgo, 

The  “ Patriarch  of  Mexican  Independence.” 61 

General  Santa  Anna, 

The  turbulent  Dictator  of  Mexico 82 

Pope  Pius  IX., 

Who  sanctioned  and  sustained  the  usurpation  of  Maximilian 108 

Louis  Napoleon, 

Who  originated  the  “Intervention  ” in  Mexico 130 

Maximilian,  Archduke  of  Austria, 

For  three  years,  by  usurpation,  “ Emperor  ” of  Mexico 169 

Carlota,  Archduchess  of  Austria, 

And  “ Empress”  of  Mexico no 


xsi  TABLE  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Thk  Monogram  op  Maximilian,  facing  page 

With  Medallions  of  his  favorite  Generals 211 

Cerro  de  las  Campanas, 

Scene  of  the  execution  of  Maximilian,  June  19,  1807 240 

General  Porfirio  Diaz, 

Mexico’s  brave  soldier  and  honored  president 286 

Head-quarters  of  the  Mission  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 

Calle  de  Gante,  City  of  Mexico 292 

The  Inquisition,  City  of  Puebla, 

Purchased  by  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  1873 293 

Covered  Way  of  the  Inquisition, 

Connecting  with  the  Examining  Chapel 293 

Martyrs  of  the  Inquisition, 

Taken  out  of  the  cells  in  the  walls,  where  they  were  built  in  to  die 294 

Personnel  of  the  Mexican  Annual  Conference,  in  January,  1888, 

Seventeen  of  the  number  being  natives  of  the  country 297 

Rev.  J.  L.  Stephens,  Congregational  Missionary, 

Martyred  at  All ualulco,  March,  1874 302 

ReV.  Epigmenio  Monroy,  Native  Methodist  Minister, 

Martyred  near  Apizaco,  April  8,  1881 303 

Interior  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  City  of  Mexico, 

Formerly  a part  of  the  great  Sun  Franciscan  monastery 313 


HennosificK 
i Guay  mas  ( 


Zaragoza 


v'i  la':7' 


COA 


'I'  ‘/to 


DUR 


>iu-angro 


i^ZacatScJj' 


^uasAallehtcs 


M0V^v.r0UvC 
iM  I C H O A C A N. 

i "NK.  {"s  /T 
/ \Biih<uP\. 


Socorro  1. 


•'"/)'  ill.. 


RAILROADS. 

COMPLETEO,  CONSTRUCT  I \G  <1  PROJECTED. 


marked 


Mexican  Railway, 
Mexican  Central,  . 
Mexican  Nations’, 

Sonora,  

International,  . . 
Mexicau  Oriental. 
Mexican  Southern, 

Interoceanij 

Tehuantepec, . . . , 


MEXICAN  SYS 

Showing  1 ! le  eleven  line 


• >F  KAIMVAYS, 

■so  or  under  construction. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION 


CHAPTER  I. 

Mexico’s  long  and  deep  degradation — Unheeded — Daniel  Webster — Warrant  for 
the  Conquest — Resources  of  Mexico — Population — The  Armada — Mode  of 
Christianizing  Aztecs — Credibility  of  Cortez — Cuatemoctzin — Haciendas — 
Wealth  of  the  Church — Lerdo’s  report — Fueros — Calderon  and  Domenech’s 
testimony  to  desagravios  and  idolatrous  worship — Character  of  clergy  and 
people — Humboldt — Indulgences. 

My  interest  in  the  events  which  this  work  is  to  describe 
originated  in  a Sabbath  service  toward  the  close  of  1851.  The 
congregation  were  singing  Bishop  Heber’s  missionary  hymn, 
and  as  they  reached  the  couplet 

“ Till,  like  a sea  of  glory, 

It  spreads  from  pole  to  pole,” 

the  glowing  words  seemed  illuminated  with  a significance  be- 
yond any  former  apprehension.  My  attention  was  fixed,  all 
else  forgotten  for  the  time,  and  questionings,  new  and  strange, 
were  speaking  to  my  heart  and  insisting  on  being  heard. 
Some  of  these  questions  ran  on  in  this  line  : Does  this  congrega- 
tion comprehend  properly  the  meaning  of  the  sublime  thought 
to  which  they  are  giving  utterance?  Are  they  realizing  the 
exalted  hope  which  those  lines  express?  Of  what  “poles” 
are  they  thinking — those  of  the  eastern  hemisphere,  or  those 
of  our  own  continent,  where  the  best  connection  of  those  poles 
exists  by  the  formation  which  God  has  conferred  upon  them  ? 
Here,  then,  where  Heber’s  lines,  in  this  sense,  find  their  most 
literal  interpretation,  is  the  audience  really  anticipating  the 
2 


2 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


hour  when  from  the  most  northern  of  human  homes  the  “ sea 
of  glory”  is  to  illumine  and  bless  the  dwellers  of  the  three 
Americas  till  it  reaches  the  southern  cape  and  crowns  it  with 
the  cross  of  the  world’s  Redeemer  ? Or,  was  the  glowing  song 
a mere  poetic  sentiment  to  fan  for  a moment  the  affections 
of  these  worshipers  and,  without  further  significance,  sacrifice, 
or  personal  duty,  to  pass  from  their  minds  and  be  forgotten  ? 

There  was  at  least  one  heart  in  that  assembly  which  was  not 
to  forget  them  while  life  shall  last.  The  halo  that  invested 
those  two  lines  was  to  draw  its  attention  and  stimulate  its  faith 
and  hope,  until  now,  after  more  than  forty  years,  the  great 
public  events  that  have  meanwhile  transpired  upon  these  conti- 
nents have  been  seen  and  understood  with  increasing  clearness 
in  the  illumination  of  that  hour,  and  it  has  apprehended  how 
wondrously  God  is  moving  in  those  lands  to  turn  the  hope  of 
Ileber’s  hymn  into  the  bright  reality  of  the  perfect  evangelical 
day,  when  the  whole  American  hemisphere  shall  be  radiant  with 
the  glory  of  the  Lord.  This  hook  is  the  result  of  these  increas- 
ing and  glad  convictions,  and  the  author’s  hope  is  that,  when 
his  readers  have  examined  the  facts  traced  and  united  here, 
they  too  will  share  his  confidence  and  be  ready  to  address  them- 
selves, “ as  workers  together  with  God,”  to  the  sacrifices  and 
duties  which  the  hour  and  the  divine  call  demand  for  their 
realization  from  the  Church  of  Christ. 

The  interest  thus  aroused  developed  into  an  anxiety  to  ascer- 
tain what  was  the  actual  political,  social,  and  religious  condition 
of  the  nations  existing  between  our  own  border  and  the  south- 
ern pole.  Those  seventeen  States  had  then  an  aggregate  popu- 
lation exceeding  that  of  the  United  States  and  Canada  com- 
bined. The  results  of  this  inquiry,  faithfully  prosecuted  for  a 
considerable  length  of  time,  through  an  extensive  examination 
and  correspondence,  were  sad  indeed.  In  this  advanced  day 
people  can  hardly  appreciate  the  fearful  darkness  and  destitution 
which  then  prevailed  over  Central  and  South  America,  or  realize 
that  there  was  not  then  among  the  nearly  forty-eight  millions  of 
human  beings  between  our  Texan  border  and  Cape  Horn  one 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


3 


missionary  of  evangelical  Christianity  addressing  those  millions 
in  their  own  tongue ! All  was  darkness  and  spiritual  death ! 
Nearly  every  one  of  those  States  were  bound  hand  and  foot  in 
concordat  relations  with  the  papal  power,  these  concordats 
requiring  the  executive  of  each  nation  to  make  ecclesiastical 
matters  paramount  in  his  administration;  to  repress  all  dissent, 
even  to  the  extent  of  the  forfeiture  of  freedom  or  property — 
sometimes  even  of  life  itself;  to  maintain,  unquestioned  and  un- 
challenged, the  stern  rule  of  the  papacy  over  these  benighted 
millions.  This  had  been  going  on  for  centuries  past,  and  it  was 
fully  purposed  to  perpetuate  the  same  dark  dominion  for  ages 
yet  to  come!  No  Bible,  no  missionary,  no  light  from  any 
source  was  to  be  permitted  to  enter  or  disturb  this  reign  of  igno- 
rance and  sin.  It  seemed  in  some  respects  a worse  condition 
than  that  of  any  heathenism  on  earth,  because  more  cruel,  re- 
pressive, and  unreformable.  Sufficient  evidence  of  this  will  be 
forthcoming,  most  of  it  furnished  by  the  very  people  whom 
Koine  had  overburdened  for  centuries,  till  at  last,  unable  to  en- 
dure longer,  they  have  risen  in  their  wrath,  one  State  after 
another,  and  taken  vengeance  upon  their  clerical  oppressors. 
They  have  snatched  from  their  hands  the  civil  and  religious 
freedom  which  had  been  so  long  withheld,  and  secularized  the 
vast  church  property  which  their  clergy  had  unlawfully  ac- 
quired and  so  long  employed  for  their  own  selfish  purposes. 
This  hour  of  divine  relief  had  not  dawned  in  1851.  Years 
of  agony  had  yet  to  be  endured  ere  it  appeared,  and  the  suf- 
fering friends  and  martyrs  of  freedom  and  a purer  faith  had  to 
wait  and  still  cry  to  the  Almighty,  under  their  bitter  pressure, 
“ How  long,  O Lord,  how  long?  ” 

Santa  Anna  was  then  in  power,  in  the  third  term  of  his  dic- 
tatorship, and  this  record  will  evidence  that  a more  unscrupu- 
lous tool  of  the  papacy  never  held  a scepter.  Since  the  first 
blow  was  struck  for  freedom  in  Mexico,  and  the  life  of  its 
noblest  martyr  was  sacrificed,  in  1811,  occasional  rumors 
reached  the  outside  world  revealing  something  of  the  struggles 
which  the  lovers  of  liberty  were  maintaining  against  fearful 


4 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


odds,  and  how  the  strong  hand  of  the  Church  and  the  Spanish 
party  were  cruelly  repressing  their  aspirations,  endeavoring  to 
extinguish  them. 

It  seems  strange  now,  as  we  look  back,  how  unconscious  our 
people  generally  were  of  the  condition  of  things  in  Mexico, 
how  little  they  i-ealized  the  depth  of  the  degradation  in  which 
her  millions  were  perishing,  or  how  long  she  had  agonized  to  be 
lifted  up  to  the  condition  of  our  land.  We  dreamed  not  of 
the  debt  we  owed  to  her,  and  the  nations  beyond,  but  left  them 
to  their  fate.  Meanwhile  we  were  loud  enough  in  our  jubila- 
tion over  our  own  happy  condition,  unconscious  that  we  were 
side  by  side  with  a race  of  people,  then  more  numerous  than 
ourselves,  who  were  under  the  dread  control  of  the  darkest 
Romanism  on  earth ! 

Forty  years  ago,  in  a circle  of  friends^some  of  whom  ex- 
pressed fears  of  national  difficulties  to  grow  out  of  the  unset- 
tled north-eastern  and  north-western  boundaries,  Daniel  Webster 
said : 

No,  gentlemen,  our  great  national  difficulty  lies  not  in  that  direction. 
Our  greatest  danger  is  that  we  have  a sister  republic  on  our  southern 
border,  almost  in  mortal  agony,  and  no  one  amongst  us  seems  willing  to 
lend  it  a helping  hand. 

Truly  to  comprehend  the  Mexican  question  we  need  to  re- 
call the  professed  Warrant  for  the  Conquest.  The  origin  of  the 
title  by  which  Spain  and  the  Church  of  Rome  claimed  Mexico, 
and  indeed  the  entire  western  hemisphere,  as  their  exclusive 
domain,  was  an  audacious  act  of  the  Roman  pontiff  at  the  close 
of  the  fifteenth  century.  The  craze  of  the  Crusades  led  men 
to  imagine  that  the  kingdom  of  Christ  could  be  extended  by 
the  sword,  and  the  maritime  nations  of  the  age  waxed  jealous 
of  each  other’s  share  in  the  work  and  the  gain  it  involved. 
Add  to  this  motive  the  love  of  adventure  and  military  glory, 
and  the  passion  of  avarice,  and  you  have  the  elements  which 
moved  men,  and  often  the  vilest  of  men,  to  volunteer  for  such 
enterprises.  As  a warrant  for  all  they  undertook  they  looked 
to  the  pope  to  bestow  the  sanction  of  Heaven  upon  their  vent- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


5 


lives.  The  pope,  nothing  loath,  readily  authorized  such  expe- 
ditions, and  that  on  the  most  extensive  scale.  Alexander  VI., 
in  149-1,  settled  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  kings  of  Spain  and 
Portugal  by  dividing  the  world  between  them.  The  account 
runs  thus : 

He  divided  the  undiscovered  regions  of  the  earth  by  an  imaginary  line 
of  longitude,  running  through  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from  pole  to  pole,  three 
hundred  and  seventy  miles  west  of  the  Azores.  He  gave  the  Portuguese 
unlimited  sway  over  all  the  countries  that  they  might  discover  to  the  east 
of  that  line,  and  pledged  himself  to  confirm  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain  the  right  to  every  isle,  continent,  and  sea  where  they  should  plant 
their  flag  on  the  western  hemisphere.  Hence  in  every  picture  of  the 
landing  of  Columbus  the  first  act  in  the  scene  is  the  planting  of  the  flag 
of  the  Spanish  crown.* 

This  authority  was  to  be  unlimited  and  to  cover  all  things 
temporal  and  spiritual ; the  bodies  and  souls,  the  property  and 
services  of  the  conquered  nations  were  to  be  their  peculiar  in- 
heritance, and  that  of  their  successors  forever.  Such  was  the 
title-deed  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  North,  Central,  and 
South  America.  This  wonderful  grant  of  Alexander  VI.  wras 
confirmed  by  his  successor,  Pope  Julius  II.,  to  the  Spanish 
monarchy.  Thus  the  whole  continent,  “ from  pole  to  pole,”  all 
the  kingdoms  of  this  New  "World,  were  assumed  to  be  handed 
over  to  a dynasty  by  a pontiff  who  did  not  own  and  had  no 
right  to  a foot  of  the  territory  or  a single  human  being  upon  it. 

But  where  are  the  two  empires  so  pompously  divided  to 
Portugal  and  Spain  ? "Where  the  “ Conquest  ” made  under  the 
authority  of  Alexander  VI.,  and  consolidated  with  such  crush- 
ing force  on  poor  humanity,  especially  in  Mexico  ? What  of  the 
proud  claims  which  Spaniards  made  when  they  engraved  across 
their  maps  of  the  western  world  the  words  “New  Spain,”  which 
were  made  to  stretch  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Pacific 
coast,  and  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  southern  cape,  ten-i- 
torially  the  greatest  empire  that  the  world  had  ever  seen  ? The 
pontifical  gift  has  been  wrested  out  of  their  blood-stained  hands 

* Mexico  and  the  United  States , by  Gorham  D.  Abbot,  p.  21.  Putnam. 


6 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


by  u mightier  Power  than  their  own  ; her  sons  who  did  all  this 
wrong  have  been  shaken  ont  of  this  New  World  ; the  bound- 
aries which  she  obliterated  have  been  restored  ; the  races  which 
she  so  cruelly  oppressed  have  risen  again  in  this  wonderful 
day  to  power,  and  her  proud  title  has  been  erased  from  the 
maps  of  this  hemisphere. 

The  assumptions  of  Alexander  YI.  would  have  had  far  less 
significance  to  the  world  had  not  the  papacy  supposed  they  had 
found  in  them  a clew  to  universal  dominion  over  mankind. 
This  idea  was  followed  out,  and  Pope  Paul  IIT.  convoked  a 
council  in  the  city  of  Trent,  in  1545,  which  was  to  legislate,  under 
the  professed  authority  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  a body  of  canons 
that  were  to  subject  all  mankind  for  all  ages  to  the  will  of  one 
man  in  the  papal  chair.  This  council  was  composed  of  247 
bishops,  of  whom  1S7  were  Italians,  32  Spaniards,  26  French,  and 
2 Germans,  and  a majority  vote  (124)  of  these  men  -undertook 
to  make  the  laws  by  which  the  millions  of  the  human  race  in 
all  lands  and  ages  were  to  be  bound,  under  fearful  penalties,  to 
accept  and  obey  as  the  edicts  of  Almighty  God! 

Though  Mexico  to-day  retains  only  a part  of  the  immense 
area  which  she  once  called  her  own,  yet  her  present  size  is  stated 
•as  “ ten  times  larger  than  Great  Britain,  and  nearly  equal  in 
extent  to  France,  Spain,  Austria,  Lombardy,  and  the  British 
Isles  combined.”  The  physical  facts  of  this  great  country  are 
presented  by  Mr.  Winston  as  follows  : 

It  extends  from  about  the  fourteenth  to  the  thirty-second  parallel  of 
north  latitude,  and  from  the  eighty-sixth  to  the  one  hundred  and  seventh 
degree  of  west  longitude,  being  in  length  from  north  to  south  about  two 
thousand  miles,  and  in  breadth  from  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  at 
Tehuantepec,  on  the  south,  to  over  a thousand  miles  where  it  joins  our 
own  southern  borders.  It  has  a sea-coast  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  of  about 
one  thousand  miles,  and  on  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Gulf  of  California 
of  over  four  thousand  miles.  Situated  to  a large  extent  within  the  tropics, 
its  coasts  and  the  land  near  them  possess  a tropical  climate,  while  the 
plains  of  the  interior  rise  to  an  altitude  of  seventy-five  hundred  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  sea,  securing  a temperate  climate,  although  within  the 
tropics.  Thus  almost  every  product  of  fruit  and  grain  is  found  within  its 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


7 


borders.  On  no  island  in  the  southern  seas  is  there  a greater  luxuriance 
and  beauty  of  tree  and  plant  and  flower,  from  the  majestic  palm  to  the 
creeping  vines  which  cover  the  ground  and  trees  and  overrun  their  dwell- 
ings, than  in  the  south  and  east  of  Mexico,  while  in  the  north  all  the  prod- 
ucts of  our  own  land  can  be  successfully  cultivated.  Its  silver  mines 
have  been  and  are  the  richest  in  the  world.  It  has  gold  also,  with  iron 
and  other  useful  metals  and  minerals.  Its  majestic  snow-clad  mountains, 
its  beautiful  valleys  and  hills,  its  luxuriant  verdure  and  abundant  plants 
present  rare  pictures  to  all  true  lovers  of  nature. 

The  natives  speak  of  their  country  as  divided  into  three  zones, 
the  lowlands  along  the  coast  as  the  tierras  calientes  (hot  lands), 
the  range  above  as  tierras  templadas  { temperate  lands),  and  the 
still  higher  table-lands  as  the  tierras  frias  (cold  lands).  In 
these  last  are  seen  those  great  volcanoes  which  are  such  a strik- 
ing feature  in  the  scenery  of  Mexico.  The  height  of  the  five 
leading  ones,  as  given  by  Humboldt,  is  : 


Orizava. . . . . 
Popocatepetl 
Ixtacciliuatl. 

Toluca 

Colima 


17,879  feet. 
17,726  “ 

15,705  “ 

15,168  “ 

12,005  “ 


The  summits  of  these  are  covered  with  perpetual  snow. 
Popocatepetl  and  Ixtacciliuatl  rise  in  their  sublimity  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  valley  of  Mexico,  hoary  guardians  of  the 
Aztec  capital,  the  first  towering  ten  thousand  feet  above  the  city. 
A railroad,  wonderful  for  its  engineering,  that  has  overcome  such 
immense  difficulties  of  construction,  winds  its  way  up  from  the 
sea-shore  at  Yera  Cruz  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  a distance  of  two 
hundred  and  sixty-two  miles,  and  an  elevation  of  seventy-five 
hundred  feet.  Some  of  the  scenery  on  this  road,  and  on  other 
lines  lately  constructed  down  to  the  coast,  is  unsurpassed  in 
grandeur  in  the  world.  Passing  through  all  these  zones  garden 
products  are  brought  to  the  markets  of  Mexico,  and  dwellers  in 
that  city  enjoy  fresh  fruits  and  vegetables  and  flowers  every  day 
in  the  year.  The  sweep  of  the  mild  currents  of  air  from  the 
tropical  ocean  below,  united  with  the  rarefied  air  of  the  elevated 
table-lands,  afford  one  of  the  most  balmy  and  equable  climates  in 


8 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


the  world,  free  from  extremes,  so  that  in  the  valley  of  Mexico 
the  mercury  seldom  rises  over  eighty-five  degrees,  or  falls  much 
below  forty -five  degrees,  and  nature  seems  in  its  growth  to  be 
a perpetual  spring.  This  wonderful  land,  so  gifted  by  nature’s 
God,  if  her  people  were  only  blest  with  evangelical  religion, 
and  the  freedom,  peace,  and  intelligence  it  brings  in  its  train, 
might  become  like  “ the  garden  of  the  Lord,”  where  “ thanks- 
giving and  the  voice  of  praise  ” might  be  perpetually  resounding. 

In  1888  Mexico  had  an  estimated  population  of  11,632,924. 
Of  these  12  per  cent,  are  supposed  to  be  of  European  extrac- 
tion, 28  per  cent,  mixed,  and  60  per  cent,  aborigines.  Such  is 
the  fertility  of  the  land  that  it  is  estimated  it  could  sustain  more 
than  one  hundred  millions  of  population.  God  has  bestowed  with 
bountiful  hand,  so  that  it  has  been  truly  said,  she  has  “ every 
herb  bearing  seed,  and  every  tree  that  is  pleasant  to  the  sight 
and  good  for  food,”  while  her  mines  are  rich  with  the  precious 
metals.  The  single  fact  of  Mexico’s  mineral  wealth  should  have 
saved  her  from  her  wretchedness.  Ages  before  our  Hevadas 
were  heard  of  Mexico  was  the  wealthiest  of  all  lands,  and 
specialists  have  calculated  that  fully  one  half  of  the  silver  of 
commerce  was  extracted  from  her  mines  since  the  Conquest. 
An  enumeration  of  the  wealth  from  Mexican  mines  which  passed 
through  the  custom-houses  of  Spain  from  the  Conquest  to  1825 
gives  the  enormous  amount  of  £2,040,000,000,  being  an  annual 
revenue  to  the  Spanish  monarch  of  £6,800,000  for  the  three 
hundred  years  then  closing.*  ISTor  is  this  all,  for  Robertson 
gives  his  authorities  for  the  conclusion  that  the  sum  above 
named  is  less  than  the  amount  fraudulently  introduced  into 
Spain  without  paying  the  fifth  part  which  was  the  king’s  duty 
on  the  importation. f Ho  wonder  this  profusion  of  treasure 
astonished  mankind,  who  had  hitherto  gleaned  a limited  supply 
of  these  precious  metals  from  the  scanty  stores  in  the  mines  of 
the  eastern  hemisphere. 

Pampered  with  unsanctified  wealth,  gained  by  fraud  and 

* See  King’s  Proclamation,  printed  at  Havana,  Sept.  6,  1831. 

f Robertson’s  History  of  America , p.  366,  and  note  on  p.  -619. 


HERNANDO  CORTEZ, 

Marquis  of  tlic  Valley  of  Oaxaca,  Conqueror  of  this  New  World,  and  its 
first  Captain-General,  1521. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


9 


oppression,  Spain  became  proud  and  overbearing,  rejected  the 
Bible  and  the  great  Reformation,  and  in  the  intoxication  of  her 
bigotry  madly  essayed  to  dominate  the  world  by  terrorizing 
weak  nations,  while  at  home  she  energized  her  abominable  In- 
quisition in  the  interests  of  her  intolerant  Church.  She  then 
rashly  attempted  to  extinguish  in  cruelty  and  blood  the  Reforma- 
tion in  its  chosen  home,  by  invading  the  country  of  Elizabeth. 
The  preparations  for  this  purpose  were  characteristic  of  the 
monarchy  which  had  reduced  the  free  Aztecs  to  peonage  and 
degradation,  and  which  was  exulting  in  the  anticipation  of  im- 
posing a similar  yoke  on  the  necks  of  Englishmen.  With  the 
money  of  Mexico  the  Armada  was  built  and  outfitted,  and 
then  ostentatiously  baptized  the  Invincible , as  it  sailed  away  to 
accomplish  its  purpose.  But  in  one  short  week  the  wreckage 
of  that  vast  fleet  was  strewing  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  or  dashed 
up  on  the  shores  of  the  land  which  sent  it  forth.  The  terrible 
overthrow  inspired  the  Protestant  nations  to  build  fleets  to  com- 
pete with  this  relentless  tyrant  of  the  seas.  The  Dutch  and 
English  began  to  prey  on  the  commerce  of  their  common 
enemy,  and  many  a Spanish  galleon  had  to  lower  her  flag  and 
resign  her  treasure  to  build  up  the  greatness  of  these  powers. 
From  that  time  the  decadence  of  Spain  commenced,  until  her 
argosies  ceased  to  cross  the  ocean  and  rotted  within  her  silent 
ports.  “ The  Lord  had  them  in  derision.” 

The  wealth  of  Mexico  has  continued  to  flow,  but  no  longer 
to  enrich  her  spoilers.  It  is  now  building  up  the  commerce  of 
free  and  evangelical  nations.  Twice  a’  month  the  transatlantic 
steamer  leaves  Yera  Cruz,  bearing  it  away  to  London,  where  it 
is  turned  into  exchange  for  the  East,  and  is  soon  reminted  in 
Calcutta,  and  circulates  in  India,  China,  and  Japan. 

The  conquest  of  Mexico  by  Hernando  Cortez,  in  the  earlv 
part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  is  one  of  the  most  interesting 
subjects  in  all  history.  To  overthrow  an  empire  like  that  of 
Montezuma  with  the  mere  handful  of  men  whom  Cortez  led 
seems  incredible.  The  original  account  of  this  conquest  is 
contained  in  the  four  dispatches  of  Cortez  to  his  emperor. 


10 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Charles  Y.  The  representation  is  one-sided ; the  conquered  race 
have  never  until  now  had  the  opportunity  of  appealing  to  the 
considerate  judgment  of  mankind  by  recounting  the  story  of 
their  wrongs,  and  the  cruelties  which  they  endured  from  the 
fanatical  invaders  of  their  country.  The  destruction  of  their 
civilization,  their  monuments,  their  literature  and  records,  has 
swept  away  till  the  judgment-day  the  proof  which  they  should 
have  possessed.  Zumarraga,  the  first  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  was 
prominent  among  the  iconoclasts  who  so  recklessly  destroyed 
their  valuable  manuscripts  and  monuments.  Brantz  Mayer 
describes  the  immense  bonfire  that  he  made  of  all  the  Aztec 
manuscripts  he  could  collect  “in  and  round  the  city  of  Mexico 
and  Tlatelolco.” * Of  course  the  “pious”  soldiers  in  this 
“ holy  war  ” zealously  followed  the  example  of  their  chief  prel- 
ate, and  so  treasures' which  might  have  thrown  light  on  the 
history  of  Mexico  and  of  the  continent,  invaluable  to  the  his- 
torian and  antiquarian,  were  ruthlessly  consumed  by  these  igno- 
rant vandals.  The  vast  number  of  ruins  of  teocallis  (temples  or 
sacred  places)  that  still  remain  evidence  the  immense  popula- 
tion which  Mexico  contained  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  and 
seem  to  justify  the  conclusion  reached  by  Humboldt,  that  at  that 
period  the  empire  of  Montezuma  may  have  “ had  a population 
of  not  less  than  thirty  millions,”  and  “ the  city  of  Mexico  a 
population  of  three  hundred  thousand.” 

The  Christianization  of  such  a mass  of  humanity  by  a mere 
handful  of  military  adventurers  and  their  few  clerical  helpers, 
by  the  off-hand  methods  which  they  employed,  frequently  at  the 
sword’s  point,  is  an  awful  part  of  the  record  that  has  come 
down  to  us.  The  world  never  before  witnessed  any  such  process 
as  they  adopted  in  “ Christianizing  ” those  whom  their  cruelty 
spared.  Robertson  gives  the  authority  (Romish,  of  course)  for 
his  statement : 

While  this  rage  of  conversion  continued  a single  clergyman  baptized  in 
one  day  about  five  thousand  Mexicans,  and  did  not  desist  until  he  was  so 
exhausted  by  fatigue  that  he  was  unable  to  lift  his  hands.  In  the  course 

* Brantz  Mayer,  vol.  i,  p.  93. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


11 


of  a few  years  after  the  reduction  of  the  Mexican  Empire  the  sacrament 
of  baptism  was  administered  to  more  than  four  millions.  Proselytes 
adopted  with  such  inconsiderate  haste,  and  who  were  neither  instructed 
in  the  nature  of  the  tenets  to  which  it  was  supposed  they  had  given  assent, 
nor  taught  the  absurdity  of  those  which  they  were  required  to  relinquish, 
retained  their  veneration  for  their  ancient  superstitions  in  full  force,  or 
mingled  an  attachment  to  their  doctrines  and  rites  with  that  slender  knowl- 
edge of  Christianity  which  they  had  acquired.  These  sentiments  the  new 
converts  transmitted  to  their  posterity,  into  whose  minds  they  have  sunk 
so  deep  that  the  Spanish  ecclesiastics,  with  all  their  industry,  have  not 
been  able  to  eradicate  them.* 

“Conversion”  and  “baptism”  are  interchangeable  in  the 
language  of  such  people,  and  cases  are  quoted  where  their  doc- 
trine of  “ baptismal  regeneration  ” enabled  two  of  their  mis- 
sionaries to  boast  that  “their  ordinary  day’s  work  was  from  ten 
to  twenty  thousand  souls!  ” The  “fruits”  of  such  a Christian- 
ity are  manifest  to-day  in  Mexico,  as  they  have  been  for  three 
hundred  years  past,  and  Humboldt  is  fully  justified  in  his  state- 
ment when  he  says : 

The  introduction  of  the  Romish  religion  had  no  other  effect  upon  the 
Mexicans  than  to  substitute  new  ceremonies  and  symbols  for  the  rites  of 
a sanguinary  worship.  Dogma  has  not  succeeded  dogma,  but  only  cere- 
mony to  ceremony.  I have  seen  them,  marked  and  adorned  with  tink- 
ling bells,  perform  savage  dances  around  the  altar  while  a mouk  of  St. 
Francis  elevated  the  Host. 

And  equally  true  is  Dr.  Abbot’s  sad  conclusion,  that 

Christianity,  instead  of  fulfilling  its  mission  of  enlightening,  converting, 
and  sanctifying  the  natives,  was  itself  converted.  Paganism  was  baptized, 
Christianity  paganized. 

Cortez  was  not  abo^e  the  temptation  to  represent  his  oppo- 
nents in  the  worst  possible  light  and  to  magnify  greatly  his  own 
victories  as  well  as  the  number  and  character  of  those  opposed 
to  him,  in  order  to  dazzle  his  government  and  his  countrymen 
with  the  splendor  of  his  services  and  the  proportionate  rewards 
that  were  due  to  him,  and  those  who  served  with  him  in  his 
crusade  against  a peaceable  nation  in  the  ends  of  the  earth,  who 

* Robertson's  America,  p.  364. 


12 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


had  offered  him  neither  wrong  nor  insult,  and  of  whose  hospi- 
tality he  took  the  meanest  advantages  and  then  punished  their 
heroic  defense  with  robbery,  slavery,  and  death ! But  who  then 
dared  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  narrations  by  Cortez  ? 
Every  document  for  the  public  eye  had  first  to  be  submitted  tO' 
the  examination  of  the  official  censor,  and  without  his  license  no 
work  could  be  published.  Cortez  was  too  useful  as  a son  of 
the  Church  and  too  valuable  as  a subject  of  the  crown  to  have 
any  of  his  statements  qualified  or  denied.  Bernal  Diaz  (one 
of  his  associates  and  a historian  of  the  Conquest)  ventures  in  a 
very  meek  way  to  withhold  his  approval  of  some  such  state- 
ments, in  these  words : 

It  may  be  that  the  person  whom  Gomara  mentions  as  having  appeared 
on  a mottled  gray  horse  was  the  glorious  apostle  San  Jago  or  San- Pedro, 
and  that  I as  being  a sinner,  was  not  worthy  to  see  him.  This  I know, 
that  I saw  Juan  Francisco  de  Morla  on  such  a horse,  but,  as  an  unworthy 
transgressor,  did  not  deserve  to  see  any  of  the  holy  apostles.  It  may  have 
been  the  will  of  God ; that  it  was  so  as  Gomara  relates,  but  until  I read  his 
chronicle  I never  heard  among  any  of  the  conquerors  that  such  a thing 
had  happened.  (Chap,  xxxiv.) 

The  statements  of  Cortez  went  forth  accepted  as  facts  by  the 
“ Holy  Office,”  and  were  commended  to  the  belief  of  the  un- 
educated millions  of  Spain.  The  emblazoned  cross  upon  his 
standard  covered  even  the  claims  of  miraculous  assistance,  the 
presence  of  the  saints  (St.  James  and  St.  Peter  especially)  with 
his  army,  and  “ the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Ghost,”  to  guide  in 
his  policy.  All  of  which  is  indorsed  by  no  less  an  authority 
than  Lorenzana,  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  in  his  Notes  on  the 
Letters  of  Cortez , published  in  1770.  To  eulogize  such  a man 
as  a “saintly”  character  was  an  insult  to  the  moral  sense  of  even 
worldly  men.  The  glamour  of  his  course  has  now  departed,  and 
candid  criticism  has  weighed  him  in  her  balance  and  found  him 
wanting.  Abundant  evidence — much  of  it  under  his  own  hand — 
has  shown  him  to  have  been  impure,  untruthful,  avaricious, 
and  cruel,  and  to-day  his  character  is  most  discounted  where 
he  was  best  known.  The  races  which  he  so  deeply  wronged 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


13 


execrate  his  memory,  and  one  of  their  first  acts  as  freemen  was 
to  raise  the  question  whether  the  soil  of  their  land  should  shel- 
ter his  remains,  so  that  hastily  and  secretly  his  ashes  were  re- 
moved, to  avoid  the  indignities  to  which  the  excited  people 
might  have  subjected  them ! If  any  desire  evidence  to  satisfy 
them  that  this  is  not  too  strong  condemnation  of  his  character, 
let  them  turn  to  the  authorities  given  below  (all  from  Roman 
Catholic  writers),  which  are  but  samples  of  the  many  such  tes- 
timonies which  could  be  added.* 

The  exaggerations  of  Cortez  and  his  followers  were  on  a scale 
with  their  barbarities,  and  constitute  a perpetual  difficulty  for 
all  who  attempt  to  describe  his  conquest.  Time  and  closer  exam- 
ination only  intensify  this  difficulty  and  throw  a deeper  shade 
over  their  credibility.  Nearly  all  visitors  to  Mexico  who  have 
studied  the  subject,  even  partially,  find  themselves  led  to  doubt 
the  amazing  statements  of  the  Dispatches  and  become  con- 
vinced that  Prescott  should  have  discriminated  in  regard  to 
many  of  these  wild  assertions  of  Cortez.  We  have  not  room 
to  spare  for  the  many  illustrative  instances  at  hand,  but  in  pass- 
ing we  will  note  that  the  victory  of  Otumba,  after  the  night 
of  dreadful  loss,  called  the  Noche  Triste  (or  Sad  Night),  where 
four  or  five  hundred  exhausted  men  are  said  to  have  conquered 
“more  than  one  hundred  thousand”  Aztecs,  may  be  regarded 
as  on  a par  with  his  story  of  the  “one  hundred  and  thirty-six 
thousand  skulls  of  the  victims  of  the  teocalli,”  which  he  says 
he  saw  there,  or  the  equally  incredible  number  of  human 
sacrifices  offered  yearly  on  their  reeking  altars,  f Even  Clav- 
igero,  the  Jesuit  historian  of  Mexico,  is  forced  to  pause  and 
decline  to  set  down  such  monstrous  figures  in  his  history 4 
But,  on  the  contrary,  he  states  that  “the  victors  [Spaniards], 
in  one  year  of  merciless  massacre,  sacrificed  more  human  vic- 
tims to  avarice  and  ambition  than  the  Indians,  during  the 

* Dispatches  of  Cortez , pp.  362,  398,  405.  Robertson’s  History  of  the  Discovery 
and  Settlement  of  America , pp.  252,  257,  485,  488,  494. 

f Helps’s  Life  of  Cortez , vol.  ii,  p.  305. 

t History  of  Mexico,  by  Abbe  F.  S.  Clavigero,  vol.  i,  p.  281. 


14 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


existence  of  their  empire,  devoted  in  chaste  worship  to  their 
native  gods.”  * 

Cortez’s  own  lips  have  furnished  the  real  secret  to  his  charac- 
ter, and  proves  that  “ the  cursed  lust  for  gold  ” was  the  leading 
motive  that  impelled  him.  Without  hesitation  he  relates  the 
following  incident.  At  an  entertainment  which  he  gave  to  the 
officers  of  Montezuma  on  his  first  journey  from  the  coast  to  the 
city  of  Mexico  he  inquired  of  them  if  their  emperor  had  any 
gold,  and,  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  Cortez  said  : “Let 
him  send  it  to  me,  for  I and  my  companions  have  a complaint, 
a disease  of  the  heart,  which  is  cured  by  gold.”  f Montezuma 
soon  sent  all  that  he  could  spare,  hoping  to  get  rid  of  the  un- 
welcome visitor,  but  he  had  not  enough  to  “ cure  ” the  disease. 
It  was  a spasm  of  the  same  complaint,  when  he  had  captured 
the  valiant  Cuatemoctzin,  the  nephew  and  successor  of  Monte- 
zuma, who  led  the  defense  of  the  city  when  the  emperor  was  a 
prisoner,  that  induced  Cortez  to  commit  the  fearful  crime  that 
will  forever  stain  the  records  of  his  great  conquest.  The  booty 
which  fell  into  his  hands  was  so  small,  “ only  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  pesos  gold,”  that  he  believed  Cuatemoctzin  had 
secreted  the  treasure,  and  therefore  ordered  the  princely  man  to 
be  tortured,  with  his  chief  noble,  by  roasting  their  feet  before  a 
strong  fire.  The  noble  died  under  the  torture,  which  was  then 
suspended  in  the  case  of  Cuatemoctzin,  only  to  be  renewed  later, 
before  he  was  hung  by  the  conqueror,  for  refusing  to  reveal  the 
secret.  \ So  far  from  being  ashamed  of  this  diabolical  act,  the 
anniversary  of  the  capture  of  Cuatemoctzin  and  the  fall  of  the 
city  which  he  so  valiantly  defended  was  regularly  celebrated 
during  the  three  hundred  years  of  Spanish  rule,  till  the  inde- 
pendence, in  1821,  brought  the  native  race  to  the  front  and 
terminated  the  insulting  celebration.  With  such  ample  facts 
before  us,  what  are  we  to  think  of  the  indorsement  given  to 
Cortez  by  Archbishop  Lorenzana  (already  mentioned),  who 

* History  of  Mexico , by  Abbe  F.  S.  Clavigero,  vol.  ii,  p.  194. 

f Helps’s  Life  of  Cortez , vol.  i,  p.  56. 

t Robertson’s  History , pp.  252,  257. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


15 


annotated  the  Dispatches  of  Cortez  to  Charles  V.  ? In  his  clos- 
ing note  he  says : 

The  Conquest  took  place  in  1521,  and  in  three  years  after  Cortez,  in 
this  dispatch,  speaks  as  if  fifty  years  of  wise  government  had  elapsed.  I 
shall  ever  reverence  Cortez,  and  respect  his  name  as  that  of  a civil,  mil- 
itary, and  religious  hero,  unexampled  in  his  career  ; a subject  who  bore 
the  freaks  of  fortune  with  fortitude  and  constancy,  and  a man  destined  by 
God  to  add  to  the  possessions  of  the  Catholic  king  a new  and  larger 
world.  (P.  431.) 

We  pause  to  note  how  completely  the  judgment  of  the  arch- 
bishop was  reversed  by  the  divine  providence.  All  that  Cortez 
established  has  been  swept  away,  to  the  last  remnant  of  the  des- 
potic civilization  imposed  upon  the  long-suffering  race,  whose 
enlightened  sons  are  once  more  in  possession  of  their  country. 
On  the  21st  of  August,  1889,  the  Mexicans  dedicated  on  the 
Paseo  de  la  Reforma — the  magnificent  drive  leading  from  the 
city  to  the  palace  of  Chapultepec — a colossal  bronze  statue  of 
Cnatemoctzin,  in  honor  of  their  valiant  prince  and  last  emperor. 
One  of  the  largest  assemblies  of  the  aborigines  ever  seen  in  Mex- 
ico city  was  present  to  witness  the  solemnities,  each  bearing  his 
garland  to  grace  the  monument  which  memorializes  their  de- 
liverance from  ages  of  bitter  humiliation.  The  triumphant  ora- 
tion was  pronounced  in  the  Aztec  language  by  Colonel  Don 
Prospero  Cahuantzin,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Tlaxcala.  The 
national  anthem  was  enthusiastically  sung  and  the  royal  salute 
of  twenty-one  guns  thundered  out,  during  which  President  Diaz 
advanced  and  laid  a wreath  of  roses  and  laurel  at  the  foot  of  the 
statue.  Reed  we  wonder  that  Cuatemoctzin’s  race  is  now  claim- 
ing a reversal  of  many  of  those  popular  opinions  on  the  Con- 
quest which  Spanish  historians  and  those  who  were  misdirected 
by  them,  have  imposed  on  the  world  as  the  facts  of  history  ? 

In  settling  down  to  enjoy  the  results  of  their  unjust  invasion 
the  Conq.uistad.ores  (as  Cortez  and  his  associates  then  were 
called)  adopted  a social  system  of  a very  oppressive  character. 
Large  portions  of  the  land  were  parceled  out  into  immense 
estates,  and  titles  were  conferred  upon  their  Spanish  owners. 


16 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


while  the  millions  of  the  Aztec  race  were  reduced  to  a condition 
of  peonage.  In  the  center  of  each  estate  haciendas  (forti- 
fied farm-houses)  were  erected ; and  here  the  natives  had  to  live 
under  the  eye  of  the  owner,  or  of  his  administrator,  when  the 
owner  was  non-resident,  as  was  frequently  the  case.  The 
owner,  called  a hacendado , fixed  the  rate  of  wages  and  re- 
quired the  peons  to  draw  their  supplies  from  his  store,  giving 
him  a double  profit  on  their  toil.  A church  was  also  erected,  a 
Spanish  priest  appointed  to  the  charge,  pledged  to  add  spiritual 
authority  to  sustain  the  claims  of  the  hacendado.  The  Domin- 
ican monks  were  introduced,  and  under  their  administration 
branches  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  were  established  in  the 
cities  of  Mexico  and  Puebla,  for  the  repression  of  all  dissent 
and  the  punishment  of  any  heresy.  Under  the  weight  of  this 
Spanish  civilization  the  conquered  race  began  their  new  life. 
Without  education,  on  the  most  scanty  subsistence,  without 
owning  the  miserable  hut  of  a single  room  that  sheltered  them, 
they  dragged  on  for  three  centuries,  ranking  among  the  most 
ignorant  and  hopeless  of  the  human  race.  Laws  were  passed 
by  the  viceroys,  who  were  appointed  by  the  King  of  Spain,  to 
suit  the  situation,  one  of  which  was  that  the  peons  of  one  haci- 
enda were  not  at  liberty  to  transfer  themselves  to  another  with- 
out the  written  permit  of  the  hacendado  or  his  agent,  if  they 
were  in  debt  to  the  amount  of  twenty  dollars.  The  estate  own- 
ers took  good  care  that  their  hands  should  be  in  debt  to  this 
extent  all  the  time,  so  as  to  secure  the  control  of  their  labor. 
Worse  than  this,  many  of  these  wretched  people  were  formally 
reduced  to  the  condition  of  absolute  slavery,  and  some  were  even 
branded  as  such  with  the  owner’s  initials  by  a red-hot  iron, 
women  as  well  as  men  !*  while  the  middle  class,  the  real  back- 
bone of  the  nation,  perished  from  the  land. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  Las  Casas,  the  Bishop  of  Chiapas,  pro- 
tested so  earnestly  against  his  countrymen’s  barbarities,  which  he 
declared  threatened  to  exterminate  the  Aztec  race,  nor  that  he 
twice  crossed  the  Atlantic  to  lay  the  sorrowful  story  of  their 
* Wilson’s  Mexico,  p.  209. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


17 


wrongs  before  Ferdinand  and  Charles  V.  A grateful  Mexican 
artist — Felix  Parra — lias  immortalized  the  good  bishop’s  human- 
ity in  that  famous  picture  which  occupies  the  place  of  honor  in 
the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  It  is  entitled 
“ Las  Casas  Protecting  the  Indians,”  and  represents  the  venera- 
ble man  standing,  while  at  his  feet  is  the  bleeding  body  of  an 
Aztec,  whose  anguished  wife  clings  to  his  robe  as  he  raises  the 
cross  for  their  protection,  and  his  face,  uplifted,  is  illumined  as 
he  appeals  to  Heaven  for  help  for  the  oppressed.  Who  that 
has  looked  upon  that  pleading  countenance  can  ever  forget  it  ? 
The  historians  of  the  Conquest  admit  that  the  merciless  Span- 
iards subjected  not  only  the  common  people  to  these  barbarous 
conditions  of  life,  but  also  many  of  the  caziques — nobles  and 
governors — were  degraded  to  the  condition  of  peonage  on  the 
haciendas  or  to  work  in  the  mines. 

The  monks  of  the  Franciscan  order  were  soon  imported  to 
Catholicize  the  native  people  and  thus  complete  the  work  of 
Cortez.  Magnificent  endowments  were  provided  for  this  order 
to  carry  on  this  work,  until  their  head-quarters  in  the  center  of 
the  city  of  Mexico  became  one  of  the  most  extensive  and 
wrealtliy  monastic  institutions  in  Christendom. 

A hundred  years  after  Cortez  reached  Mexico,  with  this 
creed  and  civilization,  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  on  Plym- 
outh Rock,  and,  notwithstanding  all  the  natural  disadvan- 
tages, from  which  Mexico  is  so  happily  free,  they  planted  a 
faith  aud  a freedom  which  have  made  the  wilderness,  the  ster- 
ile soil,  and  the  rock-bound  coast  a true  commonwealth,  and 
consolidated  a glorious  civilization  of  peace,  intelligence,  and 
prosperity  without  a rival  on  earth — the  very  reverse  of  the 
debasement  to  which  Spain  and  Rome  degraded  Montezuma’s 
race  and  country.  If  the  Romish  Church  became  an  utter  fail- 
ure in  Mexico,  as  well  as  in  Central  and  South  America,  that 
failure  cannot  be  accounted  for  at  a future  day  by  any  lack  of 
material  or  adequate,  even  absolute,  power  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  purposes  to  which  Christianity  aspires.  She 
secured  also  boundless  resources  by  means  which  she  alone  em- 
3 


18 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


ploys ; she  chose  her  methods,  took  all  the  time  necessary  to 
work  out  the  results,  and  the  world  sees  and  laments  her  failure. 

Notwithstanding  her  efforts  to  conceal  the  vast  accumula- 
tions she  had  been  sweeping  into  her  treasuries  for  three  hun- 
dred years,  rendering  no  account  to  the  nation,  either  as  to  their 
extent  or  use,  deliberately  and  contemptuously  refusing  to  con- 
tribute a single  dollar  toward  the  public  burdens,  while  claim- 
ing all  immunities,  some  approximation  of  the  amount  had 
been  made  manifest  to  the  nation  she  had  so  impoverished, 
and  successive  governments  have  investigated  in  the  hope  that 
some  portion  of  it  might  be  made  to  fulfill  its  duty  in  helping 
bear  the  public  burdens,  especially  when  it  became  apparent 
that  the  lay  estate  could  no  longer  carry  all,  or  save  the  State 
from  bankruptcy. 

The  most  successful  of  these  efforts  was  made  by  the  Liberal 
government  in  1850,  when  Senor  Lerdo,  then  minister  of  public 
works,  compiled  a synopsis  of  the  Mexican  hierarchy,  of  the 
religious  houses,  their  endowments,  revenues,  salaries,  etc. 
While  he  could  approximate  very  closely  in  regard  to  the  mon- 
asteries, nunneries,  their  inmates,  and  the  ecclesiastical  staff,  it 
was  still  in  the  power  of  the  clericals  to  evade  his  investigations 
in  regard  to  the  bulk  of  the  church  property  of  Rome  in  Mexico, 
which  they  alone  knew,  and  which  for  so  many  years  they  were 
using  to  fight  against  freedom  in  the  land. 

Senor  Lerdo’s  exhibit  was  approved  by  the  “ Mexican  Society 
of  Geography  and  Statistics  ” as  worthy  of  public  confidence, 
and  it  created  a sensation.  Men  knew  that  but  a part  of  the 
resources  of  this  foreign  Church  was  laid  bare,  but  what  had  been 
ascertained  revealed  vast  sums  lavished  upon  institutions  and 
orders  of  indolent,  ignorant  monks  and  nuns,  who  were  con- 
suming in  idleness  wealth  for  want  of  which  their  poor  suffer- 
ing countrymen  were  steeped  in  poverty  and  their  government 
without  resources.  It  was  then  calculated  that  the  Church  of 
Rome  owned  “ 861  estates  valued  at  $71,000,000,  and  22,000 
city  lots  at  $113,000,000— a total  of  $184,000,000.”  Some' 
writers  value  the  property  thus  held  at  $300,000,000,  and  the 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


19 


yearly  income  at  $25,000,000,  while  the  floating  capital  under 
the  control  of  the  archbishop  and  his  chapter  amounted  to  about 
$20,000,000,  and  was  employed  largely  in  loans  and  mortgages. 
The  money  power  wielded  by  the  Church  was  only  second  to 
her  spiritual  power,  and  she  had  a practical  monopoly  of  both. 
Even  as  late  as  1873,  when  we  entered  Mexico,  there  were  only 
two  or  three  banks  in  the  republic.  Yet  there  was  plenty  of 
money  to  be  loaned,  and  at  moderate  rates  of  interest.  For 
security  they  preferred  bonds  and  mortgages,  the  expectation 
being  that  before  the  spirit  left  the  dying  frame  influences  could 
be  brought  to  bear  to  lead  the  owner  to  leave  a suitable  part  to 
be  used  for  masses  for  his  soul. 

Senor  Lerdo  estimates  the  amount  consumed  in  the  main- 
tenance of  the  3,223  ecclesiastics  was  annually  $20,000,000, 
besides  the  large  amounts  expended  in  the  repairs  and  orna- 
ments of  an  enormous  number  of  churches.  In  1793  the 
twelve  bishops  had  $539,000  appropriated  to  their  support,  but 
now  their  revenues  are  so  mixed  up  with  the  revenues  of  the 
Church  that  it  is  impossible  to  say  how  much  these  twelve 
“ successors  of  the  apostles  ” appropriate  for  their  support.* 
Of  this  sum,  it  is  understood,  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  received 
as  his  yearly  salary  $130,000,  the  Bishop  of  Puebla  and  Valla- 
dolid (Morelia)  $110,000  each,  and  the  rest  in  due  proportion. 
These  facts  led  several  competent  men  to  investigate  the  sub- 
ject. Their  substantial  agreement  renders  it  unnecessary  that 
we  should  add  statements  to  the  representations  which  tve  have 
quoted  and  which  are  accepted  in  Mexico  as  sufficiently  near  to 
the  facts  of  the  case  for  all  needful  information. 

As  to  the  object  for  which  these  means  were  employed  and 
the  power  that  they  conferred  to  accomplish  them,  Mr.  Wilson 
remarks,  in  1854: 

In  place  of  the  Inquisition,  which  the  reformed  Spanish  government 
took  away  from  the  Church  of  Mexico,  the  Church  now  wields  the  power 
of  wealth,  almost  fabulous  in  amount,  which  is  practically  in  the  hands  of 

* Mexico  To-day , by  Brocklehurst.  London,  1883.  Mexico , 1861-62,  by  Dr. 
Lerapriere.  Wilson’s  Mexico , p.  322. 


20 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


a close  corporation  sole.  The  influence  of  the  archbishop,  as  the  substantial 
owner  of  nearly  half  the  property  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  gives  him  a power 
over  his  tenants  unknown  under  our  system  of  laws.  Besides  this  a large 
portion  of  the  church  property  is  in  money,  and  the  archbishop  is  the 
great  loan  and  trust  company  of  Mexico.  Nor  is  this  power  by  any  means 
an  insignificant  one.  A bankrupt  government  is  overawed  by  it.  Men 
of  intellect  are  crushed  into  silence,  and  uo  opposition  can  successfully 
stand  against  the  influence  of  the  Church  Lord,  who  carries  in  his  hand 
the  treasures  of  heaven  and  in  his  money-bags  the  material  that  moves 
the  world.  To  understand  the  full  force  of  his  power  of  money  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  Mexico  is  a country  proverbial  for  recklessness  in 
all  conditions  of  life;  for  extravagant  living  and  extravagant  equipages; 
a country  where  a man’s  position  in  society  is  determined  by  the  state  he 
maintains;  a country  the  basis  of  whose  wealth  is  the  mines  of  precious 
metal,  where  princely  fortunes  arc  quickly  acquired  and  suddenly  lost, 
and  where  hired  labor  has  hardly  a casli  value.  In  such  a country  the 
power  and  influence  of  money  has  a meaning  beyond  any  idea  we  can 
form.  Look  at  a prominent  man  making  an  ostentatious  display  of  his 
devotion;  his  example  is  of  advantage  to  the  Church,  and  the  Church  may 
be  of  advantage  to  him,  for  it  has  an  abundance  of  money  at  six  per  cent, 
per  annum,  while  the  outside  money-lenders  charge  him  two  per  cent,  per 
month.  The  Church,  too,  may  have  a mortgage  upon  his  house  overdue; 
and  woe  betide  him  if  he  should  undertake  a crusade  against  the  Church. 
This  is  a string  that  the  Church  can  pull  upon,  which  is  strong  enough  to 
overawe  government  itself.  (P.  323.) 

Wlnit  has  she  to  show  the  impoverished  nation  for  these 
hundreds  of  millions  which  site  has  extracted  from  it  ? A peo- 
ple without  intelligence  or  Morality  or  self-respect,  steeped 
to  the  lips  in  ignorance,  poverty,  and  peonage  as  the  Mexicans 
were  thirty  years  ago,  and  had  been  ever  since  the  Conquest. 

What  became  of  all  this  wealth?  Two  or  three  quota- 
tions will  indicate  for  what  purposes  it  has  been  so  prodigally 
employed,  while  the  poor  nation  from  which  it  was  taken 
was  perishing  for  the  improved  conditions  which  that  wealth 
would  surely  have  brought.  Instead  of  that,  this  is  the  use  of 
it  in  which  they  have  gloried.  Madame  Calderon  writes: 

Innumerable  were  the  churches  we  visited  that  evening.  . . . The  cathe- 
dral (in  Mexico  city)  was  the  first  we  entered,  and  its  magnificence  struck 
us  with  amazement.  Its  gold  and  silver  and  jewels,  its  innumerable  orna- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


21 


merits  and  holy  vessels,  the  rich  dresses  of  the  priests,  all  seemed  burning 
with  almost  intolerable  brightness.  The  high  altar  was  the  most  mag- 
nificent; the  second,  with  its  pure  white  marble  pillars,  the  most  impos- 
ing. . . . Each  church  had  vied  with  the  others  in  putting  forth  all  its 
splendors  of  jewelry,  of  lights,  of  dresses,  and  of  music.  . . . There  are  be- 
tween sixty  and  eighty  others,  some  of  them  possessing  little  less  wealth 
than  the  cathedral.  (P.  108.) 

We  were  also  shown  the  jewels,  which  they  keep  buried  in  case  of  a 
revolution.  The  custodia,  the  gold  stand  in  which  they  carry  the  Host,  is 
entirely  incrusted  with  large  diamonds,  pearls,  emeralds,  amethysts, 
topazes,  and  rubies.  The  chalices  are  equally  rich.  There  are  four  sets  of 
jewels  for  the  bishop.  One  of  his  crosses  is  of  emeralds  and  diamonds, 
another  of  topazes  and  diamonds,  with  great  rings  of  the  same  belonging 
to  each.  (P.274.) 

To  the  right  of  the  altar  of  the  Cathedral  of  Puebla  is  the  gem  of  the 
building.  It  is  a figure  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  near  the  size  of  life.  Dressed 
in  the  richest  embroidered  satin,  she  displays  strings  of  the  largest  pearls, 
hanging  from  her  neck  to  below  her  knees.  Around  her  brow  is  clasped 
a crown  of  gold,  inlaid  with  emeralds  of  marvelous  size.  Her  waist  is 
bound  with  a zone  of  diamonds,  from  the  center  of  which  blaze  numbers 
of  enormous  brilliants. 

To  cap  this  climax  we  need  only  cpiote  one  more  testimony 
concerning  the  shrine 

In  which  rest  the  figure  of  the  “Virgin  of  Remedios,”  who  enjoys  the 
exclusive  right,  amid  her  other  treasures,  to  three  petticoats,  one  of  them 
embroidered  with  pearls,  another  with  emeralds,  and  a third  with 
diamonds,  the  value  of  which  is  credibly  stated  at  not  less  than  three 
millions  of  dollars. 

In  addition  to  all  this  wealth  hidden  in  her  churches,  Home 
increased  the  burdens  upon  the  nation  by  her  monastic  system, 
which  she  jealously  secluded  from  any  governmental  inspection, 
or  the  influence  of  public  opinion  as  to  the  personnel,  property, 
or  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  thousands  around  whom  she 
erected  those  massive  walls.  Sefior  Lerdo’s  statistics  give  their 
number.  How  fearful  is  the  fact  stated  by  Robertson:  “In 
the  city  of  Mexico  alone  there  are  more  than  fifty  convents, 
male  and  female,  containing  three  thousand  three  hundred  indi- 
viduals” (p.  515).  The  unfortunate  city  had  borne  this  load 


22 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


for  centuries  notwithstanding  all  her  protests.  In  proof  of 
this  Robertson  adds : 

In  the  year  1644  the  city  of  Mexico  presented  a petition  to  the  King  of 
Spain,  praying  that  no  new  monastery  be  founded,  and  that  the  revenues 
of  those  already  established  might  be  circumscribed;  otherwise  the  relig- 
ious houses  would  soon  acquire  the  property  of  the  whole  country.  . . . 
The  abuse  must  have  been  enormous  indeed,  when  even  the  bigoted  Span- 
ish Americans  were  induced  to  remonstrate  against  them. 

He  also  states  that  these  numerous  clergy  “ were  generally 
native  Spaniards,  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  king,  the  Church, 
and  the  Inquisition,  passing  their  lives  in  criminal  indulgence 
or  luxurious  repose.”  The  Spaniards  took  good  care  to  reserve 
all  the  positions  of  their  political  system,  as  well  as  the  ease  of 
the  monastic  establishments  for  men  of  their  own  race,  and 
systematically  excluded  all  Aztecs  from  the  priesthood. 

Clavigero  took  exception  to  this  statement  of  Dr.  Robertson, 
but  on  referring  the  question  to  Madrid  the  representations 
were  amply  vindicated  (p.  51S).  It  was  a foreign  priesthood 
from  first  to  last  that  wrought  out  the  sad  condition  that  we 
deplore  in  Mexico. 

Let  us  contemplate  a single  item  of  this  heavy  burden  which 
dragged  so  long  upon  the  resources  of  the  land.  Of  the  fifty 
convents,  in  the  capital  alone,  the  most  important  and  wealthy 
was  that  of  San  Francisco.  We  speak  of  this  one  from  our  per- 
sonal knowledge.  It  was  in  the  center  of  the  city,  and  covered 
an  area  equivalent  to  four  large  blocks  of  ground.  It  con- 
tained an  immense  church  and  four  suffragan  chapels.  In  the  cen- 
ter was  a magnificent  patio,  or  cloister,  where  the  monks  prome- 
naded, which,  with  its  pillars  and  carved  arches,  must  have  cost  a 
very  large  amount  of  money  to  erect.  There  were  also  residences 
of  the  superior,  refectories,  gardens,  and  orchards,  with  suitable 
equipments,  the  whole  inclosed  with  massive  walls.  Its  re- 
sources were  so  ample  that  it  was  regarded  as  the  most  wealthy 
monastic  establishment  in  the  New  World,  with  few,  if  any,  in 
the  Old  World  to  surpass  it. 

In  this  establishment,  as  in  all  the  rest  of  its  kind  throughout 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


23 


the  land,  millions  of  the  money  of  Mexico,  extracted  from  its 
people  by  many  questionable  expedients,  were  locked  up  in 
costly  buildings,  while  other  millions  were  invested  so  as  to 
yield  large  revenues  for  the  luxurious  use  of  the  Spanish  eccle- 
siastics who  occupied  them.  They  scorned  the  idea  of  owing 
any  responsibility  for  their  vast  revenues  or  paying  taxation 
toward  the  support  of  the  government  of  the  country,  while 
they  were  ever  ready  to  furnish  funds  to  aid  every  effort  to 
crush  the  party  of  freedom  in  order  to  perpetuate  their  own 
exclusive  privileges.  When  the  Liberals  at  last  struggled  up  to 
power,  and  had  to  face  the  question,  and  under  Benito  Juarez 
became  strong  enough  to  enforce  the  decree  of  sequestration,  in 
spite  of  the  stubborn  defense  of  the  church  party,  which  re- 
fused all  compromise  and  threatened  the  government  and  the 
Congress  with  all  the  maledictions  and  ghostly  penalties  in  their 
power,  they  began  with  this  monastery  of  San  Francisco,  by  a 
demand  for  admission  and  the  keys.  From  within  the  monks 
refused.  The  general  commanding  sent  for  the  engineer  corps 
of  his  brigade,  and  led  them  to  the  center  of  the  outer  wall, where 
it  was  about  twelve  or  fourteen  feet  high.  Ladders  were  raised, 
and  with  pickax  and  crowbar  the  great  stones  were  sopn  loos- 
ened. They  broke  down  the  wall  to  the  ground,  and  while 
part  remained  to  clear  away  the  debris  the  rest  went  across  the 
garden  and  began  their  work  on  the  opposite  wall,  and  when 
this  was  open  a street,  now  known  as  Calle  de  Independence, 
was  completed  right  through  the  establishment.  The  monks 
were  then  informed  that  the  government  was  in  possession,  and 
that  they  must  leave.  A small  pension  was  assigned  them  for 
their  old  age.  The  fraudulent  aspect  of  the  whole  affair  was 
laid  bare  when  it  was  discovered  that  this  massive  establishment 
and  its  revenues  were  monopolized  by  th q fourteen  old  monks 
who  stood  there  before  the  Liberal  general ! 

The  place  was  mapped  out  and  divided  into  lots  to  suit  pur- 
chasers, as  were  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  similar  com- 
munities, and  was  turned  to  all  sorts  of  uses — dwellings,  schools, 
stores,  florist’s  garden,  places  of  amusement,  and  of  manufact- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


24 


ure.  Being  so  many,  they  were  sold  at  prices  ridiculously  low, 
considering  their  original  cost.  It  became  the  duty  of  the  writer 
to  purchase  a portion  of  this  property  of  this  San  Francisco 
establishment,  for  our  mission  purposes,  the  part  of  it  already 
mentioned  as  the  “ cloisters,”  for  which  we  paid  $16,300.  The 
extent  of  the  monastery  may  be  imagined  from  the  statement 
that  this  portion,  though  one  hundred  and  eighty  feet  in  depth, 
was  not  more  than  one  fiftieth  part  of  the  property  which  had 
sheltered  so  many  generations  of  lazy  monks  who  added  nothing 
to  the  resources  of  the  country,  but  lived  and  died  like 

“ Idle  drones, 

Born  to  consume  the  produce  of  the  soil.” 

No  wonder  the  freemen  of  Mexico  wished  to  end  this  folly 
and  deliver  Mexico  from  the  incubus  of  tlieir  presence.  The 
archbishop  protested,  and  threatened  excommunication,  but 
when  all  was  done  tried  to  force  the  purchasers  into  the  con- 
cession of  paying  a second  price  to  him  as  a condition  of  release 
from  his  interdicts,  and  giving  the  sanction  of  the  Church  to 
their  title.  A very  few.  timid  souls  may  have  yielded  to  the 
illegal  demand.  The  writer  was  artfully  approached  with  the 
same  purpose,  but  promptly  declined  to  discredit  the  govern- 
ment of  the  republic  by  any  such  concession. 

The  great  wealth  she  so  long  enjoyed  corrupted  the  Church. 
In  her  self-sufficiency  she  arranged  to  elevate  herself  above  all 
responsibility  to  any  other  power,  and  claimed  inviolability  and 
immunity  from  secular  jurisdiction.  The  clericals  should  be 
amenable  only  to  clerical  courts,  not  merely  for  their  own  per- 
sons, but  their  property  as  well — a repetition  of  the  prerogatives 
insisted  on  by  the  clergy  of  the  mediaeval  ages,  as  lately  shown 
by  H.  C.  Lea,  in  his  History  of  the  Inquisition.  These  priv- 
ileges were  denominated  fueros,  under  which 

They  established  courts,  in  'which  every  question  relating  to  their  own 
character,  their  functions,  their  property,  was  tried  and  pleaded,  and  ob- 
tained almost  total  exemption  from  the  authority  of  civil  law  and  civil 
judges.* 


* Robertson’s  Charles  V p.  34. 


THE  PLAZA,  OH  GREAT  SQUARE,  OF  MEXICO. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


25 


This  position,  under  which  she  could  not  be  called  to  any  re- 
sponsibility by  the  State,  immensely  increased  her  power  for 
doing  mischief.  With  her  abundance  of  money  and  the  co- 
operation of  the  aristocracy,  and  the  service  of  her  partisans  of 
every  class,  bound  to  her  by  all  motives  in  heaven  and  earth, 
this  ecclesiastical  despotism  dominated  Mexico.  It  knew  the 
price  of  the  corrupt  generals,  and  could  furnish  the  funds  for 
a “ pronunciamento,”  under  which  the  liberal  administration  of 
the  hour  would  be  overthrown,  and  the  executive  that  replaced 
it  would  be  required  to  furnish  assurance  that  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters should  be  held  paramount  in  his  administration.  We  have 
in  our  possession  a body  of  photographs,  fifty-two  in  number, 
portraits  of  the  persons  who  have  governed  Mexico,  under 
various  titles,  during  the  fifty-eight  years  from  1821  to  1S79. 
Let  three  of  these  be  deducted  of  those  who  ruled  longest, 
Juarez,  Maximilian,  and  Diaz,  nearly  seventeen  years  between 
them  ; there  remain  then  fifty  governors  for  forty-one  years,  or 
an  average  reign  to  each  of  about  nine  months  and  twenty-one 
days.  The  terrible  fact  is  that  each  of  these  frequent  changes 
was  the  result  of  a “pronunciamento,”  a conflict,  bloodshed,  and 
waste  of  money.  It  may  be  asked  here  whether  there  is  a par- 
allel to  this  atrocious  case  in  all  the  history  of  Christendom. 

Most  of  these  sudden  and  expensive  changes  transpired  in  the 
great  plaza,  or  square,  shown  in  the  opposite  picture.  This  is 
the  most  historic  spot  in  all  Mexico.  To  the  left  is  the  great 
cathedral,  built  on  the  site  of  the  Teocalli,  or  Temple,  of  Mon- 
tezuma, so  often  referred  to  in  the  histories,  and  where  so  much 
of  the  wealth  of  the  Church  is  stored.  Back  from  the  garden 
and  where  the  flag  waves  is  the  National  Palace,  frequently 
called  the  “Halls  of  Montezuma.”  To  the  right,  and  under 
the  tall  flag,  is  the  Municipal  Palace,  where  the  city  govern- 
ment and  courts  are  situated.  The  whole  area  is  very  extensive 
and  is  a great  center  of  business  and  wealth. 

Leaving  the  past  out  of  view  for  the  time,  we  present,  from 
unquestioned  evidence,  some  samples  of  their  peculiar  Catholi- 
cism and  its  practices,  which  will  explain  the  degradation  into 


26 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


which  Mexico  has  sunk.  In  doing  this  very  little  Protestant 
testimony  will  be  quoted — as  some  of  our  readers  might  hardly 
resist  the  fear  that  such  representations  would  be  prejudiced — 
nor  will  any  Roman  Catholic  evidence  be  presented  except  that 
of  the  highest  character. 

The  two  witnesses  whose  testimony  will  abundantly  prove  on 
this  ground  the  necessity  of  introducing  the  reformed  faith 
into  Mexico  are  both  of  the  highest  class,  prominent  Romanists, 
one  from  Spain  and  the  other  from  France.  The  witness 
from  Spain  is  a lady,  the  accomplished  wife  of  the  first  Spanish 
embassador  to  Mexico,  Madame  Calderon  De  La  Barca.  The 
reader  is  aware  that  as  a result  of  the  wars  of  the  first  Napoleon 
and  the  state  of  things  inaugurated  in  Spain  by  him  something 
approaching  constitutional  rule  was  established  there — the  Inqui- 
sition was  abolished  both  in  Spain  and  her  dependencies.  Mexico 
felt  the  thrill  of  the  better  day  and  welcomed  it  heartily,  and 
before  the  despotism  of  the  Spanish  monarch,  Ferdinand  VII., 
could  be  restored,  Mexico  proclaimed  her  independence,  which 
was  finally  achieved  in  1822.  A feeble  attempt  was  made  to 
regain  the  lost  province,  but  that  failed,  and  Mexico  was  hence- 
forth to  govern  herself  as  well  as  she  could,  amid  the  struggle 
with  the  Church  and  the  aristocracy  against  the  people.  For 
fifteen  years  Spain  remained  aggrieved,  when,  finding  she  was 
only  doing  herself  disadvantage  by  refusing  to  open  diplomatic 
relations  with  her  revolted  dependency,  she  concluded,  in 
1839,  to  forget  her  wounded  pride,  and,  acknowledging  the 
independence  of  Mexico,  appointed  a minister  to  represent  her. 
The  choice  fell  upon  Senor  Calderon  De  La  Barca,  who  was  well 
suited  for  the  purpose.  His  wife  was  eminently  fitted  to  adorn 
her  high  position  by  a splendid  education,  her  many  accomplish- 
ments, and  other  qualities  which  enabled  her  to  fill  most  accept- 
ably the  delicate  duties  of  her  position.  Coming  by  the 
United  States,  they  left  their  daughters  at  school  in  New  York, 
and  reached  Mexico  in  December  of  1839,  where  they  were 
received  in  the  most  cordial  manner  by  the  government  and 
the  people.  Madame  Calderon  became  a special  favorite,  and 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


27 


■was  indeed  a privileged  person.  She  was  truly  devout  as  well  as 
accomplished.  The  clergy  were  delighted  with  her,  and  she  had 
the  entree  to  every  thing  that  a lady  might  see  and  study  during 
the  nearly  three  years  that  their  term  of  office  lasted.  She  was 
regarded  as  lending  the  luster  of  the  Spanish  court  and  aristocracy 
to  the  society  of  Mexico  by  her  presence  and  courtesies. 

Meanwhile,  to  interest  her  daughters,  she  wrote  a regular 
series  of  letters,  giving  them  full  particulars  of  all  she  was 
privileged  to  see  and  enjoy,  without  any  expectation  that  they 
would  ever  go  into  print.  But  "W".  II.  Prescott,  the  historian, 
had  meanwhile  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  family,  and  was 
allowed  to  hear  these  interesting  letters.  Tie  recommended  so 
earnestly  that  such  rich  stores  of  instruction  and  amusement 
should  not  be  reserved  for  the  eyes  of  a few  friends  only,  but  that 
they  should  be  given  to  the  world,  that  after  Madame  Calderon’s 
return  from  Mexico  she  consented  to  do  so,  having  made  such 
alterations  and  omissions  as  were  necessary  in  a private  cor- 
respondence. They  were  accordingly  published  in  a volume 
under  the  title  Life  in  Mexico.  How  little  she  imagined  the 
tumult  of  feeling  the  publication  would  cause  among  the  clericals 
of  Mexico  ! And  yet  there  is  not  a bitter  word  or  a false  accusa- 
tion in  the  whole  book  ; nor  could  she  imagine  that  the  simple 
truth  would  hurt  either  their  feelings  or  their  interests.  Yet 
it  did,  though  so  gently  spoken,  because  they  did  not  wish  the 
light  let  in  upon  their  doings. 

The  other  person  whose  testimony  is  so  important  in  regard 
to  the  state  of  things  in  Mexico  was  the  Abbe  Emanuel 
Domenecli,  chaplain  of  the  French  Expeditionary  Force,  the 
trusted  representative  of  Xapoleon  III.,  of  whose  admissions 
we  shall  have  more  to  say  later  on,  when  we  reach  the  “Interven- 
tion” period,  but  whom  we  here  introduce  for  his  testimony  in 
regard  to  what  he  found  in  Mexico  after  the  failure  of  the 
French,  and  the  death  of  Maximilian,  when,  his  first  office  hav- 
ing ended,  he  was  required  before  leaving  Mexico  to  go  through 
the  land  on  a tour  of  observation,  and  report  on  the  truth  of  the 
rumors  which  had  reached  the  outside  world  as  to  the  low 


2S 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


moral  and  religious  condition  of  the  clergy  and  Church  of  Rome 
in  Mexico.  This  duty  he  fulfilled  thoroughly,  and  on  his  return 
published  his  report  in  Paris,  in  1867,  entitled  Mexico  As  It  Is. 
the  Truth  Respecting  its  Climate , its  Inhabitants,  and  its  Govern- 
ment. His  account  is  a fearful  record.  Nothing  worse,  prob- 
ably, was  ever  published  of  a Church  and  people  than  what  his 
pages  contain.  And  yet  the  abbe  was  a prominent  clergyman 
of  the  Romish  Church  of  France,  describing  the  clergy  and 
people  of  the  same  Church  in  Mexico.  The  book  was  published 
in  French,  and  was  evidently  not  intended  for  the  Protestant 
eye.  As  to  the  character  of  the  religious  sentiments  which 
the  Mexican  clergy  have  so  long  fostered  and  still  sustain,  the 
abbe,  writing  in  1867,  says  : 

Mexican  faith  is  a dead  faith.  The  abuse  of  external  ceremonies,  the 
facility  of  reconciling  the  devil  with  God,  the  absence  of  internal  exercises 
of  piety,  have  hilled  the  faith  in  Mexico.  It  is  in  vain  to  seek  good  fruit 
from  the  worthless  tree,  which  makes  Mexicau  religion  a singular  as- 
semblage of  heartless  devotion,  shameful  ignorance,  insane  superstition, 
and  hideous  vice.  . . . The  idolatrous  character  of  Mexican  Catholicism 
is  a fact  well  known  to  all  travelers.  The  worship  of  saints  and  madon- 
nas so  absorbs  the  devotion  of  the  people  that  little  time  is  left  to  think 
about  God.  Religious  ceremonies  are  performed  with  a most  lamentable 
indifference  and  want  of  decorum.  The  Indians  go  to  hear  mass  with 
their  poultry  and  vegetables  which  they  are  carrying  to  market.  I have 
had  to  abandon  the  Cathedral  of  Mexico,  where  I used  to  go  every  morn- 
ing, because  I could  not  collect  my  thoughts  there.  The  gobble  of 
the  turkeys,  the  crowing  of  cocks,  the  barking  of  dogs,  the  mewing 
of  cats,  the  chirping  of  birds  in  their  nests  in  the  ceiling,  and  the  flea- 
bites  rendered  meditation  impossible  to  me,  unaccustomed  to  live  in  such 
a menagerie.  . . . One  day  I was  present  at  an  Indian  dance,  celebrated 
in  honor  of  the  patron  saint  of  the  village.  Twenty-four  boys  and  girls 
were  dancing  in  the  church,  in  the  presence  of  the  priest.  An  Indian, 
with  his  face  concealed  under  a mask  of  an  imaginary  divinity  resembling 
the  devil,  with  horns  and  claws,  was  directing  the  figures  of  the  dance, 
which  reminded  me  of  that  of  the  Redskins ! I remarked  to  the  priest, 
who,  for  all  that,  was  an  excellent  priest,  that  it  was  very  incongruous  to 
permit  such  a frolic  in  a church. 

“ The  old  customs,”  he  replied,  “are  respectable;  it  is  well  to  preserve 
them,  only  taking  care  that  they  do  not  degenerate  into  orgies.”  . . . 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


29 


During  holy  week  I have  seen  processions  of  three  thousand  persons 
stripped  and  covered  only  with  sackcloth,  so  coarse  as  to  show  that  the 
individual  had  not  even  a shirt.  The  different  phases  of  the  passion  of 
Christ  were  represented  by  groups  of  painted  statues  large  as  life,  and  by 
men  and  women  placed  upon  stages,  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  hundreds 
of  Indians.  The  bearers,  bending  under  the  weight  of  their  burden, 
would  go,  from  time  to  time,  to  refresh  themselves  at  the  liquor  shops, 
leaving  in  the  middle  of  the  streets  the  groups  representing  the  passion. 
Jews  and  Romans,  decked  with  helmets  of  tin  plate,  breastplates  of  paste- 
board, and  breeches  embroidered  with  silver,  made  a part  of  the  procession. 

The  mysteries  of  the  Middle  Ages  are  utterly  outdone  by  the  burlesque 
ceremonies  of  the  Mexicans.  The  accouchement  of  the  Virgin  on  Christ- 
mas night  appears  to  me  indecent.  In  France  the  police  would  forbid 
the  ceremony  as  a shock  to  public  morals.  But  public  morality  being  a 
thing  unknown  in  Mexico  the  custom  of  representing  the  accouchement  of 
the  Virgin  in  many  of  the  churches  offends  no  one. 

But  we  forbear  any  further  quotations  from  this  paragraph. 
The  abbe  finds  himself  forced  to  the  sad  conclusion,  after  their 
three  hundred  years  of  opportunity,  which  he  expresses  in  the 
two  sentences  following  : 

It  would  require  volumes  to  relate  the  Indian  superstitions  of  an  idola- 
trous character  which  exist  to  this  day.  For  want  of  serious  instruction 
you  find  in  the  Catholicism  of  the  Indians  numerous  remains  of  the  old 
Aztec  paganism. 

The  observations  I have  made  of  the  religious  sentiments  of  the  Mexicans 
are  not  confined  to  the  ignorant  classes.  They  apply  equally  to  those  who 
are  well-to-do.* 

As  further  samples  of  their  religious  practices  we  take  from 
Madame  Calderon’s  work  the  following  extracts : 

All  Mexicans  at  present,  men  and  women,  are  engaged  in  what  are 
called  the  desagravios , a public  penance  performed  at  this  season  in  the 
churches  during  thirty-five  days.  The  women  attend  church  in  the 
morning,  no  man  being  permitted  to  enter,  and  men  in  the  evening,  when 
women  are  not  permitted.  Both  rules  are  occasionally  broken. 

The  other  night  I was  present  at  a much  stranger  scene,  at  the  discipline 
performed  by  the  men,  admission  having  been  procured  for  us  by  certain 
means,  private  but  powerful.  Accordingly,  when  it  was  dark,  enveloped 
from  head  to  foot  in  large  cloaks,  and  without  the  slightest  idea  of  what 


* See  Mexico  and  the  United  States , by  Gorman  D.  Abbot,  p.  203,  etc. 


30 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


it  was,  we  went  on  foot  through  the  streets  to  the  Church  of  San  Augus- 
tin. . . . The  scene  was  curious.  About  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  en- 
veloped in  cloaks  and  serapes,  their  faces  entirely  concealed,  were  assem- 
bled in  the  body  of  the  church.  A monk  had  just  mounted  the  pulpit, 
and  the  church  was  dimly  lighted,  except  where  he  stood  in  bold  relief, 
with  his  gray  robes  and  cowl  thrown  back,  giving  a full  view  of  his  high 
bald  forehead  and  expressive  face. 

His  discourse  was  a rude  but  very  forcible  and  eloquent  description  of 
the  torments  prepared  in  hell  for  impenitent  sinners.  The  effect  of  the 
whole  was  very  solemn.  It  appeared  like  a preparation  or  the  execu- 
tion of  a multitude  of  condemned  criminals.  When  the  discourse  was  fin- 
ished they  all  joined  in  prayer  with  much  fervor  and  enthusiasm,  beating 
their  breasts  and  falling  upon  their  faces.  Then  the  monk  stood  up  and 
in  a very  distinct  voice  read  several  passages  of  Scripture  descriptive  of 
the  sufferings  of  Christ.  The  organ  then  struck  up  the  Miserere,  and  all 
of  a sudden  the  church  was  plunged  in  profound  darkness,  all  but  a 
sculptured  representation  of  the  crucifixion,  which  seemed  to  hang  in  the 
air  illuminated.  I felt  rath'er  frightened,  and  would  have  been  very  glacl 
to  leave  the  church,  but  it  would  have  been  impossible  in  the  darkness. 
Suddenly  a terrible  voice  in  the  dark  cried,  “My  brothers,  when  Christ 
was  fastened  to  the  pillar  by  the  Jews  he  was  scourged  ! " At  these  words 
the  bright  figure  disappeared  and  the  darkness  became  total.  Suddenly 
we  heard  the  sound  of  hundreds  of  scourges  descending  upon  the  bare 
flesh.  I cannot  conceive  any  thing  more  horrible.  Before  , ten  minutes 
had  passed  the  sound  became  splashing,  from  the  blood  that  was  flowing. 

Incredible  as  it  may  seem,  this  awful  penance  continued,  without  iu- 
termission,  for  half  an  hour!  If  they  scourged  each  other  their  energy 
might  be  less  astonishing. 

We  could  not  leave  the  church,  but  it  was  perfectly  sickening;  and 

had  I not  been  able  to  take  hold  of  the  Senora ’s  hand,  and  feel 

something  human  beside  me,  I could  have  fancied  myself  transported  into 
a congregation  of  evil  spirits.  Now  and  then,  but  very  seldom,  a sup- 
pressed groan  was  heard,  and  occasionally  the  voice  of  the  monk  encour- 
aging them  by  ejaculations  or  by  short  passages  of  Scripture.  Sometimes 
the  organ  struck  up,  and  the  poor  wretches,  in  a faint  voice,  tried  to  join 
in  the  Miserere.  The  sound  of  the  scourging  is  indescribable.  At  the  end 
of  half  an  hour  a little  bell  was  rung,  and  the  voice  of  the  monk  was 
heard  calling  upon  them  to  desist;  but  such  was  their  enthusiasm  that  the 
horrible  lashing  continued  louder  and  fiercer  than  ever. 

In  vain  he  entreated  them  not  to  kill  themselves,  and  assured  them 
that  Heaven  would  be  satisfied  and  that  human  nature  could  not  endure 
beyond  a certain  point.  No  answTer  but  the  loud  sound  of  the  scourges, 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


31 


which  are,  many  of  them,  of  iron,  with  sharp  points  that  enter  the  flesh. 
At  length,  as  if  they  were  perfectly  exhausted,  the  sound  grew  fainter,  and 
little  by  little  ceased  altogether.  We  then  got  up,  and  with  great  diffi- 
culty groped  our  way  in  the  pitch  darkness  through  the  galleries  and 
down  the  stairs  till  we  reached  the  door  and  had  the  pleasure  of  feeling 
the  fresh  air  again.  They  say  that  the  church  floor  is  frequently  covered 
with  blood  after  one  of  those  penances,  and  that  a man  died  the  other 
day  in  consequence  of  his  wounds.”* 

In  the  Santa  Teresa  convent,  in  the  refectory  . . . they  showed  us  a 
crown  of  thorns,  which  on  certain  days  is  worn  by  one  of  their  number 
by  way  of  penance.  It  is  made  of  iron,  so  that  the  nails,  entering  inward, 
run  into  the  head  and  make  it  bleed.  . . . 

We  visited  the  different  cells,  and  were  horror-struck  at  the  self-inflicted 
tortures.  Each  bed  consists  of  a wooden  plank  raised  in  the  middle,  and 
on  days  of  penance  crossed  by  wooden  bars.  The  pillow  is  wooden,  with 
a cross  lying  on  it,  which  they  hold  in  their  hands  when  they  lie  down. 
The  nun  lies  on  this  penitential  couch,  embracing  the  cross,  and  her  feet 
hanging  out,  as  the  bed  is  made  too  short  for  her  upon  principle.  Round 
her  waist  she  occasionally  wears  a band  with  iron  points  turning  inward ; 
on  her  breast  a cross  with  nails,  of  which  the  points  enter  the  flesh,  of  the 
truth  of  which  I had  melancholy  ocular  demonstration.  Thus,  after  hav- 
ing scourged  herself  with  a whip  covered  with  iron  nails,  she  lies  down  for 
a few  hours  on  the  wooden  bars,  and  rises  at  four  o'clock.  All  these  in- 
struments of  discipline,  which  each  nun  keeps  in  a little  box  beside  her  bed, 
look  as  if  their  fitting  place  would  be  in  the  dungeons  of  the  Inquisition. 
They  made  me  try  their  led  and  loard,  which  I told  them  would  give  me 
a very  decided  taste  for  early  rising.! 

These  are  some  of  the  ceremonies  of  modern  Komanism 
in  Mexico.  My  readers  can  imagine  what  St.  Paul  would 
have  said  had  he  stood  with  Madame  Calderon  on  these 
occasions  and  had  been  asked  if  this  were  Christianity.  Or 
the  prophet  Elijah,  to  whom  it  might  have  recalled  the 
dreadful  scene  on  Mount  Carmel,  when  confronted  by  the 
one  hundred  and  fifty  priests  of  Baal,  who  “cried  aloud  and 
cut  themselves  with  knives  and  lancets  until  the  blood  gushed 
out  upon  them.”  Was  the  above  scene  any  higher,  as  worship 
or  atonement,  than  what  we  missionaries  -witness  of  the  self- 

* Life  in  Mexico,  by  Madame  Calderon,  p.  213.  Chapman  & Hall,  London,  1843. 

f Ibid.,  pp.  223,  224. 


32 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


torturing  fakirs  in  India?  Nay,  verily,  they  are  alike  heathen 
abominations  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  of  no  value  to  the  soul. 
We  brought  from  Mexico  a full  set  of  these  instruments  of  tort- 
ure, purchased  from  those  who  had  used  them.  They  are  blood- 
stained and  rusty  from  use,  and  are  here  presented  photographed 
on  a reduced  scale.  The  set  includes  five  articles.  Number  1 is 
the  scourge  referred  to  by  Madame  Calderon,  and  is  used  in  the 
more  public  penance,  which  she  was  allowed,  as  a special  favor, 
to  witness.  It  is  about  eighteen  inches  long,  and  the  steel  points 
project  a full  half  inch  on  all  sides.  The  lash  is  swept  over 
both  shoulders  and  strikes  down  to  the  waist.  Numbers  3,  4, 
and  5 are  for  more  private  infliction,  and  are  worn  under  the 
clothing.  Number  2 is  a circlet,  called  “the  crown,”  for  the 
head,  the  points  being  about  an  eighth  of  an  inch  long,  and  is  to 
be  tightened  around  the  head.  Number  3 and  the  rest  have 
points  nearly  a quarter  of  an  inch  long,  and  are  designed  for  the 
arms  and  limbs.  Number  5 is  for  the  waist,  and  has  a strong 
buckle  at  the  end,  by  which  it  may  be  tightened  as  much  as  the 
poor  sufferer  can  endure.  The  tighter  they  are  worn  the  more 
meritorious  is  the  penance.  So  unmercifully  are  they  used  that 
they  often  make  the  blood  trickle  down  into  the  stockings  and 
shoes ! 

Now  let  us  hear  the  abbe  further  as  to  the  character  of  the 
religion  which  is  professed  in  connection  with  these  ceremo- 
nies. lie  says  : 

The  Mexican  is  not  a Catholic  ; he  is  simply  a Christian,  because  he 
has  been  baptized.  I speak  of  the  masses,  and  not  of  the  numerous  excep- 
tions to  be  met  with  in  all  classes  of  society. 

I say  that  Mexico  is  not  a Catholic  country  : * 

1.  Because  a majority  of  the  native  population  are  semi-idolaters. 

2.  Because  the  majority  of  the  Mexicans  carry  ignorance  of  religion  to 
such  a point  that  they  have  no  other  worship  than  that  of  form.  It  is 
materialism  without  a doubt.  They  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  worship 
God  in  spirit  and  in  truth,  according  to  the  Gospel.  ...  If  the  pope 
should  abolish  all  simoniacal  livings,  and  excommunicate  all  the  priests 
having  concubines,  the  Mexican  clergy  would  be  reduced  to  a very  small 
affair.  .Nevertheless,  there  are  some  worthy  men  among  them,  whose 


THE  “ DISCIPLIXAS,” 

Used  on  the  body  for  self-torture. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


33 


conduct  as  priests  is  irreproachable.  ...  In  all  Spanish  America  there 
are  found,  among  the  priests,  the  veriest  wretches — knaves  deserving 
the  gallows — men  who  make  an  infamous  traffic  of  religion.  Mexico 
has  her  share  of  these  wretches.  Whose  fault  is  it?  In  the  past  it  has 
been  Spanish  manners — climate.  In  the  present  it  is  the  episcopate.  If 
the  bishops  had  good  seminaries,  where  pupils  could  receive  a sound  and 
serious  education;  if  the  bishops  had  more  energy;  if  they  were  more 
cautious  in  the  choice  of  candidates  for  the  priesthood;  if  they  required 
others  to  observe,  and  observed  themselves,  more  scrupulously,  the  canon- 
ical laws  of  the  Church,  they  would  not  see  the  disorder  of  which  they 
are  now  the  first  to  complain.  ...  I have  known,  in  the  south  and  in 
the  north  of  the  Mexican  Empire,  pastors  who  gave  balls  at  their  houses 
and  never  thought  the  least  in  the  world  that  it  would  be  better  to-  dis- 
tribute bread  to  the  poor  than  to  give  champagne  and  refreshments  to 
the  danseuses. 

The  clergy  carry  their  love  of  the  family  to  that  of  paternity.  In 
my  travels  in  the  interior  of  Mexico  many  pastors  have  refused  me  hospi- 
tality in  order  to  prevent  my  seeing  their  nieces  and  cousins,  and  their 
children.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  character  of  these  connections. 
Priests  who  are  recognized  as  fathers  of  families  are  by  no  means  rare. 
The  people  consider  it  natural  enough,  and  do  not  rail  at  the  conduct 
of  their  pastors,  excepting  when  they  are  not  contented  with  one  wife. 
...  I remember  that  one  of  these  prelates,  passing  through  a village 
near  the  episcopal  city,  the  priest  said  to  him,  “ Sire,  have  the  goodness  to 
bless  my  children  and  their  mother.”  The  good  bishop  blessed  them. 
There  was  a chamberful.  Another  did  better  still.  He  baptized  the  child 
of  one  of  his  priests.  Can  a clergy  of  such  character  make  saints  ? I 
doubt.  Nevertheless,  they  must  not  be  taken  for  heretics.  . . . 

They  make  merchandise  of  the  sacraments,  and  make  money  by  every 
religious  ceremony,  without  thinking  that  they  are  guilty  of  simony,  and 
expose  themselves  to  the  censures  of  the  Church.  If  Roman  justice  had 
its  course  in  Mexico  one  half  of  the  Mexican  clergy  would  be  excommuni- 
cated. . . . The  well-instructed  priests,  disinterested  and  animated  by  a 
truly  apostolical  spirit,  holy  souls  whose  religious  sentiments  are  of  good 
character,  constitute  an  insignificant  minority.  . . . 

But  is  it  not  a lie  to  God  and  men  to  make  a vow  of  poverty  and  then 
live  in  the  midst  of  abundance  and  comfort,  as  the  ecclesiastics  of  all 
Spanish  America  do? 

One  of  the  greatest  evils  in  Mexico  is  the  exorbitant  fee  for  the  mar- 
riage ceremony.  The  priests  compel  the  poor  to  live  without  marriage, 
by  demanding  for  the  nuptial  benediction  a sum  that  a Mexican  mechanic, 
with  his  slender  wages,  can  scarcely  accumulate  in  fifty  years  of  the 
4 


34 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


strictest  economy.  This  is  no  exaggeration.'  The  consequences  of  the 
excessive  demands  for  perquisites  in  general  are  as  lamentable  to  public 
morality  as  to  religion.  One  of  the  first  duties  of  the  Mexican  episcopate 
should  be,  in  my  opinion,  to  reduce  the  fee  for  baptisms,  marriages,  dis- 
pensations, and  every  thing  else  indispensable  to  the  performance  of  relig- 
ious duties.* 

Another  brief  testimony  from  Madame  Calderon  which  is 
especially  pointed.  The  evil  existing  in  monastic  institutions 
was  concealed  as  far  as  possible  from  her ; yet,  doubtless  with 
a sad  heart,  she  made  this  entry  : 

Some  of  these  convents  are  not  entirely  free  from  scandal.  Among  the 
monks  there  are  many  who  are  openly  a disgrace  to  their  calling,  though  I 
firmly  believe  that  by  far  the  greater  number  lead  a life  of  privation  and 
virtue. 

Onco  more,  as  it  intrudes  itself  on  her  view  even  in  the  public 
streets,  she  is  reminded  of  the  attempts  of  the  Viceroy  Revil- 
lagigedo,  as  long  ago  as  his  time,  to  restrain  the  profligacy  of 
these  monks  by  stern  expulsion.  She  adds  : 

Alas!  could  his  excellency  have  lived  in  these  degenerate  days  and 
beheld  certain  monks  of  a certain  ol  der  drinking  pulque  and  otherwise  dis- 
porting themselves,  nay,  seen  one,  as  we  but  just  now  did  from  the  win- 
dow, strolling  along  the  street  by  lamp-light,  with  an  Tadita  (Indian  girl) 
tucked  under  his  arm!  (Pp.  153,  238.) 

In  one  of  the  quotations  from  the  abbe  we  read,  “The  Mex- 
ican is  not  a Catholic ; he  is  simply  a Christian  because  he  has 
been  baptized.”  This  distinction  is  amusing  to  a Protestant. 
How  a “ semi-idolater,”  “ignorant  of  spiritual  worship,”  can  be 
a Christian  in  any  sense  acceptable  to  God  is  something  evan- 
gelicals cannot  realize,  and  it  shows  how  sacred  terms  are  per- 
verted by  the  false  theology  of  Romanism.  He  would  explain 
his  remark  by  the  doctrine  of  baptismal  regeneration.  The 
poor  Indian  having  been  baptized  by  one  in  the  “ apostolic 
succession  ” was  therein  regenerated,  notwithstanding  all  his 
“insane  superstition”  and  “hideous  vice.”  Poor  Mexico! 
Romanism  has  not  saved  her ; she  needs  the  true  Gospel 

* Mexico  and  the  United  States , pp.  195,  etc. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


35 


of  the  Lord  Jesus,  offering  her  the  mercy  that  she  requires, 
freely. 

The  perversion  has  been  so  great  and  the  abolition  of  biblical 
ideas  of  truth  and  purity  so  complete  in  the  ruin  wrought  by 
this  fallen  Church  upon  the  nation  that  the  evangelization  of 
Mexico  has  thus  been  made  the  most  difficult  work  to  which 
the  Church  of  Christ  can  now  address  herself.  If  it  were  not  for 
the  promised  power  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  Avhose  blessed  agency 
all  things  are  possible,  the  condition  would  seem  almost  hope- 
less. But  with  this  co-operation  it  is  our  privilege  to  believe 
and  expect  'that  the  mercy  and  consolation  reserved  for  this 
deeply  injured  people  will  all  the  more  transcend  the  weight  of 
sorrow  through  which  they  have  passed,  so  that  “ where  sin 
abounded  grace  shall  much  more  abound.” 

Rome  began  her  rule  in  Mexico  by  sweeping  away  by  red- 
handed  violence  the  intellectual  stamina  of  the  nation  as  well 
as  its  records  and  literature.  On  this  point  Baron  Humboldt’s 
testimony  is  conclusive.  His  great  learning  and  thorough 
inquiry  in  examinations  conducted  on  the  ground  itself  enable 
him  to  speak  with  full  authority.  Of  the  original  wrong  and 
destruction  of  the  middle  class,  which  wrecked  the  nation,  he 
writes  : 

The  Christian  fanaticism  broke  out  in  a particular  manner  against  the 
Aztec  priests  and  the  teopiqui,  or  ministers  of  the  divinity,  and  all  those 
who  inhabited  the  teocallis,  or  houses  of  God,  who  might  be  considered  as 
the  depositaries  of  the  historical,  mythological,  and  astronomical  knowl- 
edge of  the  country,  were  exterminated ; for  the  priests  observed  the  me- 
ridian shade  in  the  gnomons  and  regulated  the  calendar.  The  monks 
burned  the  hieroglyphical  paintings  by  which  every  kind  of  knowledge 
had  been  transmitted  from  generation  to  generation.  The  people,  deprived 
of  these  means  of  instruction,  were  plunged  in  an  ignorance  so  much  the 
deeper,  as  the  missionaries  were  unskilled  in  the  Mexican  languages  and 
could  substitute  few  new  ideas  in  place  of  the  old.  The  better  sort  of 
Indians,  among  whom  a certain  degree  of  culture  and  intellect  might  be 
supposed,  perished  in  great  part  at  the  commencement  of  the  Spanish 
conquest,  the  victims  of  European  ferocity.  The  natives  who  remained 
consisted  only  of  the  most  indigent  race — poor  cultivators,  artisans, 
weavers — porters  who  were  used  as  beasts  of  burden.  How  shall  we 


,‘56 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


judge,  then,  from  these  miserable  remains  of  a powerful  people,  of  the  de- 
gree of  cultivation  to  which  it  had  risen  from  the  twelfth  to  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  of  the  intellectual  development  of  which  it  is  susceptible  ? 
If  all  that  remained  of  the  French  or  German  nation  were  a few  poor 
agriculturists,  could  we  read  in  their  features  that  they  belonged  to  nations 
which  had  produced  a Descartes  and  a Clairaut,  a Kepler  and  a Leib- 
nitz ? * 

In  General  Lew  Wallace’s  valuable  work  entitled  Quetzel,or 
The  Fair  God , tlie  author  has  united  together  the  incidental 
evidence  which  history  and  legend  still  hold  of  Montezuma’s 
empire  and  people  as  they  were  before  the  Spaniards  invaded 
their  country  and  savagely  destroyed  their  prosperity.  It  was  a 
worthy  service  to  render  to  Mexico,  and  may  well  rank  in  this 
sense  next  to  that  which  he  embodied  in  Ben  Hur , when  pre- 
senting to  the  world  the  civilization  which  characterized  the 
period  of  the  Incarnation  and  the  nature  of  the  foreign  rule 
which  had  displaced  the  native  dynasty  of  the  Jewish  people. 
Even  Nero’s  despotic  government  left  uninjured  the  conquered 
race  in  the  very  particulars  in  which  the  Roman  Church  and 
Spanish  government  crushed  life  and  freedom  and  hope  out  of 
the  Aztec  people.  This  conviction  was  ingrained  into  the 
minds  of  many  of  the  intelligent  native  gentlemen  of  Mexico. 
One  such  said  to  the  writer  in  1875  : 

My  countrymen  are  to-day  in  a far  worse  condition  than  they  were  when 
Cortdz  burned  his  ships  behind  him  in  the  harbor  of  Yera  Cruz  and 
marched  to  the  conquest  of  Montezuma’s  empire — worse  fed,  worse  clad, 
worse  housed,  and  more  ignorant  than  they  were  that  day. 

Few  that  know  Mexico  would  call  this  terrible  accusation  in 
question  ; while  the  quotations  which  we  have  made  from  the 
work  of  the  Abbe  Domenech  (whose  veracity  no  Romanist  will 
call  in  question)  show  that  it  is  the  Church  and  not  the  State 
that  must  be  held  responsible  for  the  guilt  involved  in  the 
above  charge.  Take  the  single  fact  of  the  burning  shame  so 
long  festering  in  the  social  life  of  Mexico,  which  is  one  of  the 
charges  that  the  abbe  brings  against  his  Church,  the  absence  of 
* Essai  Politique,  vol.  i,  p.  117. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


O 4 

marriage  and  the  consequent  general  prevalence  of  illegitimacy 
over  tlie  land. 

Nor  was  it  from  the  poor  uninstructed  millions  of  the  Otomi 
or  Aztec  race  alone  that  she  took  away  the  “ key  of  knowledge,” 
as  we  learned  when  fitting  up  a church  in  the  city  of  Mexico. 
The  Ten  Commandments  were  placed  on  either  side  of  the  pulpit. 
Intelligent  Mexican  gentlemen  were  constantly  coming  in  to  see 
the  changes  going  forward  in  the  building,  and  they  would 
stand  in  front  of  the  second  commandment  and  read  every  word 
of  it,  read  it  again,  as  those  who  had  never  seen  it  before,  and 
sometimes  would  turn  to  us  and  ask  if  that  “ was  really  in  the 
Bible?” 

Then,  mark  the  universal  practice  of  image  worship,  the  doc- 
trine of  purgatory,  with  its  corresponding  tenet  of  indulgences ; 
without  the  Bible  or  the  school,  terrorized  by  the  Inquisition, 
and  threatened  with  the  “ major  excommunication,”  or  the  per- 
petual pains  of  hell,  if  they  desired  a change  or  claimed  freedom 
to  worship  God.  It  seems  incredible  that  a Church  could  thus 
crowd  a nation  into  destitution  and  ignorance,  but  the  testimony 
cannot  be  questioned.  Beyond  the  impoverishment  caused  by 
her  extravagant  church  demands,  there  was  another  means 
more  potent  still  to  draw  from  the  people  their  resources,  by 
masses  and  indulgences  for  the  souls  of  the  dead.  General 
Waddy  Thompson,  United  States  embassador  in  Mexico,  ex- 
presses his  amazement  at  what  he  saw  in  1845.  He  writes  : 

The  immense  wealth  which  is  collected  in  the  churches  is  not  by  any 
means  all,  or  even  the  larger  portion,  of  the  wealth  of  the  Mexican  Church 
and  clergy.  They  own  very  many  of  the  finest  houses  in  Mexico  and  other 
cities  (the  rents  of  which  must  be  enormous),  besides  valuable  real  estates 
all  over  the  republic.  Almost  every  person  leaves  a bequest  in  his  will  for 
masses  for  his  soul,  which  constitute  an  encumbrance  upon  the  estate,  and 
thus  nearly  all  the  estates  of  the  small  proprietors  are  mortgaged  to  the 
Church. 

As  a means  of  raising  money  I would  not  give  the  single  institution  of 
the  Catholic  religion  of  masses  and  indulgences  for  the  benefit  of  the  souls 
of  the  dead  for  the  power  of  taxation  possessed  by  any  government.  Of 
all  the  artifices  of  cunning  and  venality  to  extort  money  from  credulous 


38 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


weakness  there  is  none  so  potential  as  a mass  for  the  benefit  of  the  souls 
in  purgatory.  Our  own  more  rational  faith  teaches  that  when  a man  dies 
his  account  is  closed  and  his  destiny  for  good  or  evil  is  fixed  forever,  and 
that  he  is  to  be  judged  by  “the  deeds  done  in  the  body;”  but  another 
creed  inculcates  that  that  destiny  may  be  modified  or  changed  by  prayers 
at  once  posthumous,  vicarious,  and  venal.  It  would  seem  to  be  in  direct 
contradiction  to  the  Saviour  in  the  comparison  of  the  camel  passing 
through  the  eye  of  a needle.  Nothing  is  easier  than  for  a rich  man  to 
enter  the  kingdom  of  heaven;  he  purchases  that  entrance  with  money. 
I do  not  know  how  the  fee  for  these  masses  is  exacted,  but  I do  know  that 
it  is  regularly  paid,  and  that,  without  the  fee,  the  mass  would  be  regarded 
of  no  value  or  efficacy.  I remember  that  my  washerwoman  once  asked  me 
to  lend  her  two  dollars.  I asked  her  what  she  wanted  with  it.  She  told 
me  that  there  was  a particular  mass  to  be  said  on  that  day  which  relieved 
the  souls  in  purgatory  from  ten  thousand  years  of  torment,  and  that  she 
wished  to  secure  the  benefit  of  it  for  her  mother.  I asked  her  if  she  was 
fool  enough  to  believe  it.  She  answered,  “Why,  yes,  sir;  is  it  not  true?  ” 
and  with  a countenance  of  as  much  surprise  as  if  I had  denied  that  the 
sun  was  shining.  I have  seen  stuck  up  on  the  door  of  the  Church  of  San 
Francisco,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  magnificent  in  Mexico,  an  adver- 
tisement, of  which  the  following  was  the  substance  : 

“His  holiness  the  pope  (and  certain  bishops  which  were  named)  have 
granted  thirty-two  thousand  three  hundred  years,  ten  days,  and  six  hours 
of  indulgence  for  this  mass.” 

The  manifest  object  of  this  particularity  is  to  secure  the  more  effect- 
ual belief  in  the  imposture.  By  thus  giving  to  it  the  air  of  a business 
transaction,  a sort  of  contract  between  the  devotee  and  the  Almighty, 
by  his  authorized  agent  and  vicegerent  on  earth,  the  pope,  is  estab- 
lished. I tremble  at  the  apparent  blasphemy  of  even  describing  these 
things.* 

Sucli  indulgences  are  constantly  seen,  as  advertisements  on 
the  church  doors  in  Mexico,  without  any  attempt  at  conceal- 
ment. These  facts  justify  Father  Gavazzi’s  assertion  that  “ the 
dogma  of  purgatory  became  the  true  California  of  the  priests, 
the  best  gold-mine  of  the  papal  system.” 

The  pictures  of  purgatory,  provided  to  make  the  requisite 
impressions  on  those  who  have  lost  friends,  are  frightful.  One 
of  them,  purchased  in  Mexico,  lies  before  us.  It  represents  a 
lady  shut  up  in  this  miniature  hell,  surrounded  by  thick  walls 

* Recollections  of  Mexico , p.  43 . 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


39 


and  the  window  barred  with  heavy  irons.  On  her  wrists  is  fast- 
ened a yard  of  heavy  chain,  while  the  lurid  Haines  rise  round 
her  to  the  height  of  her  shoulders.  In  agonjr  she  lifts  up  her 
manacled  hands  as  in  imploring  supplication  to  her  living 
friends  to  furnish  the  aid  that  shall  end  her  misery  and  deliver 
her  from  the  place  of  torment.  Xo  wonder  that  such  pictures, 
among  ignorant  people,  do  the  work  they  were  intended  to  ac- 
complish. Well  did  that  vile  peddler  of  such  indulgences, 
sent  out  with  full  powers  by  Pope  Leo  X.,  in  150Y,  to  dispose 
of  them,  know  how  to  raise  the  requisite  terror  in  the  imagi- 
nation of  the  crowds  that  stood  around  him  in  Germany,  then 
so  ignorant  and  superstitious.  But  Homan  greed  outdid  itself 
when  God’s  agent,  Martin  Luther,  entered  the  crowd  and  heard 
the  audacious  Tetzel  finish  his  harangue  with  the  words,  “ The 
very  moment  the  money  clicks  on  the  bottom  of  this  chest  the 
6011I  escapes  from  purgatory  and  flies  to  heaven  ! Bring  your 
money,  bring  money,  bring  money  ! ” Luther  was  horrified 
with  the  profanation,  and  within  a few  days  nailed  up  the  ninety- 
five  immortal  theses  on  the  doors  of  the  Cathedral  of  Witten- 
berg, and  the  great  Reformation  was  born.  Our  characteristic 
designation  sprang  from  the  protest  of  this  honest  monk. 
We  are,  and  will  remain,  Pro-test-ants  in  the  name  of 
Almighty  God,  against  all  doctrines  that  cannot  be  deduced 
from  his  Holy  Bible. 

But,  alas  for  the  Mexican  people  ! Denied  the  word  of 
God,  they  have  no  way  of  ascertaining  that  the  doctrine  is  of 
man’s  invention,  a perversion  of  the  Gospel,  and  a dishonor  to 
the  Redeemer’s  office.  He  is  represented  as  interceding  for  the 
salvation  of  all  who  “ come  unto  God  by  him.”  But  if  mul- 
titudes of  them  are  in  purgatory,  as  Romanism  teaches,  they 
are  practically  beyond  his  help.  He  can  do  nothing  for  them, 
as  the  pope  alone  holds  the  key.  There  they  may  remain  for 
ages,  unless  they  have  left  money  for  masses,  or  their  friends 
supply  the  lack.  “ The  power  of  the  keys  ” — a phrase  which 
they  boastingly  use — is  only  exerted  where  money  furnishes  the 
motive,  so  that  it  has  been  bitterly  said  of  these  conditions, 


40 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


“ Where  there  is  high  money  there  is  high  mass,  low  money, 
low  mass,  and  no  money,  no  mass.” 

One  trembles  on  reflecting  what  will  be  the  ultimate  veil  are- 
ance  of  God  upon  a system  that  so  daringly  misrepresents 
his  mercy  and  the  sole  efficacy  of  the  sacrifice  of  his  Son. 
Now  being  the  “ accepted  time,  and  this  the  day  of  salvation,” 
by  “ the  precious  blood  of  Christ,  which  cleansetli  from  all 
sin,”  this  leaves  nothing  for  purgatory  or  priest  to  cleanse  after 
death,  and  its  special  honor  is  that  it  is  offered  to  all,  “ with- 
out money  and  without  price.”  A glorious  Gospel  for  even  the 
poorest  sinner  on  earth. 

Many  of  the  educated  men  of  Mexico,  disgusted  with  the 
manifestations  of  this  money -getting  system  of  Romanism',  are 
infidels  or  free-thinkers,  like  the  same  class  of  men  in  France 
and  Italy,  while  many  of  them  who  are  not  infidels  cannot  rec- 
oncile this  doctrine  of  their  Church  with  common  sense  or 
with  the  justice  of  God.  Madame  Calderon  refers  to  a con- 
versation with  one  such  after  attending  a “ high  mass  ” for  the 
release  of  a mutual  friend  : 

C n received  an  invitation  some  time  ago  to  attend  the  Tionras  of  the 

daughter  of  the  Marquis  of  S — —a.  M.  was  observing  to-day  that  if 
this  Catholic  doctrine  was  firmly  believed,  and  that  the  prayers  of  the 
Church  are  indeed  availing  to  shorten  the  sufferings  of  those  who  have 
gone  before  us,  to  relieve  those  whom  we  love  from  thousands  of  years  of 
torture,  it  is  astonishing  how  the  rich  do  not  become  poor  and  the  poor 
beggars  in  furtherance  of  this  object;  and  that  if  the  idea  be  purely 
human  it  showed  a wonderful  knowledge  of  human  nature  on  the  part  of 
the  inventor,  as  what  source  of  profit  could  be  more  sure?  (P.  81.) 

Madame  Calderon  evidently  sympathized  with  the  idea  pre- 
sented. How  can  men  really  believe  as  the  priests  of  Rome 
profess  to  do  and  act  so  heartlessly  ? Here  is  the  pope,  who 
upholds  so  strongly  the  belief  in  purgatory  and  in  his  own 
power  of  release  from  it,  and  yet  only  money  can  move  him  to 
open  those  dreadful  doors  and  let  out  the  sufferers.  If  this 
man  truly  believed  in  his  doctrine  and  his  power  to  meet  the 
dreadful  emergency  of  multitudes — of  millions — shut  up,  as 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


41 


they  declare,  in  tires  “ only  a little  less  hot  than  hell  itself,”  how 
could  he  rest  day  or  night  ? Should  we  not  expect  that  his  zeal 
would  consume  him  in  his  etforts  to  issue  indulgences  and  otfer 
these  releasing  masses  from  early  morning  to  late  at  night,  not 
waiting  for  any  other  motive  but  the  promptings  of  compassion 
alone,  to  free  them  daily  by  the  thousands  from  their  tortures? 
And  would  not  the  Mexican  clergy,  if  they  sincerely  maintained 
this  doctrine,  instead  of  waiting  for  the  low  motive  of  money 
to  arouse  them,  rush  to  the  rescue  and  be  on  their  altars  from 
dawn  to  dark  to  relieve  such  sufferers,  and  especially  the  poor 
who  have  nothing  with  which  to  pay  for  their  release  ? 


42 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


CHAPTER  II. 

“Gross  darkness” — Mariolatry  of  Mexico  unique — Hostility  of  the  two  Virgins— 
Their  respective  legends — Their  fabulous  wealth — General  Thompson  and 
Mrs.  Gooch’s  testimonjf  to  this  wild  idolatry — The  “cursed  fools”  of  Guada- 
lupe— Opposite  parts  taken  by  these  Virgins  in  the  conflict  for  popular 
rights — Impossible  titles  and  relations — The  terrible  climax  at  Puebla — 
Mexico's  degradation  fully  accounted  for  here — Dates  of  dogmas. 

We  should  not  do  our  subject  justice  if  we  failed  to  present 
to  our  readers  one  of  their  religious  peculiarities,  and  perhaps 
the  most  awful  of  them  all — for  the  extent  to  which  it  has  de- 
based the  nation.  It  is  equally  unscriptural  and  irrational  with 
those  already  named,  and  amazes  strangers  who  visit  the  land. 
Even  Romanists,  who  come  not  merely  from  Protestant  coun- 
tries, where  religious  competition  has  saved  them  from  descend- 
ing to  the  sad  depths  in  which  they  find  their  Church  in  Mex- 
ico, but  natives  of  Spain  and  Italy  as  well,  are  pained  to  be- 
hold what  they  witness  here.  Madame  Calderon  will  be  again 
our  impartial  guide.  Here,  too,  we  shall  be  conscious  of  that 
occasional  cpiiet  humor  which  she  could  not  cpiite  repress  as  the 
amazing  stories  were  told  her  by  bishops  and  others.  Though 
a devoted  Romanist,  there  was  a revulsion  in  her  intelligent 
mind  as  she  witnessed  these  absurd  and  wicked  idolatries  of  her 
Church  in  Mexico.  Their  splendor  and  costly  decorations  could 
not  blind  her  as  to  their  true  character.  W e are  referring  to  the 

practices  of  the  Mariolatry,  which  has  no  parallel  in  any  other 
land,  and  which  has  raised  up  two  Virgins  for  the  adoration  of 
the  Mexican  people ! 

Madame  Calderon  tells  the  story  of  the  first  of  these  Virgins 
as  follows  : 

We  went  lately  to  pay  a visit  to  the  celebrated  “ Virgin  de  los  Reme- 
dios,”  the  Spanish  patroness  and  rival  of  “Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.” 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


43 


This  Virgin  was  brought  over  from  Spain  by  the  army  of  Cortez,  and  on 
the  night  of  the  JVoche  Triste  the  image  disappeared,  and  nothing  further 
was  known  of  it,  until,  on  the  top  of  a barren  mountain  in  the  heart  of 
a large  maguey,  it  was  found.  Her  restoration  was  joyfully  hailed  by  the 
Spaniards.  A church  was  erected  on  the  spot.  A priest  was  appointed 
to  take  charge  of  the  miraculous  image.  Her  fame  spread  abroad. 
Gifts  of  immense  value  were  brought  to  her  shrine.  A treasurer  was  ap- 
pointed to  take  care  of  her  jewels,  a camarista  (a  keeper  of  robes)  to 
superintend  her  rich  wardrobe.  No  wealthy  dowager  died  in  peace  until 
she  had  bequeathed  to  Our  Lady  of  Remedies  her  largest  diamond  or  her 
richest  pearl.  In  seasons  of  drought  she  is  brought  iu  from  her  dwelling 
in  the  mountain  and  carried  in  procession  through  the  streets.  The 
viceroy  himself  on  foot  used  to  lead  the  holy  train.  One  of  the  highest 
rank  drives  the  chariot  in  which  she  is  seated.  In  succession  she  visits 
the  principal  convents,  and  as  she  is  carried  through  the  cloistered  pre- 
cincts the  nuns  are  ranged  on  their  knees  in  humble  adoration.  Plenti- 
ful rains  immediately  follow  her  arrival  or  pestilences  are  terminated. 
. . . It  is  true  that  there  came  a time  when  the  famous  curate  Hidalgo^ 
the  prime  mover  in  the  revolution,  having  taken  as  his  standard  an  image 
of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  an  increased  rivalry  arose  between  her  and 
the  Spanish  Virgin;  and  Hidalgo  being  defeated  and  forced  to  fly,  the 
image  of  the  Virgin  de  los  Remedios  was  conducted  to  Mexico  dressed 
as  a general  and  invoked  as  the  patroness  of  Spain.  . . . 

The  church  where  she  is  enshrined  is  handsome,  and  above  the  altar  is 
a copy  of  the  original  Virgin.  After  we  had  remained  there  a little  while 
we  were  admitted  into  the  sanctum,  where  the  identical  Virgin  of  Cortez, 
with  a large  silver  maguey,  occupies  her  splendid  shrine.  The  priest 
retired  and  put  on  his  robes,  and  then  returning,  and  all  kneeling  before 
the  altar,  he  recited  the  Credo.  This  over,  he  mounted  the  steps,  and, 
opening  the  shrine  where  the  Virgin  was  incased,  knelt  down  and 
removed  her  in  his  arms.  He  then  presented  her  to  each  one  of  us  in 
succession,  every  one  kissing  the  hem  of  her  satin  robe.  She  was  after- 
ward replaced  with  the  same  ceremony. 

The  image  is  a wooden  doll  about  a foot  high,  holding  in  its  arms  an 
infant  Jesus,  both  faces  evidently  carved  with  a rude  penknife,  two  holes 
for  the  eyes  and  another  for  the  mouth.  The  doll  was  dressed  in  blue 
satin  and  pearls,  with  a crown  upon  her  head,  and  a quantity  of  hair  fast- 
ened onto  the  crown.  No  Indian  idol  could  be  much  uglier.  As  she  has 
been  a good  deal  scratched  and  destroyed  in  the  lapse  of  ages,  C n ob- 

served that  he  was  astonished  that  they  had  not  tried  to  restore  her  a little. 
To  this  the  padre  replied  that  the  attempt  had  been  made  by  several  artists, 
each  one  of  whom  had  sickened  and  died.  He  also  mentioned  as  one  of 


44 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


her  miracles  that  living  on  a solitary  mountain  she  had  never  been  robbed ; 
but  I fear  the  good  padre  is  somewhat  oblivious,  as  this  sacrilege  has  hap- 
pened more  than  once.  Ou  one  occasion,  a crowd  of  leperos  (beggars) 
being  collected,  and  the  image  carried  round  to  be  kissed,  one  of  them, 
affecting  intense  devotion,  bit  off  the  large  pearl  that  adorned  her  dress 
in  front,  and  before  the  theft  was  discovered  he  had  mingled  with  the 
crowd  and  escaped.  "When  reminded  of  the  circumstance  the  padre  said 
it  was  true,  but  that  the  thief  was  a Frenchman!  (P.  120.) 

This  ill-conditioned  image  has  been  for  more  than  three 
centuries  the  special  idol  of  the  Spanish  aristocracy  in  Mexico. 
She  was  served  with  great  splendor,  and  was  the  owner  of  the 
famous  petticoats  valued  at  $3,000,000.  Waddy  Thompson 
describes  one  of  her  processions  which  he  witnessed,  “ number- 
ing some  forty  to  fifty  thousand  persons,  including  all  the  high 
dignitaries  of  the  government,  the  Church,  and  the  army,”  all 
professing  to  believe  the  priestly  story  that  every  attempt  to 
repair  the  broken  nose  or  to  supply  the  lost  eye  “ended  in  the 
death  of  the  daring  sinner  who  would  attempt  to  improve  an 
image  made  in  heaven.”  The  Empress  Carlota,  on  her  arrival 
in  Mexico  in  1864,  accepted  this  Virgin  as  her  protectress,  and 
resolved  to  serve  her  with  an  earnestness  that  would  popularize 
her  with  the  nation.  Those  who  were  present  and  saw  her  do 
it  described  to  the  writer  how  zealously  she  headed  the  proces- 
sion of  Mexican  ladies,  she,  as  each  of  them,  carrying  an  immense 
burning  wax  taper  as  they  walked  through  the  dusty  streets  of 
the  capital  in  honor  of  this  image.  The  poor  lady  evidently 
knew  not  all  the  facts  involved  in  her  action,  or  how  much  too 
late  it  was  to  restore  the  popularity  that  had  been  waning  ever 
since  the  republican  movements,  which  began  in  1810,  bringing 
to  the  front  another  idol — another  Virgin  Mary — instead  of 
this  one,  formerly  the  popular  image  of  Mexico. 

We  should  say  that  the  picture  of  this  Virgin  which  we  here 
present  and  which  is  the  accepted  type,  brought  from  Mexico, 
rather  flatters  the  original!  The  artist  evidently  did  not  fol- 
low copy  in  this  case  and  give  the  world  a faithful  representation 
of  the  image  which  is  so  truly  described  as  “ rude  and  ugly.” 
Of  course  one  is  expected  to  make  allowance  for  a lady  who  not 


THE  VIRGIN’  OF  BEMEDIOS, 

The  patroness  of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


45 


only  went  through  the  vicissitudes  and  hard  experiences  of  “ the 
Conquest,”  but  who  in  addition  lias  added  three  hundred  and 
fifty  to  her  years  of  earthly  life  and  shows  now  the  effect  of  both  ! 
In  January,  1874, 1 paid  a visit  to  this  shrine  to  see  and  hear  for 
myself  what  there  was  remaining  of  this  once  famous  image. 
The  church  and  its  surroundings  was  a picture  of  desolation. 
The  only  power  that  could  have  restored  its  prestige  and  glory 
had  been  overthrown  when  the  cause  of  Maximilian  and  Carlota 
had  been  crushed.  She  shared  their  fate.  The  church,  once  so 
resplendent,  was  shut  up,  but  three  or  four  poor  people,  who 
were  hanging  round  in  expectation  of  an  occasional  visitor,  on 
seeing  us  approach  started  off  to  call  the  priest  of  the  church. 
He  soon  appeared,  the  doors  were  opened,  and  after  robing  him- 
self he  took  down  the  image  from  her  shrine  with  the  usual 
large  amount  of  formality  and  many  genuflections,  and  pre- 
sented her  to  our  view,  and  then  lowered  her  near  enough  for  us 
to  kiss  the  hem  of  her  garment,  if  so  disposed,  and  seemed  rather 
disappointed  when  we  declined  the  honor.  Our  lack  of  service 
and  reverence,  however,  was  made  up  by  the  three  or  four 
beggars  who  had  come  in  when  we  entered.  They  adoringly 
kissed  the  “ sacred  ” margin  of  her  petticoat  and  crossed  them- 
selves. 

As  we  stood  at  that  altar  and  contemplated  this  image  our 
hearts  went  out  in  deep  compassion  to  the  misguided  millions 
of  Mexico  who  have  been  taught  to  trust  in  and  worship  such  a 
rival  of  Almighty  God  as  this  is,  and  at  the  same  time  became 
conscious  of  a deeper  feeling  than  we  have  ever  felt  before  of 
the  guilt  of  a clergy  wdio  could  thus  mislead  their  fellow-beings. 
This  idolatry  explained  the  poverty,  ignorance,  and  degradation 
of  the  people.  I asked  the  priest  why  the  Virgin  no  longer 
went  in  grand  processions  to  Mexico,  as  of  old,  and  he  sadly  re- 
plied, “ Ah,  Senor,  the  Virgin  of  Remedios  goes  no  more  in  pro- 
cessions until  the  ‘ Laws  of  Reform  ’ are  repealed  ! ” All  right. 
Then  she  will  probably  stay  where  she  is,  more  and  more  de- 
serted, for  the  liberty-loving  Mexicans  are  not  likely  to  go  back 
on  their  grand  record  of  freedom.  While  the  Mexicans  are 


46 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


greatly  to  be  pitied,  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  we  should 
have  been  in  a better  state  had  we  for  three  hundred  years  been 
bearing  the  burdens  they  have  carried.  Give  the  United  States 
to  the  absolute  control  of  the  same  Church  and  the  same  kind 
of  clergy,  let  them  inculcate  the  same  doctrines  and  practices, 
place  the  same  restrictions  on  freedom  of  thought  and  the  Bible, 
grant  them  an  established  Church  and  the  parochial  school  sys- 
tem, with  political  corruption  in  national  affairs,  and  what  rea- 
son have  we  to  suppose  that  in  half  the  time  they  have  thus 
wielded  power  in  the  land  of  the  Aztecs,  say  one  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  we  would  not  show  an  equal  ruin  and  degrada- 
tion ? 

Still,  we  have  not  completed  our  showing  of  the  unique  situ- 
ation in  Mexico.  The  second  image  of  the  Virgin,  which  has 
figured  as  a bitter  rival  of  this  one,  shall  have  her  story  pre- 
sented to  us  by  Madame  Calderon,  who  had  the  narration  from 
the  lips  of  the  resident  bishop,  on  the  occasion  of  her  visit  to 
the  grand  shrine  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  with  all  the 
surroundings  of  the  gorgeous  cathedral  to  impress  her  favor- 
ably. 

The  “divine  painting”  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  repre- 
sents her  in  a blue  cloak  covered  with  stars,  a garment  of 
crimson  and  gold,  her  hands  clasped,  and  her  foot  on  a crescent, 
supported  by  a cherub.  The  original  painting  is  coarse,  and 
only  remarkable  for  the  tradition  attached  to  it.  Madame 
Calderon’s  narrative  is  as  follows  : 

We  went  to  call  on  the  bishop,  the  Ylustrisimo  Senor  Campoa,  whom 
we  found  in  his  canonicals,  and  who  seems  a good  little  old  man,  but 
no  conjurer.  . . . Folding  his  hands  and  looking  down,  he  proceeded 
to  recount  the  history  of  the  miraculous  apparition,  pretty  much  as  fol- 
lows: 

“In  1531,  ten  years  and  four  months  after  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  a fort- 
unate Indian,  whose  name  was  Juan  Diego,  passing  by  the  mountain  of 
Tepeyac,  a short  distance  south  of  Mexico  city,  the  holy  Virgin  suddenly 
appeared  before  him  and  ordered  him  to  go  in  her  name  to  the  bishop, 
the  Ylustrisimo  D.  Fr.  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  and  to  make  known  to  him 
that  she  desired  to  have  a place  of  worship  erected  in  her  honor  on  that 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


47 


spot.  The  next  day  the  Indian  passed  by  the  same  place,  when  again  the 
holy  Virgin  appeared  before  him  and  demanded  the  result  of  his  commis- 
sion. Juan  Diego  replied  that  in  spite  of  his  endeavor  he  had  not  been 
able  to  obtain  an  audience  of  the  bishop.  ‘Return,’  said  the  Virgin, 
‘and  say  that  it  is  I,  the  Virgin  Mary,  mother  of  God,  who  sends  thee.’ 
Juan  Diego  obeyed  the  divine  orders,  yet  still  the  bishop  would  not  give 
him  credence,  merely  desiring  him  to  bring  some  sign  or  token  of  the 
Virgin’s  will.  He  returned  with  this  message  on  the  12th  of  December, 
when,  for  the  third  time,  he  beheld  the  apparition  of  the  Virgin.  She  now 
commanded  him  to  climb  to  the  top  of  the  oarren  rock  of  Tepeyac,  to 
gather  the  roses  which  he  should  find  there,  and  to  bring  them  to  her. 
The  humble  messenger  obeyed,  though  well  knowing  that  on  that  spot 
were  neither  flowers  nor  any  trace  of  vegetation.  Nevertheless,  he  found 
the  roses,  which  he  gathered  and  brought  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  who,  throw- 
ing them  into  his  tilma  [blanket],  said,  ‘ Return,  show  these  to  the  bishop, 
and  tell  him  that  these  are  the  credentials  of  thy  mission.’  Juan  Diego 
set  out  for  the  episcopal  residence,  and  when  he  found  himself  in  the 
presence  of  the  prelate  he  unfolded  his  tilma  to  show  him  the  roses, 
when  there  appeared  imprinted  on  it  the  miraculous  image  which  has 
existed  for  more  than  three  centuries. 

“ When  the  bishop  beheld  it  he  was  seized  with  astonishment  and  awe, 
and  conveyed  it  in  a solemn  procession  to  his  own  oratory,  and  shortly 
after  this  splendid  church  was  erected  in  honor  of  the  patroness  of  New 
Spain.  From  all  parts  of  the  country,”  continued  the  old  bishop,  “ people 
flocked  in  crowds  to  see  our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  and  esteem  it  an  honor 
to  obtain  sight  of  her.  What  must  be  my  happiness,  who  can  see  her  most 
gracious  majesty  every  hour  and  every  minute  of  the  day?  I would  not 
quit  Guadalupe  for  any  other  part  of  the  world,  nor  for  any  temptation 
that  could  be  held  out  to  me ; ” and  the  pious  man  remained  for  a few 
moments  as  if  rapt  in  ecstasy.* 

The  old  bishop’s  account  is  borrowed,  but  in  very  much 
abridged  form,  from  a printed  sermon  of  Cardinal  de  Lorenzana, 
Archbishop  of  Mexico  in  1760;  and  that  sermon  and  descrip- 
tion, be  it  observed,  is  the  general  source  from  whence  all  writers 
take  in  presenting  this  legend,  though  its  value  as  to  veracity  is 
brought  much  into  question  by  the  fact  that  the  cardinal  did 
not  give  the  story  to  the 'world  until  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
seven  years  after  the  events  were  said  to  have  occurred  ! Those 
who  desire  the  fuller  account  of  the  legend  will  find  it  in 

* Life  in  Mexico , p.  60. 


48 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Brantz  Mayer’s  valuable  work.'”'  His  account  is  taken  from 
that  printed  by  Ignatio  Barillo  y Perez. 

All  persons  visiting  this  now  famous  cathedral  corroborate 
the  account  of  the  wealth  and  splendor  which  have  been  lav- 
ished on  this  shrine  until  the  facts  seem  bewildering,  and  the 
extravagant  ceremonial  of  her  anniversary  every  December  may 
well  be  reckoned  among  the  amazing  facts  of  this  world,  espe- 
cially considering  the  ponderous  edifice  that  the  clericals  have 
ventured  to  build  upon  such  a slender  foundation  as  this  story 
of  the  poor  Indian  peon  and  his  blanket.  Robertson  describes 
the  splendor  of  the  scene  which  he  witnessed  on  the  anniversary, 
lie  says : 

The  interior  decorations  of  the  church  are  sumptuous  in  the  extreme. 
The  altar  at  the  north  end,  and  the  canopy  and  the  pillars  around  it,  are 
of  the  finest  marbles.  Above  it,  in  a frame  of  solid  gold,  covered  with  a 
crystal  plate,  is  the  figure  of  the  Virgin,  painted  on  the  Indian’s  tilma, 
presented  in  the  picture  on  the  opposite  page  here.  On  each  side  of  the 
image,  within  the  frame,  and  extending  its  whole  length,  are  strips  of 
gold  literally  crusted  with  emeralds,  diamonds,  and  pearls.  At  the  feet  of 
the  figure  there  are  again  large  clusters  of  the  same  costly  gems.  From 
each  side  of  the  frame  issues  a circle  of  golden  rays,  while  above  it,  as  if 
floating  in  the  air,  hangs  the  figure  of  a dove  of  solid  silver  as  large  as  a 
goose  in  size.t 

We  ltere  present  this  second  Yirgin  of  Mexico  to  our  readers. 
This  picture,  gorgeously  illuminated,  of  her  whom  they  de- 
light to  call  “ The  Patron  Saint  and  Protectress  of  Mexico  ” is 
found  in  nearly  all  the  homes  in  the  land,  in  every  variety,  from 
cheap  engravings  to  costly  paintings.  With  her  devotees  the 
greatest  day  in  the  whole  year  is  the  12th  of  December,  the 
anniversary  of  her  miraculous  appearance,  when  the  crowds 
come'from  all  parts  to  witness  the  rites  instituted  in  her  honor. 
Until  recently  the  whole  pompous  ceremonial  was  countenanced 
by  the  presence  and  apparent  devotion  of  all  the  high  officers 
of  the  government,  including  the  president  himself.  In  evi- 

* Mexico  : Aztec , Spanish^  and  Republican , in  two  volumes,  Drake  & Co.,  Hartford, 
vol.  i,  p.  256,  etc. 

f A Visit  to  Mexico , by  W.  P.  Robertson,  vol.  ii.  London,  1853. 


THE  VIRGIN1  OF  GUADALUPE, 

The  patroness  of  the  native  Mexicans. 


11 T BE  V OSB RAY  Y C* 


NON  FECIT  TAUTER  OMNI  NATION!, 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


49 


dence  of  this  amazing  folly  notice  the  testimony  of  General 
Thompson.  After  describing  the  scene  and  its  prodigality  of 
wealth  in  honor  of  this  idol  of  Mexico,  he  says : 

If  the  reader  should  ask,  “Does  any  body  believe  this?”  I answer, 
that  on  the  anniversary  of  this  miracle  I went  to  the  Church  of  Guada- 
lupe, where  more  than  fifty  thousand  people  were  assembled,  among 
them  President  Bravo  and  all  his  cabinet,  the  archbishop,  aud,  in  short, 
every  body  in  high  station  in  Mexico.  An  oration  in  commemoration  of 
the  event  was  delivered  by  a distinguished  member  of  the  Mexican  Con- 
gress. He  described  all  the  circumstances  of  the  affair  as  I have  given 
them,  but  with  all  the  extravagance  of  Mexican  rhetoric,  just  as  one  of 
our  Fourth  of  July  orators  would  narrate  the  events  of  the  Revolution. 
The  president  and  others  exchanged  all  the  while  smiles  and  glances  of 
pride  and  exultation.* 

Eleven  years  later  R.  A.  Wilson,  of  Rochester,  visited  Mex- 
ico and  made  a thorough  examination  of  their  ceremonies  in  this 
Gaudalupe  cathedral.  Two  of  his  Sabbaths  were  given  to  the 
matter.  He  says : 

The  State  and  the  Church  were  duly  represented  upon  the  platform  by 
the  president  [then  Santa  Anna],  the  nuncio,  and  the  archbishop.  Beneath 
the  platform,  and  within  the  silver  railing,  were  the  official  representatives 
of  foreign  nations,  who  were  easily  distinguished  by  a strip  of  gold  or 
silver  lace  upon  the  collars  and  lapels  of  their  coats.  To  this  uniformity 
of  dress  there  was  a single  exception  in  the  person  of  the  new  American 
embassador,  Mr.  Gadsden,  whose  plain  black  dress  and  clerical  appearance 
would  have  conveyed  the  impression  that  he  was  a Methodist  preacher, 
had  he  not  been  engaged,  with  all  the  awkwardness  of  a novice,  upon  his 
knees  in  crossing  himself.  ...  On  the  next  Sabbath  I attended  the 
Indian  celebration  of  the  appearance  of  “the  most  blessed  Virgin.  ” Dur- 
ing the  Christmas  holidays  in  the  country  of  the  Pintos  I had  seen  Indians 
dressed  up  in  whimsical  attire,  enacting  plays,  and  singing  and  dancing; 
but  this  was  the  first  time  that  I had  ever  seen,  in  a house  dedicated  to 
the  worship  of  God,  or,  rather,  in  a temple  consecrated  to  the  adoration 
of  the  Virgin,  fantastic  dances  performed  by  Indians  under  the  supervision 
of  priests  and  bishops.  When  I found  out  what  the  entertainment  was 
I was  heartily  vexed  that  I should  be  at  such  a place  on  the  Sabbath  day. 
The  dancing  and  singing  were  bad  enough,  but  the  climax  was  reached 
when  the  priest  came  down  from  the  altar,  with  an  array  of  attendants 

* Recollections  of  Mexico,  p.  112. 


5 


50 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


having  immense  candles,  to  the  side-door,  where  the  procession  stopped 
to  witness  the  discharge  at  midday  of  a large  amount  of  fire-works  in 
honor  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

I hurried  home  from  this  profanation  of  the  Lord’s  day,  and  sat 
down  and  comtemplated  the  old  Aztec  god,  who  had  been  deified  for  his 
wisdom,  and  could  not  but  regret  the  change  that  had  been  imposed 
upon  these  Indians.  The  next  Sabbath  after  this  was  the  national  anni- 
versary of  the  miraculous  apparition;  but  having  seen  enough  of  this  sort 
of  thing  I concluded  that  my  Sabbath  would  be  better  spent  in  staying 
at  home  and  reading  a Spanish  Testament,  wdrich  had  been  brought  into 
the  counfry  in  violation  of  the  law.  When  I was  first  at  the  city  of 
Mexico,  Governor  Letcher  related  to  me  the  stratagem  by  which  he  con- 
trived to  smuggle  an  American  Bible  agent  out  of  the  country  when  the 
police  were  after  him,  on  an  accusation  of  selling  prohibited  books;  for 
in  such  a country  as  this  the  word  of  God  is  a prohibited  book.* 

One  is  surprised  that  so  competent  an  observer  as  Madame 
Calderon  is  so  deficient  in  her  account  of  the  services  at  Guada- 
lupe. It  could  not  be  for  lack  of  opportunity,  for  she  remained 
in  Mexico  for  more  than  two  years,  and  must  have  seen  it  all, 
especially  at  the  time  of  the  great  festivals.  Iler  silence,  to 
us,  can  he  accounted  for  in  two  ways — either  the  fact  of  her 
Spanish  interests  leading  her  to  sympathize  rather  with  the 
Virgin  of  Remedies,  or  else  she  had  witnessed  the  scenes  at 
Guadalupe  and  had  been  so  grieved  that  she  was  unwilling  to 
describe  them. 

A recent  witness,  Mrs.  F.  C.  Gooch,  describes  the  occurrences 
in  1887.  A change  for  the  better  has  certainly  come  at  Gua- 
dalupe, especially  in  the  entire  withdrawal  of  government  pat- 
ronage ; yet  these  observations  evidence  that  enough  remains 
of  these  manifestations  of  folly  and  profanity  in  the  name  of 
religion  to  grieve  the  heart  of  every  intelligent  Romanist  who 
visits  Mexico.  She  writes  : 

A party  of  Americans,  of  which  I was  one,  with  a few  Mexicans,  wrent 
to  Guadalupe  the  night  before  the  grand  fiesta  was  to  take  place.  To 
adequately  describe  the  scene  would  require  the  pen  of  a Dickens.  The 
poor,  the  lame,  the  halt,  and  the  blind  had  been  there  congregated  as  well 
as  the  hale  and  the  hearty.  The  babel  of  voices,  the  songs  of  the  Indians, 

* Mexico  and  its  Religion , p.  230,  by  R.  A.  Wilson.  Harper  & Co.,  1856. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


51 


the  fire-crackers  and  sky-rockets,  suggested  to  us,  instead  of  a religious 
congregation,  rather  a demoniacal  pandemonium.  Gambling  was  in  full 
force.  . . . The  air  was  filled  with  an  indiscriminate  jangle  of  un- 

earthly sounds,  from  a variety  of  very  earthly  instruments,  which,  with 
the  dust,  the  odor  of  the  meat  cooking,  and  the  fumes  from  the  crowd, 
made  us  hurry  along  to  the  chapel  on  the  hill,  where  a treat  was  in  store 
for  us.  The  Indians  from  the  fastnesses  of  the  Sierras,  in  the  far  north, 
were  to  dance  in  their  peculiar  costumes. 

Animated  by  insatiable  curiosity,  and  anxious  to  witness  the  entire  cer- 
emonials, I pressed  through  the  crowd  of  poor  people  to  the  inner  circle. 
What  a scene!  The  wildest,  most  fantastically  decked  beings  that  mor- 
tal eye  ever  beheld  were  in  the  inner  space.  . . . Then  the  dance ! 

They  formed  circles,  the  men  on  the  outer  circle  and  the  women  on  the 
first  inner  circle,  and  again  other  circles  of  the  younger  Indians  of  both 
sexes,  forming  one  within  the  other.  The  everlasting  jangle  and  trum- 
trum  of  the  ghastly  jarana  covered  with  the  skin  of  an  armadillo,  lookiug 
like  an  exhumed  skeleton,  with  the  finery  of  flaunting  ribbons  floating 
around  it,  its  harsh  notes  mingling  with  the  drowning  wail  of  the  wild 
musician  who  played  as  though  in  a frenzy,  were  in  keeping  with  the 
whole  scene.  ...  It  was  the  wildest,  most  mournful  dance  that 
mortal  could  invent;  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  souls  of  the  devotees  were 
in  the  movement.  It  was  a sort  of  paroxysm  of  physical  devotion,  and 
seemed  to  exhaust  its  votaries. 

Having  concluded  the  dance  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  Guadalupe,  they 
filed  into  the  church  chanting  a low,  monotonous  hymn.  I was  the  first  to 
enter  after  them,  followed  closely  by  my  friends.  When  they  reached 
the  altar,  where  a large  picture  of  the  Virgin  was  suspended,  all  dropped 
on  their  knees  in  regular  lines  of  fours,  and  began  crossing  themselves  and 
murmuring  their  paternosters. 

The  man  who  played  on  the  jarana  recited  prayers,  the  others  respond- 
ing. After  this  they  sang  a litany,  accompanied  by  low,  moaning  sounds, 
as  if  in  anguish  of  spirit,  while  every  eye  was  fixed  steadily  upon  the  pa- 
tron saint  in  mute  appeal,  and  tears  streamed  down  their  bronzed  and 
hardened  faces. 

After  half  an  hour  thus  spent  upon  their  knees  they  arose,  and  still 
accompanied  by  the  strange  music  from  the  ghastly  instrument,  that 
seemed  to  have  taken  on  a more  unearthly  character,  moved  backward, 
making  a low  courtesy  at  each  step,  and  as  they  filed  out  sang  in  chorus  in 
their  strange  tongue : 

“ From  heaven  she  descended, 

Triumphant  and  glorious, 

To  favor  us — 

La  Guadalupana. 


52 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


“ Farewell,  Guadalupe  ! 

Queen  of  the  Indians  ! 

Our  life  is  thine, 

This  kingdom  is  thine.” 

When  they  withdrew  from  the  church,  our  party  following  closely,  the 
dancing  was  renewed  with  added  fervor.  But  before  we  had  gone  down 
ten  of  the  almost  countless  steps,  one  of  the  most  picturesquely  attired  of 
all  the  Indians  was  walking  by  my  side,  making  a bargain  with  me  for  the 
sale  of  his  crown  and  feathers ! 

While  the  scene  I had  just  witnessed  had  at  times  an  effect  to  excite 
merriment  the  contrary  feeling  of  sadness  and  almost  reverence  prevailed. 
I could  not  but  feel  awe  in  the  presence  of  those  dark  children  of  the  wild 
mountains  as  they  performed  their  mystical  devotions  and  sang  the  rude 
barbaric  songs  that  had  in  their  tones  the  strangeness  of  another  world.* 

All  this  heathenism  in  the  house  of  God  ! More  Aztec  by 
far  than  Christian;  for,  save  the  person  supposed  to  be  repre- 
sented on  the  “ blanket  ” within  the  golden  frame,  there  is  not 
one  Christian  idea  about  the  whole  service.  Yet  these  occasions 
are  regarded  as  the  most  meritorious  of  the  year  in  Mexico. 
The  scene,  taken  altogether,  is  matchless  on  the  earth.  A vast 
multitude  of  people,  all  bent  on  these  wild,  idolatrous  practices  ; 
the  sales  of  the  sacred  medals,  ribbons,  scapulars,  and  other  de- 
vices ; the  crowd  around  the  sacred  well  struggling  for  a share 
of  the  “ holy  ” water,  to  carry  to  their  distant  homes,  while  the 
women  and  boys  push  vigorously  the  sale  of  the  tickets  for  the 
lottery.  One  asks,  “ Is  it  possible  that  this  scene  is  authorized 
b}7  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  ? ” It  fe,  all  authorized.  Look 
into  the  center  of  that  crowd  at  the  church  door  and  see.  A busy 
man  stands  behind  a table  selling  bright  medals,  which  are  oblong 
in  shape,  and  about  an  inch  and  a half  long.  On  one  side  is 
the  image  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  with  the  inscription, 
“1ST.  S.  D.  Guadalupe  de  Mexico;”  on  the  obverse,  “ Non 
fecit  taliter  omni  nationi.”  Each  is  delivered  to  the  purchaser 
wrapped  in  a little  piece  of  printed  paper,  on  which  you  read : 

Our  most  holy  father,  the  sovereign  Pope  Pius  VI.,  by  his  brief  of  the 
13th  of  April,  1785,  has  conceded  plenary  indulgence  in  the  hour  of  death 

* Face  to  Face  with  the  Mexicans , by  F.  C.  Gooch,  p.  257. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


53 


to  all  those  who  shall  then  have  upon  them  one  of  the  medals  of  Our  Lady 
of  Guadalupe , which,  ready  blest,  are  sold  in  her  sanctuary.* 

So  the  highest  authority  in  the  Church  of  Rome  has  indorsed 
all  this  perversion  of  Christianity,  and  even  professes  to  carry 
its  supposed  benefits  through  death  into  eternity  ! The  poor, 
misguided  people  accept  the  assurance  of  their  pontiff  and  vent- 
ure their  soul’s  welfare  upon  the  possession  of  the  medal ! 

They  also  furnish  a document  to  show  that  this  “ miraculous 
appearance  of  the  mother  of  God  upon  earth,”  the  year  and 
at  the  place  aforesaid,  was  proved  before  the  Congregation  of 
Rites  at  Rome.  And  Benedict  XIY.  was  so  fully  persuaded 
of  the  truth  of  the  tradition  that  he  made 

cordial  devotion  to  our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  conceded  the  proper  mass 
and  ritual  of  devotion.  He  also  made  mention  of  it  in  the  lesson  of  the 
second  nocturnal,  . . . declaring  from  the  high  throne  of  the  Vatican 
that  Mary,  most  holy,  non  fecit  taliter  omni  nationi. 

All  this  resting  upon  the  slender  foundation  of  the  story  of 
an  Indian  peon,  “ though,  like  many  of  his  race,  lie  was  prob- 
ably an  habitual  liar,  yet  when  he  bears  testimony  to  a miracle 
lie  is  presumed  to  speak  the  truth. f ” Those  who  have  examined 
the  “miraculous”  picture  closely  are  very  doubtful  of  the 
“ blanket”  part  of  it.  Mr.  W.  E.  Curtis,  in  1888,  while  on  a 
mission  from  our  government,  carefully  examined  the  matter, 
and  gives  his  conclusion  : 

According  to  the  story,  the  portrait  is  stamped  upon  the  serape  or  blan- 
ket of  the  shepherd,  and  this  Catholics  in  Mexico  devoutly  believe.  But 
a close  examination  reveals  the  fact  that  it  is  done  in  ordinary  oil  colors 
upon  a piece  of  ordinary  canvas,  and  that  the  pigments  peel  off  like  those 
of  any  poorly  executed  piece  of  work.J 

This  testimony  is  confirmed  by  Colonel  Evans  in  Our  Sister 
Republic , p.  349. 

General  Thompson  was  one  day  looking  at  this  picture  in 
company  with  a Mexican  friend,  and  directing  his  attention  to 

* See  A Visit  to  Mexico , Robertson,  vol.  ii,  p.  154, 

f Wilson’s  Mexico , pp.  231,  232.  \ The  Capitals  of  Spanish  America,  p.  21. 


54 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


the  Latin  sentence,  Non  fecit  taliter  omni  nationi , which  is  no 
doubt  quoted  from  the  Yulgate  of  Psalm  cxlvii,  20,  where  the 
psalmist  is  exulting  in  the  distinguishing  favors  which  the  Lord 
Jehovah  had  conferred  upon  Israel,  saying,  “lie  hath  not  dealt 
so  with  any  nation.”  Unaware  that  he  was  putting  a question 
to  his  friend  which  intelligent  Mexicans  are  reluctant  to  answer 
to  a foreigner,  he  asked  the  meaning  of  the  words,  whereupon 
his  friend  promptly  replied  that  it  meant,  “ She  had  never 
made  such  cursed  fools  of  any  other  people  ! ” 

The  gentleman’s  exposition  may  pass  unchallenged,  though 
its  utterance  a few  years  earlier  might  have  sent  him  to  the 
Inquisition  ; for  there  is  no  worse  degradation  than  is  here  ex- 
hibited, which  this  dreadful  departure  from  primitive  Chris- 
tianity has  entailed  upon  this  people  for  generations. 

So  far  as  we  can  trace  back  the  origin  of  this  legend  we  re- 
member that  the  conquistadores  found  it  impossible  to  complete 
the  catholicizing  of  Mexico  by  force  and  cruelty.  They  found 
it  equally  difficult  to  attract  the  conquered  natives  to  the  wor- 
ship of  the  Sqoanish  Virgin  Mary,  whose  image  and  pictures 
they  sought  to  induce  the  Aztecs  to  accept  and  set  up  in  their 
homes  for  worship.  The  conquered  people  could  not  forget 
that  the  figure  of  this  Spanish  Virgin  was  borne  on  the  stand- 
ards of  their  victorious  oppressors,  and  aided,  as  they  supposed, 
in  their  enslavement.  This  foreign  goddess  they  therefore 
rejected,  unless  when  compelled  to  worship  her.  Their  own 
temples  and  idols  had  all  been  destroyed,  and  they  longed  for 
something  to  trust  in  and  adore.  So,  a new  policy  to  meet  the 
case  had  to.be  thought  out,  and  erelong  the  idea  was  conceived 
of  a native  Virgin  Mary — not  Spanish  but  Mexican — manifest- 
ing herself  as  such  to  the  Aztec  race  as  their  own  Virgin  and  pa- 
troness. It  was  not  hard  to  find  a suitable  tool  with  which  to  try 
the  experiment,  and  Juan  Diego,  being  well  backed  up,  worked 
out  the  problem  successfully.  It  did  not  seem  to  give  the  con- 
spirators who  invented  this  new  Virgin  Mary  much  considera- 
tion that  the  two  ladies  must  necessarily  be  rivals  and  the  whole 
affair  become  ridiculous  in  its  results.  It  was  enough  for  them 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


55 


that  the  Spaniards  could  worship  one  Virgin  Mary  and  the  Aztecs 
worship  the  other,  each  with  the  services  and  rites  which  tliey 
preferred,  and  all  would  go  conveniently. 

Wealth  remained  with  the  Spanish  Virgin  fora  long  time, 
but  the  one  of  Guadalupe  had  the  crowds,  and  their  devotion 
led  them  to  emulate  the  liberality  of  the  other  party  and  in  time 
to  exceed  it,  though  in  doing  so  they  made  their  own  impover- 
ishment perpetual,  so  that  every  stranger  visiting  the  land  is 
amazed  at  the  incongruity  of  the  poverty  of  the  worshipers 
and  the  wealth  and  splendor  of  the  services. 

When  the  great  struggle  for  deliverance  from  the  Spanish 
yoke  culminated  in  the  effort  for  independence  led  by  Hidalgo, 
in  1S10,  the  patriot  priest  saw  that  he  could  rally  the  oppressed 
native  races  best  by  putting  the  image  of  the  Virgin  of  Gua- 
dalupe on  his  flag  of  freedom.  The  Spaniards  met  this  by 
painting  the  image  of  the  Virgin  of  Remedios  on  their  flag. 
Under  this  leading  the  conflict  was  fought  out  most  bitterly  for 
twelve  years,  when  the  native  blood  and  determination  proved 
the  stronger,  and  “Nnestra  Senora  de  los  Remedios,”  used  by 
the  Spaniards  as  their  war-cry,  was  silenced,  and  herself  and 
shrine  sunk  into  disregard,  deserted  by  all  save  the  few  Spanish 
families  that  remain  and  still  adhere  to  her.  Iturbide,  when,  in 
1822,  he  joined  the  party  of  freedom  ao  the  leader  of  the  creole 
class,  was  wise  enough  to  discern  that  with  the  “ Guadalupana” 
— as  the  Spanish  aristocracy  designate  the  “Indian  Virgin” — 
was  the  best  prospect  of  victory,  and  he  thus  united  a con- 
siderable section  of  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of  the  cities 
with  the  cause  represented  by  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe.  The 
failure  of  the  French  intervention  and  overthrow  of  Maximil- 
ian’s empire,  as  already  intimated,  extinguished  the  last  hope  of 
the  partisans  of  the  Virgin  of  Remedios  for  her  recovery  of 
her  former  glory  and  influence. 

During  the  years  of  the  dreadful  conflict  waged  by  the  dev- 
otees ot  their  two  \ irgins  it  is  almost  amusing  to  contemplate 
how  much  and  how  earnestly  these  two  ridiculous  dolls  were 
regarded  and  treated  as  real  personages,  whose  active  influence 


56 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


was  looked  for  to  crown  the  cause  of  their  respective  devotees 
with  the  victory  which  they  implored.  On  one  occasion,  when 
the  republican  cause  seemed  to  be  getting  the  worst  of  it,  the 
fact  was  attributed  to  the  presence  and  favor  of  the  Virgin  of 
Remedios,  and  her  expulsion  from  Mexico  was  therefore  re- 
solved upon.  The  general-in-cliief  made  out  her  passport  in 
due  form,  and  is  said  to  have  gone  with  some  of  his  staff  to  her 
shrine,  where  he  tore  the  general’s  scarf,  which  she  wore,  from 
her  waist,  and,  delivering  her  passport  to  the  attendant  priests, 
ordered  her  immediate  expulsion  from  Mexico ! This  order 
her  devotees,  however,  found  means  to  avoid,  and  she  remained. 
After  peace  was  won  and  the  republic  established  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  end  the  disgraceful  squabbles  and  liability 
of  conflict  between  the  partisans  of  the  two  Virgins  by  for- 
bidding either  party  to  take  their  favorite  in  public  processions 
through  the  streets.  The  “ Laws  of  Reform  ” made  this  ex- 
cellent rule  perpetual. 

The  utter  absurdity  of  this  condition  of  things  in  religion, 
running  on  through  the  centuries,  was  endured  by  the  dis- 
tracted nation  without  either  party  seeming  to  realize  how 
unworthy  of  reason  and  common  sense  was  the  pretension  to 
divine  authority  in  either  case.  We  are  here  reminded  of  Ma- 
dame Calderon's  excuse  for  some  scenes  not  very  unlike  these 
which  she  describes,  probably  the  only  one  she,  as  a Roman 
Catholic,  could  offer:  “However  childish  and  superstitious  all 
this  may  seem,  I doubt  whether  it  may  not  be  as  well  thus  to 
impress  certain  religious  truths  on  the  minds  of  a people  too 
ignorant  to  understand  them  by  any  other  process’'  (p.  108). 
This  is  a poor  explanation  to  offer  for  a wealthy  Church  which 
had  these  millions  in  her  power  for  three  centuries,  and  whose 
first  duty  it  was  to  cure  them  of  their  “ ignorance  ” and  “ super- 
stition ” and  to  elevate  them  in  sacred  knowledge  and  morality. 
Alas,  what  a failure  is  Romanism  in  Mexico!  Over  this  wide 
world  Protestant  mission  work  needs  no  excuses,  nor  has  it  any- 
where any  such  failures  to  answer  for.  Its  converts  are  a 
credit  to  it,  no  matter  how  brief  the  period  it  has  had  them 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


57 


under  training.  'Where  it  lias  had  them  for  even  a fourth  part 
of  the  time  above  mentioned  they  have  become  a self-support- 
ing, intelligent,  and  missionary  Christianity,  an  honor  and  a 
blessing  to  the  lands  whose  highest  positions  some  of  them  are 
to-day  filling. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  it  is  our  painful  duty  to  ask  the 
reader’s  attention  to  one  more  aspect  of  the  utterly  unwarranted 
idolatrous  extravagance  of  doctrine  which  this  Church  built 
up  on  the  ruins  of  Aztec  heathenism.  Those  who  only  know 
Romanism  as  they  see  it  in  the  United  States  or  in  England — 
for  there  it  is  astute  and  careful — can  have  little  idea  of  the 
practices  which  that  Church  has  encouraged  in  Mexico.  Rot 
only  has  she  failed  to  give  them  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  but  she 
presented  them  with  “another  gospel,”  in  the  sense  which  St. 
Paul  so  plainly  condemns. 

"We  are  conscious  of  the  seriousness  of  the  words  which  we 
now  use,  but  the  painful  evidence  is  too  abundant  to  be  over- 
looked. We  will  present  only  a very  few  out  of  the  many 
samples,  each  from  their  own  acknowledged  authorities,  to 
justify  the  charge  which  Protestantism  brings  against  the 
terrible  departure  from  the  teachings  of  revealed  religion. 
These  errors  center  around  the  person  of  the  mother  of  our 
Lord,  who  has  by  them  been  exalted  out  of  the  sphere  which 
she  occupies  in  the  evangelical  narrative,  clothed  with  divine 
attributes  and  made  the  supreme  object  of  human  trust 
in  the  matter  of  salvation.  All  this  without  any  warrant 
from  the  word  of  God,  and  in  defiance  of  its  spirit  and 
teaching. 

Let  us  take  a few  of  the  titles  which  Mexicans  have  been 
taught  to  employ  in  common  with  their  co-religionists  elsewhere 
before  introducing  what  is  special  in  the  teaching  of  the  hier- 
archy of  Mexico.  One  of  these  is  that  the  Virgin  Mary  is 
“ the  mother  of  God ; ” and  because  evangelical  Christians  object 
to  such  a title  being  applied  to  any  creature,  and  being  in 
strict  language  impossible  in  itself,  the  Romish  clergy  there  bit- 
terly misrepresent  us  and  our  teaching  and  try  to  raise  the 


58 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


hatred  of  their  fanatical  followers  against  us  as  “ revilers  of  the 
Virgin  Mary.” 

A human  creature  “the  mother  of  God”  is  an  utter  im- 
possibility. The  stream  cannot  rise  higher  than  its  source.  She 
became,  as  the  Scriptures  call  her,  “ the  mother  of  Jesus,”  who 
derived  his  manhood  from  her,  but  not  his  godhead.  That  god- 
head existed  in  all  its  perfection  a whole  eternity  before  the 
Virgin  Mary  was  born,  and  therefore  could  not  be  born  of  her 
in  time.  She  gave  him  all  she  had  to  give,  her  humanity, 
and  that  was  all  that  her  mission  called  for.  “The  man  Christ 
Jesus  ” was  her  child,  and  to  this  humanity  the  divine  and  eter- 
nal Son  of  God  united  himself  and  became  “ Emmanuel  ” by 
the  unity,  and  was  thus  qualified  to  become  the  atoning  Saviour 
of  the  human  race. 

Another  of  those  titles  invented  to  lend  color  to  the  claim 
which  they  have  set  up  to  invest  her  with  superhuman  attri- 
butes and  give  her  a title  to  divine  honors  is  that  of  “ the 
divinized  mother  of  God.”*  Concerning  this  pure  and  honored 
woman  no  one  knows  any  thing  beyond  what  is  written  in  the 
four  gospels  and  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  because  her  name  is  not 
once  mentioned  in  any  of  the  epistles,  while  the  five  apostolic 
fathers  of  the  first  century  after  Christ  say  nothing  about  her 
save  what  is  given  as  above.  “ Mary,  of  whom  was  born  Jesus, 
who  is  called  Christ”  (Matt,  i,  16),  is  the  opening  of  the  sim- 
ple and  beautiful  record.  Now  let  us  put  by  the  side  of  this 
the  amazing  and  awful  designations  invented  by  Romanism  to 
prove  her  to  be  “ divinized,”  and  as  such  the  object  of  human 
trust  and  adoration. 

The  announcement  of  the  new  doctrine  of  “the  Immaculate 
Conception  ” of  the  Virgin  Mary,  in  December,  1854,  by 
Pope  Pius  IX.,  revised  the  shocking  profanity  of  the  rosary 
of  “ the  Blessed  St.  Anne,  Mother  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and 
Grandmother  of  God  Almighty  ! ” f All  this  blasphemous 
language  is  recklessly  employed  to  commend  “the  divinized 
mother  of  God”  to  the  adoration  of  her  worshipers,  while 

* Christian  World,  vol.  xiv,  p.  254.  f Ibid.,  vol.  vi,  p.  163. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


59 


true  Christians  grieve  and  infidels  mock  at  such  ^ impossible 
assumptions. 

Still  another  of  these  unauthorized  titles  adopted  for  this 
humble  woman  is  that  of  “ Queen  of  Heaven.”  As  such  she 
is  represented  in  their  picture  on  page  44,  crowned  with  the 
infant  Saviour  in  her  arms.  There  is  nothing  to  justify  this 
picture  ; it  is  manifestly  false  to  the  facts.  Mary  was  the  wife  of 
a poor  carpenter  in  a humble  home,  and  the  bauble  of  a crown 
never  rested  upon  her  brow.  If  answered  that  the  picture  rep- 
resents her  as  she  appears  in  heaven,  that  view  of  it  is  equally 
false,  for  it  is  impossible  for  her  to  appear  as  this  represents  in 
the  eternal  world,  where  Christ  sits — not  in  her  lap  or  in  her 
arms,  but  “ on  the  right  Land  of  the  Majesty  on  high.” 

There  seems  something  very  unworthy  in  this  constant  at- 
tempt to  keep  Jesus  in  his  babyhood  before  the  minds  of 
Homan  Catholic  people.  It  minifies  him,  and  eclipses  the  true 
glory  of  his  immortal  manhood  and  priestly  functions  by  thus 
exalting  his  mother’s  patronage  and  power  over  him,  notwith- 
standing that  eighteen  hundred  years  have  passed  since  she  had 
the  opportunity  of  such  responsibility. 

Pius  IX.  took  special  delight  in  thus  exalting  the  Virgin 
Mary.  He  says  in  his  encyclical  letter  to  the  bishops  of  the 
Catholic  world,  December,  18G4,  that  the  Virgin  Mary,  “ who, 
sitting  as  a queen  upon  the  right  hand  of  her  Son,  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  in  a golden  vestment,  shining  with  various 
adornments,  knows  nothing  which  she  cannot  obtain  from  the 
sovereign  Master.”  * 

The  old  gentleman  does  not  condescend  to  inform  the 
world  by  what  authority  he  states  this  as  to  her  position,  the 
dress  she  wears,  and  the  ornaments  with  which  she  is  decorated. 
His  word  is  to  be  accepted  without  question.  He  knows,  how- 
ever, no  more  about  these  things  than  the  humblest  person  who 
reads  his  pompous  encyclical.  Her  spirit,  no  doubt,  is  before 
the  throne,  waiting,  like  all  the  true  saints,  for  the  glorious 
resurrection  of  the  dead.  And  yet  in  this  false  and  unwarranted 

* Christian  World , vol.  xvi,  p.  200. 


60 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


teaching  she  is  represented  as  embodied  clothed  in  cloth  of 
gold,  wearing  a crown  and  exercising  her  mediation  for  sinners 
here  on  earth  as  the  great  “ Queen  of  Heaven.”  But  heaven 
has  no  queen.  The  term  is  drawn  from  the  Sabian  idolatry? 
and  as  such  is  denounced  and  condemned  by  Almighty  God  in 
Jeremiah  vii,  18,  and  xliv,  17. 

The  two  most  popular  books  of  devotion  which  they  use  are 
The  Litany  of  the  Dolorous  Virgin  Mary , prepared  by  Pope 
Pius  YII.,  and  The  Glories  of  Mary,  by  Ligouri.  These  books 
contain  ascriptions  to  the  Virgin  of  nearly  every  attribute  of 
Almighty  God ; but  the  climax  is  reached  where  she  is  repre- 
sented as  having  by  the  act  of  the  divine  Father  superseded  the 
adorable  Saviour  as  being  more  tender-hearted  toward  the  sinner 
than  he  can  be  ! It  is  expressly  taught  in  these  books  of  their 
devotions  that  “ the  Lord  Christ  has  assumed  the  administration 
of  justice  and  punishment  ” toward  men  “ and  resigned  to  her  the 
functions  of  grace  and  mercy ! So  the  poor,  misguided  souls 
are  taught  to  transfer  their  appeals  and  hopes  to  her  in  such 
prayers  as  these  : “ O Mary,  we  poor  sinners  know  no  refuge  hut 
thee.  Thou  art  our  only  hope.  To  thee  we  intrust  our  salva- 
tion” (p.  130).  This  shocking  inversion  of  the  Gospel  is  then 
wound  up  in  a grand  doxology,  putting  her  on  a par  with  the 
adorable  Trinity,  at  which  I tremble  as  I copy  it : 

I salute  thee,  O Great  Mediatrix  of  peace  between  men  and  God ; O 
Mother  of  Jesus  our  Lord,  the  love  of  all  men  and  of  God : to  thee  l>e  honor 
and  blessing  with  the  Father  and  with  the  Holy  Spirit.  Amen* 

With  assumptions  and  ascriptions  like  these  Pius  IX.  carried 
his  point  and  gave  forth  to  the  world,  on  the  8th  of  December, 
1851,  as  an  article  of  faith  henceforth  “necessary  to  salvation,” 
his  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 
In  his  missive  he  tells  Christendom  that  he  did  this 

with  a particular  filial  devotion  and  with  our  whole  heart,  to  adore  the 
blessed  Virgin  and  to  promote  all  that  tended  to  her  praise  and  glory,  and 
whereby  her  worship  might  be  more  and  more  extended.! 

* The  Glories  of  Mary,  by  Ligouri,  and  Christian  World , vol.  xxi,  p.  10. 

f Christian  World,  vol.  vi,  pp.  212,  213. 


MEXICO  IX  TRAXSITIOX. 


01 


One  might  suppose  that  the  widest  departure  from  the  Bible 
and  apostolic  Christianity  had  been  reached  when  the  above 
were  written,  but  there  was  one  step  more  that  might  be  taken, 
and  Catholicism  in  Mexico  has  not  shrunk  from  taking  it.  We 
now,  with  a heavy  heart,  present  this  additional  evidence  of  the 
peculiar  Mariolatry  for  the  invention  of  which  the  Church  has 
incurred  such  a fearful  accountability  to  the  Holy  Trinity,  as 
well  as  to  the  judgment  of  the  Christian  world,  whose  sen- 
sibilities have  been  shocked  as  the  facts  became  known  that 
Romanists  in  Mexico  have  dared  to  adopt  such  language  on  such 
a subject.  To  be  cautious  to  the  fullest  degree,  I have  had  the 
inscription  carefully  copied  from  the  tablet  on  the  immense 
“ reja,”  or  iron  screen,  of  the  third  chapel  on  the  left  as  one 
enters  the  great  cathedral  in  the  city  of  Puebla.  This  is,  next 
to  the  cathedral  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  regarded  as  the  most  im- 
posing church  on  this  continent.  The  tablet  hangs  in  front  of 
the  Chapel  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  and  the  inscription 
is  in  the  form  of  a prayer  to  her.  We  give  first  the  original 
Spanish  and  then  the  translation  : 

Oracion. 

Virgo n santfsima  de  Guadalupe,  admirable  Hija  de  Dios  Padre,  Madre 
de  Dios  Ilijo,  y Esposa  de  Dios  Espfritu  Santo,  Sefiora  mfa  consagrada, 
primero  sautificada  que  creada,  suplfcote  Patrona  y Sefiora  lufa,  que  si  en 
este  dia,  en  este  instante,  en  esta  bora,  o en  lo  restante  de  mi  vida,  o en  la 
muerte,  contra  mi  o contra  cosa  mfa  alguna  senteucia  fuere  dada.  sea  por 
vuestra  intercesion  revocada,  y por  mano  de  tu  Hijo  nuestro  Sefior  Jesu- 
cristo  sea  perdonada.  Amen,  Jesus, 

The  translation  is  as  follows : 

Prater. 

Most  holy  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  glorious  daughter  of  God  the  Father, 
mother  of  God  the  Son,  and  wife  of  God  the  Holy  Spirit,  my  Lady  conse- 
crated and  sanctified  before  thou  wast  created:  I pray  thee,  my  patron 
saint  and  Lady,  that  if  to-day,  if  this  moment,  if  this  hour,  or  if  during  the 
remainder  of  my  life,  or  in  death,  any  sentence  should  be  passed  against  me 
or  against  any  thing  of  mine,  it  may  by  thy  intercession  be  revoked,  and  by 
the  hand  of  thy  Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  turned  aside.  Amen,  Jesus. 


62 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


This  awful  language  is  not  a thing  allowed  in  the  past  times 
of  ignorance  only ; but  in  the  recent  issue  of  the  Novena , or 
manual  for  nine  days’  prayer  to  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  au- 
thorized by  the  members  of  the  “ Chapter  of  Holy  Mary  of 
Guadalupe,”  in  1885,  and  printed  by  J.  J.  Little  & Co.,  New 
York,  the  same  expressions  are  found  on  the  eleventh  page, 
ending  with  these  words : 

The  Holy  Spirit  also  has  made  thee  the  dispenser  of  all  his  gifts  and 
graces.  All  the  three  divine  persons  concurred  to  crown  thee  at  thy  glo- 
rious ascension  to  the  heavens,  and  then  there  was  conferred  upon  thee 
absolute  power  over  all  created  in  heaven  and  on  earth. 

IIow  heart-sickening  to  think  that  these  extracts  and  that 
doxology  are  sanctioned  by  highest  authority  in  the  Roman 
Church  ! No  wonder  that  the  millions  of  Mexicans  have  failed 
to  find  their  Saviour,  and  that  their  services  have  degenerated 
into  the  heathenish  spectacles  such  as  we  have  presented. 

Thoughtful  students  of  history,  as  they  note  the  difference 
between  nations,  are  impressed  by  the  fact  that  wherever  image- 
worship  is  met,  there  ignorance,  degradation,  and  wretchedness 
abound.  There  is  an  adequate  cause  for  this  that  can  only  be 
accounted  for  by  the  recognition  that  there  exists  an  all-power- 
ful Being  whose  decalogue  is  the  supreme  law  of  this  world. 
The  Almighty  avows  his  position  and  purposes  toward  the  vio- 
lators of  his  holy  law  as  expressed  in  the  second  commandment, 
who,  making  any  “ graven  image,  or  any  likeness  of  any  thing 
in  heaven  above,  or  on  the  earth  beneath,”  do  “ bow  dowrn  to 
it,  or  serve  it.”  The  reason  is  given  why  he  punishes  this  fear- 
ful sin  not  merely  with  individual  but  with  national  judg- 
ments : “For  I the  Lord  thy  God  am  a jealous  God,  visiting 
the  iniquity  of  the  fathers  upon  the  children  unto  the  third 
and  fourth  generation  of  them  that  hate  me ; and  showing 
mercy  unto  thousands  of  them  that  love  me,  and  keep  my  com- 
mandments.” 

No  wonder  the  Romish  priests  fear  to  let  their  people 
“search  the  Scriptures;”  no  wonder  that  they  exclude  the 


MEXICO  m TRANSITION. 


G3 


second  commandment  from  many  of  their  catechisms  and 
nearly  all  their  books  of  devotion.  But  it  is  a wonder  that 
they  do  not  realize  the  fearful  responsibility  which  they 
assume  in  so  doing,  nor  the  account  that  they  may  yet  have  to 
render  to  God  and  to  their  people  for  having  done  so. 

Keeping  close,  as  we  Protestants  do,  to  the  Bible  teachings, 
and  ready  at  any  hour  to  have  our  opinions  brought  to  the  test 
of  the  word  of  God,  it  is  unjust  to  call  us  “ heretics.”  Con- 
trast our  position  with  the  fluctuations  and  theological  novel- 
ties of  the  following  list  of  dates  of  the  doctrines  now  held  by 
the  Homan  Church,  not  one  of  which  is  in  the  Bible,  nor  can 
be  proved  thereby,  but  several  of  which  we  have  shown  here  to 
be  contrary  to  its  teaching,  and  it  will  be  easy  to  decide  who  are 
the  “ heretics.” 

DATES  OF  ROMISH  DOGMAS. 

The  Church  of  Borne  claims  to  be  apostolic,  immutable,  and 
infallible.  The  following  table  will  show  how  far  this  is  from 


being  true : 

Prayer  for  the  dead  began a.  d.  200 

"Worship  of  saints,  martyrs,  and  angels 350 

Worship  of  the  Virgin  Mary  was  developed  about  431 

Worship  in  an  unknown  tongue 600 

Papal  supremacy  606 

Worship  of  images  and  relics  imposed 788 

Obligatory  celibacy  of  the  priests 1000 

Infallibility  of  the  Church 1076 

Sale  of  indulgences 1190 

The  dogma  of  transubstantiation  officially  decreed 1215 

Auricular  confession  officially  imposed 1215 

The  cup  kept  back  from  the  laity  officially  sanctioned. . . . 1415 

Purgatory  officially  recognized 1439 

Romish  tradition  put  on  a level  with  the  Scriptures 1540 

Worship  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  sanctioned  by  the  pope.  1785 

The  Immaculate  Conception  proclaimed 1854 

The  pope’s  temporal  power  proclaimed 1864 

Papal  infallibility  proclaimed. 1870 


The  last  pope  made  the  belief  in  the  three  items  which  he 
proclaimed  a necessary  condition  of  grace  and  salvation. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


C>4 


CHAPTER  III. 

From  darkness  to  dawn  through  conflict  and  suffering — Spauish  rule — Viceroys 
— “Patriarch  of  Mexican  Independence” — His  “ Grito  ” and  helpers — The 
Bravos — Odds  against  freedom — Iturbide  and  coronation — Unfortunate  re- 
turn— Monroe  doctrine — Texan  war  and  its  object — McNamara  and  “ Meth- 
odist wolves” — General  Fremont — War  with  United  States — Treachery 
at  Cherubusco — The  hand  of  God — Hidden  refuge  for  Bible  study  in  the 
Canadas. 

From  the  year  1535  until  the  year  1821,  when  Mexico  obtained 
her  independence,  the  country  was  governed  by  sixty-one  vice- 
roys appointed  by  the  Spanish  crown.  Their  term  of  service 
extended  over  a period  of  two  hundred  and  eighty-six  years, 
giving  to  each  viceroy  an  average  of  more  than  four  years. 
Among  these  Spanish  rulers  there  was  occasionally  found  one  of 
benevolent  disposition  and  liberal  ideas.  But  it  must  be  con- 
ceded that  in  the  main  the  Spanish  rule  in  Hew  Spain  was  one 
of  iron  despotism,  in  which  priest  and  soldier  bore  an  equal  part, 
until  several  millions  of  human  beings,  the  constitutional  ele- 
ments of  whose  character  were  gentleness  and  docility,  rose 
against  their  oppressors  with  the  determination  of  driving 
them  from  the  land. 

The  Spaniards  had  acted  so  domineeringly  in  the  exercise  of 
their  absolute  rule,  and  in  the  monopoly  of  all  places  of  trust  and 
power,  that  they  oppressed  and  insulted  the  native  Mexicans  until 
positive  hatred  was  the  result.  Not  only  so,  but  they  had  also 
made  the  public  service  so  close  that  even  the  “ creole  ” class 
were  by  law  excluded  from  any  participation  in  it.  The  cre- 
oles were  descendants  of  the  Spaniards,  members  of  their  own 
families;  but  under  the  rale  that  no  country-born  person  should 
be  allowed  to  participate  in  the  government  of  the  colonies  in 
the  slightest  degree  they  were  made  to  feel  the  inferiority  of 
their  birth. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


65 


The  legislation  prepared  in  Spain  for  the  government  of  these 
“ colonies  of  the  crown  ” was  equally  exclusive  and  oppressive, 
though  New  Spain  was  a hundred  times  larger  than  Old  Spain, 
and  far  more  populous ; yet  at  every  point  the  laws  were  made 
to  discriminate  against  the  former,  to  the  extent  that  the  mul- 
berry-tree or  the  silk-worm  were  not  allowed  to  be  cultivated, 
nor  the  vine  grown  (though  both  so  genial  to  the  soil). 
Mexico  must  purchase  her  wine  and  her  silk  of  the  mother- 
country  or  do  without  them,  nor  could  her  poor  raise  and  sell 
them  elsewhere  and  so  assist  themselves  to  this  extent  by  their 
industry. 

The  Spaniards  were,  in  many  cases,  non-resident,  living  in 
Spain  on  the  incomes  remitted  from  their  Mexican  estates,  and 
the  rest  occupying  their  high  positions  in  the  capital  and  lead- 
ing points  of  the  country.  The  creoles  numbered  several  hundred 
thousand.  The  Roman  Church  stood  with  the  Spaniards,  with 
all  her  influence  and  wealth,  as  against  the  popular  wishes,  save 
in  those  very  few  cases  where  some  of  the  humble  clergy  (bet- 
ter than  their  system)  ventured  to  sympathize  with  their  poor 
people  in  the  heavy  burdens  which  they  endured.  Early  in 
this  century  a movement  had  begun  with  the  creole  class  to  have 
the  Spaniards  share  with  them  political  rights,  and  in  this  desire 
the  then  viceroy,  Iturrigaray,  wTas  disposed  to  concur,  in  the  in- 
terest of  peace,  if  not  of  justice.  It  was  a great  blow  aimed  at 
caste  after  nearly  three  hundred  years  of  monopoly  ! But  this 
kind  concession  cost  the  viceroy  his  position.  He  was  re- 
moved, and  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  was  placed  in  power, 
until  a new  viceroy,  of  a sterner  kind,  was  sent  from  Spain. 

The  French  Revolution  and  the  changes  made  by  the  move- 
ments of  Napoleon  I.,  including  the  removal  of  the  Bourbons 
from  the  throne  of  Spain,  reduced  the  prestige  of  the  Spanish 
rule  in  Mexico  and  seriously  lessened  the  power  of  the  viceroys. 
Thi&was  intensified  when  the  emperor  placed  his  brother  on  the 
Spanish  throne,  thus  giving  a heavy  shock  to  the  doctrine  of 
the  “ divine  right  of  kings,”  and  the  immutability  of  estab- 
lished order,  and  raising  hopes  that  changes  in  the  interests  of 
6 


66 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


liberty  and  right  were  to  be  expected  and  welcomed,  and,  if  need 
be,  fought  for,  by  those  who  appreciated  the  sentiment,  “ Who 
would  be  free  himself  must  strike  the  blow  ! ” The  spirit  of 
liberty  became  infectious,  and  was  strengthened  by  the  Consti- 
tution granted  by  the  new  Cortes  of  Spain  in  1812,  which 
abolished  the  Inquisition  and  gave  to  Mexico  more  freedom  than 
she  had  known  since  the  Conquest.  The  viceroy  was  a cruel 
absolutist,  and  had  no  heart  to  welcome  the  beneficent  change, 
and  longed  for  its  overthrow.  The  fall  of  Napoleon  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  removal  of  his  brother  and  the  change  of  the 
liberal  regimen  in  Spain.  Ferdinand  VII.,  who  was  restored  to 
the  throne  by  the  policy  of  the  “ Allied  Powers,”  who  met  in 
Paris  to  reconstruct  the  map  of  Europe,  was  one  of  the 
most  despotic  of  the  Bourbons.  He  abolished  the  Constitution, 
restored  the  Inquisition,  and  absolute  government  once  more 
oppressed  the  inhabitants  of  the  Spanish  peninsula.  Stern 
orders  were  sent  to  withdraw  all  that  had  been  conceded  to  the 
people  of  Mexico.  Fearing  the  progress  of  the  liberal  ideas  in 
that  country  as  well  as  in  the  South  American  colonies,  Ferdi- 
nand was  intending  to  dispatch  a fleet  and  army  to  bring  the 
Mexico  and  South  American  colonies  into  submission.  Before 
it  was  ready  to  sail  the  discovery  was  made  that  many  of  the 
officers  had  become  infected  with  “this  new  fever  of  liberty',” 
and  even  dared  to  express  their  displeasure  at  the  service  de- 
manded of  them,  and  were,  indeed,  more  likely  to  lead  the  revolt 
in  Mexico  than  to  suppress  it.  None  others  could  take  their 
places,  and  Ferdinand  and  his  clerical  sympathizers  were  openly 
criticised  for  their  despotic  plans  till,  alarmed  for  the  stability, 
of  his  throne,  the  Constitution  was  restored  and  the  hostile 
expedition  to  Mexico  abandoned. 

Next  to  personal  redemption,  that  in  which  man  most  needs 
the  intervention  of  Almighty  God  is  in  his  aspirations  for  jus- 
tice and  freedom.  Of  these  it  is  true  that  “ every  good  gift, 
and  every  perfect  gift,  is  from  above.”  The  apostles  of  liberty, 
as  those  of  religion,  are  messengers  of  God,  the  author  of  liberty. 
The  martyrs  of  both  are  under  his  vindication,  accepting  their 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO, 

The  “ Patriarch  of  Mexican  Independence.” 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


6V 


work  and  crowning  their  efforts  with  success.  So  that  in  this 
sense  also  we  hold  that 

“The  proper  place  for  man  to  die 
Is  where  he  dies  for  man;” 

or,  better  still,  as  they  sang  so  enthusiastically  during  our  civil 
war : 

“ As  He  died  to  make  men  holy, 

Let  us  die  to  make  them  free ! ” 

The  honored  men  who  laid  the  foundations  of  our  republic, 
and  the  devoted  man  who  dared  to  abolish  slavery  forever  within 
our  borders,  appealed  to  the  “considerate  judgment  of  man- 
kind and  the  gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God11  for  the  rectitude 
of  their  intentions  and  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  work 
before  them.  So  also  in  Mexico  the  divine  Spirit  raised  up  de- 
voted men  who  dared  to  face  danger  and  death  to  secure  the 
“ gfood  o-ift”  of  freedom  for  the  millions  around  them.  We 
have  no  doubt,  when  the  facts  are  fairly  stated,  generous  Ameri- 
cans will  admit  that  these  are  as  worthy  as  any  to  be  held  in 
“ everlasting  remembrance.” 

We  now  present  to  our  readers  the  head  of  this  illustrious  line, 
Hidalgo , whom  the  Mexicans  so  delight  to  honor.  He  is  called 
“ The  Liberator  of  Mexico,”  “ The.  first,  Governor  of  Mexico  by 
the  National  Will and  “ The  Patriarch  of  Mexican  Independ- 
ence.” Miguel  Hidalgo  y Costilla  was  born  on  the  8th  of  May, 
1753,  received  a liberal  education,  entered  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic priesthood,  and  at  the  time  of  his  great  effort  was  curate 
in  the  town  of  Dolores,  in  the  State  of  Guanajuato.  He  was 
fully  devoted  to  the  welfare  of  his  parishioners.  Among  other 
things  he  taught  them  the  culture  of  the  vine  and  the  silk-worm, 
the  making  of  porcelain  and  other  small  industries,  by  which 
their  temporal  condition  began  to  improve.  Although  the  spirit 
of  freedom  was  in  the  air  in  1810,  and  some  relaxation  of  the 
cruel  prohibitions  of  Spain  against  Mexico  might  have  been 
taken  for  granted,  these  humble  efforts  of  the  kind-hearted  cu- 
rate were  disapproved  at  head -quarters  as  a daring  innovation 


08 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


not  to  be  tolerated.  The  viceroy  gave  orders  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  industries,  and  there  was  some  talk  of  passing  over 
Ilidalgo  to  the  Inquisition,  where  his  notions  might  be  inquired 
into,  for  he  was  known  to  entertain  liberal  views. 

When  the  agents  of  the  viceroy  reached  Dolores,  and 
Hid  algo  saw  with  indignant  sorrow  all  that  he  had  accom- 
plished for  his  people  destroyed,  the  vines  rooted  up,  the  mul- 
berry trees  cut  down,  and  the  other  works  overthrown,  the  tyr- 
annous act  incensed  him  and  his  people,  as  it  also  aroused  the 
general  disapprobation  of  the  nation.  He  was  then  nearly  sixty 
years  of  age,  and  had  previously  been  in  correspondence  with 
other  lovers  of  liberty.  The  thought  of  independence  had 
grown  stronger  in  view  of  the  weakening  of  the  Spanish 
monarchy.  Ilidalgo  had  several  persons  on  whom  he  could 
rely,  some  of  them,  priests  of  good  reputation,  assured  him  of 
their  co-operation  if  he  would  lead  the  way.  Satisfied  that  the 
time  had  come  to  strike  the  blow,  Ilidalgo  prepared  his  declara- 
tion of  independence,  made  his  flag,  and  on  the  16th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1810,  displayed  that  flag  and  gave  forth  the  “ Grito,”  or  cry 
of  independence.  II  is  own  people  and  the  country  around 
took  up  the  cry,  thousands  flocked  to  his  standard  and  placed 
themselves  under  his  leadership. 

II  is  first  move  was  toward  Guanajuato,  where  he  believed 
some  creole  officers  would  join  him  with  the  men  under  their 
command.  That  city  of  70,000  inhabitants  is  the  center  of 
the  silver  mining  of  the  district.  Ilidalgo  and  his  army  were 
cordially  welcomed  and  remained  there  for  ten  days  organiz- 
ing his  troops.  Again,  and  more  formally,  he  proclaimed  the 
independence  of  Mexico,  and  was  announced  as  “captain-gen- 
eral ’’  of  the  forces.  In  the  government  treasury  he  found 
$1,000,000,  which  very  opportunely  supplied  him  with  the 
sinews  of  war.  The  increasing  crowd  that  he  led  was  but  half 
armed  and  entirely  undisciplined,  and  it  need  not  be  wondered 
at  that  in  the  first  hour  of  their  power  the  arrogant  conduct  of 
their  Spanish  oppressors  was  remembered,  and  in  that  bitter  re- 
sentment for  the  wrongs  so  long  endured  by  their  race  venge- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


69 


ance  was  taken  upon  some  of  them  before  Hidalgo  and  the 
leaders  could  restrain  their  men.  Soon  Valladolid,  Guadalajara, 
and  other  cities  fell  into  their  hands.  More  patriots  reached 
their  camp,  foremost  among  whom  were  the  priests  Morelos 
and  Matamoros.  This  army  swept  on,  the  country  rising  in 
favor  of  the  cause  of  independence,  enthusiastically  recogniz- 
ing TIidalgo  and  his  chiefs  as  representing  the  national  will,  and 
justly  claiming  the  allegiance  and  help  of  all  who  loved  their 
native  country. 

In  a few  days  they  reached  the  crest  of  the  great  valley  of 
Mexico,  and  a halt  was  there  made  to  take  council  as  to  their 
movements.  Right  before  them  in  the  center  of  that  valley  was 
the  capital,  the  possession  of  which  would  add  thousands  of  sym- 
pathizers to  their  numbers  and  soon  place  the  whole  country  in 
their  power.  But  a royal  garrison  held  it,  amply  provided  with 
the  best  armaments  of  the  times,  including  artillery,  and  having 
well-disciplined  cavalry.  Hidalgo  hesitated  to  lead  his  followers 
into  a conflict  so  unequal.  Humbers  and  courage  were  under  his 
command,  ample  for  any  effort,  but  discipline,  weapons,  artillery, 
and  cavalry  he  had  not,  and  while  some  were  for  taking  all  the 
risks  involved,  and  desirous  of  prompt  attack,  the  leader  and 
his  officers  concluded  that  it  was  safer  for  the  sacred  cause  they 
had  in  charge  to  retire  toward  the  United  States  frontier, 
where,  with  the  money  in  hand,  they  could  purchase  all  that 
they  required,  and  meanwhile  discipline  and  training  would  be 
organizing  their  followers  to  return  again,  better  fitted  for  a con- 
flict wdiich  now  seemed  so  unequal. 

The  order  was  given  to  turn  northward.  But  the  vigilant 
agent  of  the  viceroy,  General  Calleja,  was  watching  their  move- 
ments and  saw  that  he  had  them  at  a disadvantage.  He  con- 
centrated his  troops  and  followed,  attacking  them  at  Aculco  and 
again  at  Calderon,  inflicting  terrible  damages  upon  tbe  undis- 
ciplined crowd.  The  main  body  still  held  together  and  reached 
Saltillo  in  January,  1811.  Here  Hidalgo  left  Rayon  in  com- 
mand, and  with  an  escort  pushed  on  for  the  Texan  frontier  to 
purchase  the  military  equipment  so  much  required.  Unfortu- 


70 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


nately,  just  before  reaching  it  lie  and  his  party  were  betrayed, 
by  a former  friend  named  Elizondo,  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spanards.  Hidalgo  and  his  three  chiefs  were  at  once  loaded 
with  chains  and  cast  into  prison.  On  the  29th  of  July  he 
was  led  before  the  ecclesiastical  tribunal,  clad  in  clerical  robes, 
for  degradation  from  the  priesthood.  He  was  stripped  of  his 
sacerdotal  garb,  the  chains  and  fetters  put  upon  him  again,  and 
then  was  handed  over  for  execution  to  the  civil  authority. 

It  is  narrated  of  him  by  those  who  witnessed  the  trying 
scenes  that  “ even  the  chains  and  shackles  could  not  detract  from 
the  dignity  and  patience  that  characterized  him.”  He  was  led 
out  to  be  shot  on  the  morning  of  July  30,  1811.  He  faced  his 
executioners  with  courage,  and  placed  his  hand  over  his  heart  as 
a guide  to  the  soldiers’  aim;  but  it  required  the  fifth  volley  to 
extinguish  his  noble  life,  the  veneration  in  which  he  was  held 
probably  interfering  with  the  accuracy  of  their  aim.  His  offi- 
cers, Jimenez,  Aldarna,  and  Santa  Maria,  had  been  executed 
three  days  before.  The  heads  of  all  four  were  placed  on  spikes 
and  elevated  on  the  corners  of  the  castle  of  Granaditas,  in 
Guanajuato,  and  their  bodies  in  the  chapel  of  the  Franciscans. 
When  his  cause  was  triumphant,  twelve  years  later,  the  grate- 
ful nation  decreed  them  a public  funeral,  and  the  remains  of 
these  heroes  were  tenderly  brought  from  the  scene  of  their 
sufferings  and  deposited  beneath  the  “ Altar  of  the  Three 
Kings,”  under  the  dome  of  the  cathedral  of  the  capital  of  the 
country  for  whose  liberty  they  died. 

Certainly  Hidalgo  could  not  have  dreamed  of  the  glorious 
part  which  his  tattered  flag  should  bear  in  the  future.  On  the 
eve  of  the  16th  of  September,  the  highest  national  holiday,  at 
eleven  o’clock  P.  M.,  in  the  Ilall  of  Representatives,  the  presi- 
dent, his  cabinet,  and  the  members  of  Congress,  public  men  of 
Mexico,  with  all  the  brilliancy  of  society  in  the  capital,  crowd 
the  structure  and  wait  for  the  moment  when  the  hands  of  the 
clock  reach  the  hour  at  which  Hidalgo  first  raised  the  cry  of 
independence.  Then  the  President  of  Mexico  raises  the  old 
Hag,  waves  it  three  times,  and  repeats  the  “ Grito,”  “ Viva  la 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


71 


Libertad!  Viva  la  Republlca  ! Viva  Mexico  ! ” and  the  great 
audience  rises  to  join  in  the  shout,  “ Viva  la  Republica  ! ” as  if 
they  would  lift  the  roof  off  the  building.  The  thunder  of  the 
artillery  gives  its  response  to  the  popular  joy,  and  the  more 
than  three  hundred  thousand  people  in  the  capital,  and,  indeed, 
the  whole  nation,  remember  gratefully  the  man  who  died  to 
make  them  free.  Visitors  who  are  privileged  to  witness  the 
scene  can  never  forget  its  deep  enthusiasm  or  fail  to  realize 
how  much  constitutional  liberty  cost  the  Mexican  people  and 
how  dearly  they  prize  it. 

On  the  death  of  Hidalgo  the  leadership  devolved  upon  Jose 
Maria  Morelos.  He  was  also  a priest,  but  a born  warrior,  and 
one  who  earned  for  himself  in  his  brief  career  the  popular  title 
of  “ the  hero  of  a hundred  battles.”  His  army  continued  to 
increase,  and  many  victories  were  gained  over  the  royalist 
forces;  in  many  cases  the  garrisons  were  surprised,  the  officers 
were  imprisoned,  and  the  troops  induced  to  join  the  Republican 
army.  Morelos  became  immensely  popular,  and  men  began  to 
feel  that  the  cause  of  independence  was  already  won.  In  1812 
he  was  joined  by  the  Bravos  (father  and  son),  Guadalupe  Victo- 
ria, Bustamente,  and  Guerrero. 

Morelos  was  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  having  the 
movement  for  independence  sustain  a truly  national  character, 
and  that  its  interests  should  be  furthered  by  constitutional 
meang.  A Congress  was  gathered  representing  all  classes  of  the 
Mexican  people.  It  was  limited  in  number,  as  it  was  subject  to 
constant  movement,  and  could  be  more  easily  protected  from 
the  pursuing  army  of  the  viceroy.  The  care  of  this  Congress 
devolved  upon  Morelos  ; while  they  deliberated,  his  division  of 
the  patriot  forces  stood  over  them  to  guard  them  from  impend- 
ing danger.  A constitution  was  finally  framed  and  proclaimed 
in  October,  1814.  Some  time  after  the  Congress  was  moving  to 
a more  distant  point,  when  Morelos,  discovering  that  the  roj’al- 
ist  force  was  gaining  upon  them,  decided  to  save  the  represent- 
atives of  the  people  by  remaining  witli  a small  guard  to  check 
the  progress  of  the  enemy,  while  the  larger  part  of  the  force, 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


under  Nicolas  Bravo,  bad  time  to  conduct  them  to  a place  of  safety. 
Having  thus  secured  their  escape,  Morelos  was  unable  to  face 
the  greatly  superior  force  which  confronted  him,  and  was  taken 
prisoner  on  the  15th  of  November. 

General  Concha  was  amazed  at  the  quiet  resignation  of  his 
prisoner  as  he  remarked,  “My  life  is  nothing  if  the  Congress  be 
saved  ; my  task  was  finished  from  the  moment  that  an  inde- 
pendent government  was  established.’’  lie  was  taken  to  the 
capital,  degraded  by  the  bishop  from  the  priesthood,  and  handed 
over  to  the  secular  power  for  execution.  To  increase  the  deg- 
radation of  his  death  it  was  ordered  that  he  should  be  shot  in 
the  back  as  a traitor.  The  vindictive  nature  of  the  hierarchy, 
who  exulted  in  his  death,  is  seen  in  the  cruel  and  reckless  lan- 
guage used  in  the  document  ordering  his  execution.  He  is 
characterized  as  “ an  unconfessed  heretic,  and  an  abettor  of 
heretics,  a profaner  of  the  holy  sacraments,  and  a traitor  to  God, 
the  king,  and  the  pope.”  All  this  malignity  was  manufactured 
out  of  the  one  fact  that  this  brave  man  loved  liberty  so  much 
that  he  was  willing  to  fight  to  see  it  established  in  his  country. 
But  the  honorable  name  of  Morelos  could  not  be  tarnished. 
His  countrymen  have  conferred  his  worthy  name  upon  the 
capital  of  one  of  their  greatest  States,  and  in  Morelia  his  name 
is  preserved  as  a shrine  of  freedom  where  men  go  to  do  homage 
to  his  memory.  His  portrait  hangs  in  its  principal  hall,  and 
beneath  a frame  holds  the  remnant  of  the  silk  handkerchief 
with  which  he  covered  his  eyes  in  the  hour  of  his  execution, 
and  underneath  are  the  lines : 

“ This  is  the  venerated  relic, 

The  mournful  bandage  with  which  the  tyrant 
Hid  the  gaze  of  Morelos, 

When  the  martyr  of  the  Mexican  people 
Offered  to  his  beloved  country 
His  precious  life  as  a sacrifice.” 

How  fearful  the  acts  against  the  patriots  is  indicated  in  the 
records  of  the  years  between  1810  and  1820.  The  viceroys  con- 
ducted  the  war  with  a vengeance  which  is  described  as  “ proe- 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


n 


lamations  wliicli  make  the  hair  stand  on  end.”  So  says  Chev- 
alier, and  adds : “ A system  of  extermination  was  ordered. 

An  order  of  the  day  of  General  Cruz,  even  still  more  revolting, 
directed  that  ‘the  insurgents  should  be  pursued,  incarcerated, 
and  killed  like  wild  beasts.’  ” 

An  illustration  of  their  spirit,  which  contrasts  so  favorably 
with  the  noble  conduct  of  the  patriotic  leaders,  is  shown  in  the 
case  of  the  two  Bravos,  father  and  son,  both  holding  the  rank 
of  generals  in  the  Republican  army.  The  father  was  named 
Leonardo  and  the  son  ISTicolas.  They  were  devoted  to  each 
other  as  well  as  to  the  cause  of  their  country.  Leonardo  Bravo 
was  taken  prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Cuautla,  was  tried  and  con- 
demned to  be  shot.  Venegas,  then  viceroy,  so  highly  appreci- 
ated Leonardo’s  abilities  that  he  offered  him  his  life  if  he  would 
induce  his  brothers  and  son,  Nicolas,  to  join  the  royalists. 
Leonardo  scorned  such  an  offer.  Before  his  execution,  Nicolas 
Bravo,  having  in  his  hands  as  captives  three  hundred  Spanish 
prisoners— some  of  whom  were  wealthy  and  influential  men — 
was  authorized  by  Morelos  to  offer  to  exchange  the  whole  of 
them  for  his  father.  But  the  viceroy,  appreciating  the  value  of 
a Bravo  to  the  popular  cause,  rejected  the  offer  and  ordered 
the  execution  to  take  place. 

The  grief  of  Nicolas  for  his  father  was  extreme,  and  he  ordered 
his  three  hundred  prisoners  to  be  shot,  and  had  them  placed  “ in 
chapel  ” (religious  preparation  for  death)  for  execution  next 
morning.  During  the  night  he  reflected  that  if  his  order  was 
carried  out,  while  he  would  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  and  by  the  usages  of  war  in  executing  them  under  the 
circumstances,  in  retaliation  for  his  father’s  death,  the  cause 
of  independence,  so  dear  to  him,  might  be  dishonored  by  the 
act.  So  his  measures  were  taken,  and  at  sunrise  the  next  morn- 
ing he  was  on  the  ground  when  his  army  stood  confronting  the 
prisoners  and  waiting  for  the  order.  Riding  out  in  front,  he 
thus  addressed  the  doomed  men  : 

Your  lives  are  forfeited.  Your  master,  Spain’s  minion,  lias  murdered 
mv  father,  murdered  him  in  cold  blood  for  choosing  Mexico  and  liberty 


74 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


before  Spain  and  her  tyrannies.  Some  of  you  are  fathers,  and  may  imagine 
what  my  father  felt  in  being  thrust  from  the  world  without  one  farewell 
word  from  his  son ; aye,  and  your  sons  may  feel  a portion  of  that  anguish 
of  soul  which  fills  my  heart  as  thoughts  arise  of  my  father’s  wrongs  and 
cruel  death.  And  what  a master  is  this  of  yours!  For  one  life,  my 
poor  father’s,  he  might  have  saved  you  all  and  would  not ! So  deadly  is 
his  hate  that  he  would  sacrifice  three  hundred  of  his  friends  rather  than 
forego  this  one  sweet  morsel  of  vengeance!  Even  I,  who  am  no  viceroy, 
have  three  hundred  lives  for  my  father’s.  But  there  is  a nobler  revenge 
than  this.  Go!  You  are  all  free!  Go,  find  your  vile  master,  and  hence- 
forth serve  him  if  you  can! 

The  effect  was  overwhelming.  In  gratitude  to  him  for 
sparing  their  lives,  the  soldiers,  with  tears  streaming  from  their 
eyes,  rushed  forward  and  offered  their  services  to  his  cause,  and 
remained  faithful  to  him  and  to  it  to  the  end. 

General  Bravo  afterward  bore  a conspicuous  share  in  the 
history  of  his  liberated  country.  He  lived  to  take  part  in  the 
American  war  (1S47),  his  last  military  service  being  at  the  de- 
fense of  Chapultepec  and  Molino  del  Bey.  He  died  at  the  age 
of  sixty-eight,  beloved  and  admired  by  all  who  knew  him. 

Meanwhile  the  Congress  continued  its  labors,  and  had  the 
courage  to  send  a completed  copy  of  the  Constitution  which 
they  had  framed  to  the  viceroy  Calleja.  The  royal  council 
to  whom  he  referred  it  solemnly  condemned  the  document. 
The  viceroy  had  a copy  of  it  burned  in  the  great  plaza  of 
Mexico  by  the  public  executioner,  and  ordered  a similar  cere- 
mony performed  in  all  the  chief  cities  where  Spain  had  a garri- 
son. He  also  issued  an  edict  which  threatened  with  the  death 
penalty  and  confiscation  of  property  any  one  who  was  found 
with  a copy  of  the  Constitution  in  his  possession,  and  forbade 
any  person  to  refer  to  it. 

The  peculiar  difficulties  under  which  the  patriots  of  Mexico 
wrought  out  the  freedom  of  their  country  will  be  made  the 
more  manifest  and  impressive  when  the  actual  facts  are  clearly 
understood.  While  the  Mexicans  studied  with  admiration,  so  far 
as  they  could  from  time  to  time  obtain  a view  of  the  condition 
of  peace  and  prosperity  which  the  United  States  had  won  for 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


75 


themselves,  and  longed  to  be  like  them,  yet  there  were  diffi- 
culties in  their  way  which  our  patriot  fathers  never  knew,  and 
burdens  to  be  borne  beyond  all  that  they  ever  carried,  while 
the  shut-in  condition  of  the  Mexicans  separated  them  from  the 
light  and  intelligence  which  so  brightly  shone  to  guide  our  way 
to  constitutional  freedom. 

Let  us  mark  the  difference  more  definitely,  that  our  Mexican 
neighbors  may  have  the  proper  credit  for  the  freedom  which 
they  won  against  such  fearful  odds.  When  our  patriot  fathers 
here  pledged  “ life  and  fortune  and  sacred  honor”  to  become 
independent  and  free,  they  had  not  been  for  three  hundred 
years  crushed  down  in  ignorance  and  poverty,  almost  without 
hope  or  aspiration.  No  powerful  viceroy  wielding  the  military 
forces  of  a foreign  despot  was  in  power  to  repress  every  utter- 
ance for  liberty  or  “ hunt  them  down  like  beasts  of  prey  ” when 
they  attempted  to  obtain  it.  No  great  landed  aristocracy, 
owning  every  acre  of  the  soil,  laid  its  heavy  hand  upon  them  in 
yengeance.  No  wealthy  established  Church  united  its  ghostly 
power  with  the  civil  despotism  to  repress  them,  bringing  to  its 
aid  the  remorseless  Inquisition  and  their  spiritual  maledictions, 
adding  blasphemously  the  terrors  of  God  and  of  eternity  to 
utterly  crush  their  cause  and  their  hopes  as  unlawful.  Nor 
were  they  cut  off  from  the  sea  and  its  resources  or  left  without 
one  friendly  nation  on  the  earth  to  extend  sympathy  or  a help- 
ing hand  to  them  in  the  unequal  struggle,  nor  so  destitute  of 
resources  that  they  had  to  win  battles  to  obtain  weapons  and 
ammunition  to  continue  the  conflict.  All  these  disabilities  the 
patriot  Mexicans  had  to  endure  for  years  ere  they  were  able  to 
stand  on  equal  terms  with  the  combined  and  relentless  foes  of 
their  freedom.  All  they  had  to  begin  with  was  their  own  right 
hands  and  noble  leaders,  who  “loved  not  their  lives  unto  the 
death,”  to  make  their  nation  a land  of  liberty.  Generous 
Americans  will  give  worthy  credit  to  such  a people,  and  to  the 
patriots  who  led  them  at  last  to  the  liberal  institutions  which 
they  now  enjoy. 

To  all  this  we  may  add  that  the  land  was,  from  end  to  end, 


76 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


without  the  Bible,  the  school,  or  the  most  elementary  literature ; 
that  even  their  Constitution  (when  they  gained  one)  had  not  the 
doctrine  of  religious  liberty  in  it,  for  that  they  had  to  learn  at 
a later  day,  when  Benito  Juarez  enshrined  it  in  his  glorious 
Constitution  of  1857,  and  thus  crowned  the  freedom  of  his 
country.  It  surely  may  be  questioned  whether  a people  ever 
won  constitutional  liberty  under  greater  disadvantages  than 
these  had  to  endure  during  their  struggles  from  1810  to  1857. 

Matters  moved  slowly  during  the  four  following  years,  but 
in  1820  events  in  Spain  again  revived  the  hopes  of  the  Mexi- 
can Liberals,  and  they  renewed  their  efforts  for  independence. 
This  led  the  viceroy  to  re-organize  his  army  for  offensive  oper- 
ations and  to  call  once  more  to  his  aid  the  creole  Colonel 
Augustine  Iturbide,  who  had  already  made  himself  famous  in 
the  war  against  Hidalgo  and  Morelos.  The  Spanish  forces  then 
in  Mexico  and  subject  to  the  viceroy’s  orders  amounted  to  eleven 
regiments,  while  the  patriot  army  was  estimated  at  twenty-four 
regiments;  but  they  were  more  widely  scattered  than  was  the 
royal  army,  less  disciplined,  and  but  half  armed.  Iturbide  was 
appointed  by  the  viceroy  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
South-west. 

About  this  time  it  came  to  be  supposed  that  Ferdinand  YII., 
in  view  of  the  insecurity  and  unrest  of  his  Spanish  throne,  was 
considering  the  question  of  abandoning  that  uneasy  scat  in 
Madrid  for  a quieter  one  in  Mexico,  where  he  might  find  more 
devoted  subjects  and  an  asylum  from  revolutions.  Some  of  the 
Liberals  were  led  to  suppose  that  they  could  obtain  constitu- 
tional freedom  under  Ferdinand,  and  were  willing  to  consider 
the  question.  This  led  to  a temporary  cessation  of  hostilities, 
and  to  the  removal  of  the  despotic  viceroy.  A man  of  more 
gentle  character,  named  O’Donoju,  was  sent  in  his  place.  Yield- 
ing to  the  patriotic  influences  brought  to  bear  on  him,  Iturbide 
had  just  before  (February  24, 1S21)  issued  to  the  nation  what 
was  called  the  “ Plan  of  Iguala,”  or  the  “ Constitution  of  the 
three  Guarantees” — religion,  independence,  and  union.  In  re- 
ligion the  nation  was  to  be  Roman  Catholic,  without  toleration 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


77 


■of  any  other  faith — independence  of  the  entire  country  from 
Spain  ; union  conceding  the  ecpial  rights  of  the  native  races 
with  those  of  the  creoles  and  Europeans.  This  proposal  was 
such  an  immense  advance  toward  freedom  that  the  “Plan” 
took  extensively  with  the  masses,  while  the  enlightened  leaders, 
on  reflection,  regarded  it  with  suspicion  as  being  too  churchly  to 
be  safe  for  complete  liberty. 

The  new  viceroy  and  Iturbide  met  at  Cordova  and  discussed 
the  situation.  A few  modifications  in  the  plan  satisfied  the 
viceroy,  who  consented  to  become  one  of  the  members  of  the 
1‘  Provisional  Junta”  to  carry  on  the  government  until  a mon- 
arch could  be  obtained.  On  reflection  Ferdinand  declined  the 
offered  throne.  The  crown-princes  of  Spain  also  refused  to 
come.  Each  thought  he  had  interests  at  home  that  would  be 
compromised,  and  the  whole  affair  dropped  to  the  ground. 
During  these  negotiations  the  viceroy  died,  and  none  other  had 
been  appointed  before  events  hurried  on  to  a conclusion.  Itur- 
bide was  now  standing  at  the  head  of  affairs.  His  “ Plan  ” 
went  forth  to  the  nation,  the  first  article  of  which  declared  as 
follows : “ The  Mexican  nation  is  independent  of  the  Spanish 
nation , and  of  every  other , even  on  its  own  continent .”  By 
this  act  Mexico  virtually  became  independent  of  Spain,  and 
Spain  was  then  so  much  disturbed  and  impoverished  that  she 
was  unable  to  do  more  than  protest ; and  so  Mexico  and  South 
America  were  left,  at  least  for  the  present,  to  organize  them- 
selves as  they  chose  under  the  circumstances.  But  it  does  seem 
singular  that  after  all  the  long  years  of  strife  Mexico  should  have 
effected  her  independence  without  shedding  another  drop  of 
blood.  The  Spanish  flag,  after  having  floated  for  just  three 
hundred  years,  was  hauled  down  on  the  24th  of  February,  1821, 
and  thus  the  good  seed  sown  by  Hidalgo  and  his  followers  was 
in  great  part  harvested  by  the  hand  of  Iturbide  eleven  years 
afterward. 

Iturbide  had  already  secured  an  understanding  with  Guerrero, 
the  Republican  leader,  for  uniting  the  two  armies  in  view  of 
independence.  Had  he  been  satisfied  to  have  remained  a pop- 


78 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


ular  leader  lie  would  probably  have  been  promptly  elected  con- 
stitutional President  of  Mexico.  But  Iturbide  was  not  a patriot, 
and  thought  more  of  his  own  interests  than  of  those  of  his 
country.  Chance  threw  in  his  way  the  opportunity  of  doing  a 
great  service  to  the  nation  without  suffering  or  risk  to  himself, 
and  he  did  it,  and  thus  earned  the  designation  of  “ The  Liber- 
ator of  Mexico.” 

Those  who  knew  him  well  and  remembered  his  antecedents 
believed  him  to  be  heartless  and  animated  by  personal  ambition. 
Republicans  could  not  forget  that  Good  Friday  in  1814  (of 
which  Chevalier  gives  the  account  in  his  second  volume),  when, 
to  celebrate  his  victory  at  Salvatierra,  two  or  three  days  pre- 
viously, over  the  feeble  patriotic  forces,  in  the  mere  wantonness 
of  his  power  he  resolved  to  “ celebrate  the  day  becomingly  ” by 
shooting  the  three  hundred  Republican  prisoners  whom  he  had 
taken,  on  the  pretext  that  “ they  were  excommunicated  persons, 
and  that  the  Spanish  authorities  employed  spiritual  weapons  as 
well  as  swords,  muskets,  and  cannon  in  subjugating  the  Inde- 
pendents’!” So,  to  please  the  hierarchy  and  consummate  their 
work,  Iturbide  doomed  those  men  to  die  like  dogs — not  on  the 
battle-field,  but  on  the  parade-ground — because  the  Church  had 
excommunicated  them  for  taking  up  arms  to  win  the  liberty  of 
their  native  land!  Row,  however,  he  had  done  Mexico  a good 
turn,  and  men  hoped  he  might  prove  worthy.  A new  Congress 
in  which  the  clergy  were  well  represented  was  in  session,  and 
great  solicitude  was  felt  as  to  the  form  of  government.  This 
body  stood  in  the  way  of  Iturbide’s  ambition  to  reign,  of  which 
the  patriots  learned  with  alarm.  Having  gained  the  attach- 
ment of  many  of  the  officers  and  promised  large  concessions  to 
the  Church,  his  first  move  was  to  have  a number  of  his  partisans 
parade  the  streets  shouting,  “Long  live  Augustine  I.!”  The 
next  day  the  Congress  debated  the  question,  while  the  galleries 
were  crowded  with  adherents  of  Iturbide,  who  was  also  present. 
Some  voted  to  appeal  to  the  various  States,  but  a vote  was 
forced  (May  19,  1822)  which  awarded  the  imperial  crown  to 
Iturbide.  The  church  party  gave  their  influence,  as  well  they 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


79- 


might,  considering  what  was  wrapped  up  in  the  plan  of  Iguala, 
from  which  the  Republicans  were  beginning  to  fall  away. 
Every  thing  was  done  to  make  the  coronation  a gorgeous  cere- 
mony. An  archbishop  and  many  bishops  added  their  dignity 
to  the  occasion.  The  great  cathedral  was  made  to  display  all 
its  resources  of  magnificence.  On  the  21st  of  June,  with  music, 
processions,  illuminations,  incense,  joy-bells,  and  salvos  of  artil- 
lery, he  was  anointed  and  crowned  at  the  high  altar  as  Augus- 
tine the  First.  A heavy  civil  list  was  voted,  an  imperial  court 
was  arranged,  his  children  were  entitled  as  princes,  and  an 
aristocracy  was  instituted.  The  Spanish  government  contempt- 
uously repudiated  the  movement,  but  was  unable  then  to 
reverse  it.  Unfortunately  for  Iturbide’s  welfare,  he  soon  began 
to  presume  too  much  upon  the  power  of  his  position.  The 
Spaniards  were  unduly  favored  in  the  gifts  of  offices  and  honors, 
the  representatives  of  the  nation  were  treated  to  some  manifes- 
tations of  arbitrary  conduct  that  were  unpleasant,  and  a de- 
mand for  more  centralized  power  in  the  Imperial  hands  was 
advanced.  These  and  other  kindred  developments  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  people  to  the  consciousness  that  they  had  not  gained 
much  by  this  change  of  masters.  Just  here  a name  looms  up 
that  was  to  fill  a large  space  in  the  future  history  of  Mexico, 
and  which  became,  by  force  of  circumstances,  better  known  to 
Americans  than  any  other  south  of  our  own  border  for  the  fol- 
lowing forty  years.  Santa  Anna  was  at  tins  time  in  military 
command  at  Vera  Cruz.  Hearing  how  matters  were  going  on 
at  the  capital,  and  perceiving  therein  an  opportunity  to  push 
himself  into  prominence  by  resistance  to  a man  whom  many 
were  already  beginning  to  regard  as  a tyrant,  he  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt  and  “ pronounced  ” against  Itnrbide.  Yet  to 
Iturbide  he  owed  his  own  position,  as  he  had  been  raised  by  the 
emperor  within  a few  months  past  from  the  rank  of  captain  to 
that  of  general.  The  Republican  leaders,  Victoria,  Guerrero, 
and  Ricolas  Bravo,  supposing  Santa  Anna  sincere  in  his  profes- 
sions of  freedom,  hastened  to  join  him  with  their  followers. 

Iturbide  soon  realized  that  he  had  forfeited  the  confidence  of 


80 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


his  subjects,  that  civil  war  was  upon  him,  and  lie  was  powerless 
to  meet  it  with  any  hope  of  victory.  So  on  the  20th  of  March, 
1823 — just  nine  months  after  his  elaborate  coronation — he 
tendered  his  resignation.  The  Congress,  however,  refused  to 
accept  it,  on  the  ground  that  it  had  not  voluntarily  elected  him 
emperor,  and  proceeded  to  form  a provisional  government 
composed  of  four  revolutionary  chiefs — Bravo,  Victoria, 
Negrete,  and  Guerrero.  Sentence  of  exile  was  pronounced 
against  Iturbide,  but  in  view  of  his  services  in  securing  inde- 
pendence the  Congress  voted  him  a pension  of  $24,000  per 
annum,  on  conditionof  his  leaving  the  country  and  residing  in 
Italy,  without  the  right  to  return  to  Mexico.  Accepting  these 
terms,  Iturbide  left,  with  his  family,  for  Italy.  Ilappy  had  it 
been  for  him  and  them  had  he  kept  his  word  with  the  Mexican 
nation,  but  on  the  14th  of  July,  1824 — only  fourteen  months 
after  his  departure — he  returned,  with  his  family,  to  Mexico, 
landing  at  Sota  la  Marina,  in  the  State  of  Tamaulipas,  when  he 
was  arrested  by  the  governor  and  executed.  The  Congress 
granted  a pension  of  $8,000  to  the  family,  which  went  forthwith 
to  reside  in  the  United  States,  where  the  son,  Don  Angel  Itur- 
bide, became  a student  at  the  Jesuit  college  at  Georgetown, 
D.  C.,  and  there  married  an  American  lady  of  the  Romish  com- 
munion, daughter  of  Mr.  Nathaniel  Green,  of  that  city.  A son 
of  this  marriage,  “ Prince  Augustine,”  as  he  is  regarded  by  the 
church  party  in  Mexico,  represents  the  dead  emperor,  and  is  the 
connecting  link  between  the  past  and  the  present.  After  his 
father’s  death  he  remained  in  Mexico,  with  his  mother,  and  was 
there  during  the  French  intervention.  Toward  the  close  of  the 
empire  of  Maximilian,  who  was  childless,  this  boy  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  Empress  Carlota,  and  was  adopted  with  the 
intention  of  making  him  heir  to  the  throne,  but  on  the  collapse 
of  the  empire  he  was  surrendered  again  to  his  mother.  After- 
ward he  entered  the  same  college  that  his  father  had  attended, 
and  on  completing  his  course  returned  to  Mexico,  while  he  took 
a subordinate  position  in  the  army.  Here,  after  a couple  of 
years,  he  was  charged  with  some  acts  of  insubordination  toward 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


81 


his  superior  officer,  and  after  trial  was  sent  to  prison  for  fifteen 
months.  Meanwhile  his  mother  had  died,  and  on  his  release 
lately  he  left  for  the  United  States.  This,  no  doubt,  ends  the 
probability  of  the  Iturbide  family  being  any  further  a disturbing 
element  in  Mexican  history. 

The  fall  of  Iturbide  closed  the  empire,  and  a republic,  on 
the  model  of  the  United  States  (save  the  one  item  of  full  relig- 
ious freedom),  was  established  under  a constitution,  in  October, 
1824,  General  Victoria  becoming  first  constitutional  President 
of  Mexico,  remaining  in  power  until  April,  1829. 

By  this  time  Spain  had  recovered  a measure  of  her  strength 
and  took  the  resolution  to  reconquer  Mexico  and  South  Amer- 
ica. A small  army  was  landed  at  Tampico  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Barradas,  but  it  was  soon  after  defeated  by 
the  Republican  army  under  Santa  Anna  and  General  Teran, 
and  forced  to  quit  Mexico.  These  events  intensified  the  hatred 
of  the  Spaniards,  already  strong  enough.  In  a moment  of 
irritation  the  Congress  voted  the  exile  of  all  Spaniards  from 
the  country,  but  it  was  not  fully  carried  out.  From  that  hour, 
however,  Spanish  influence  has  declined,  and  the  Mexicans  have 
come  to  the  front  in  public  affairs.  "What  remain  of  the  Span- 
iards in  Mexico  have  generally  continued  faithful  to  their 
preference  for  monarchical  government,  and  did  what  they 
could  for  its  re-establishment  in  Mexico  during  the  following 
thirty  years. 

The  events  which  we  have  now  rapidly  enumerated,  com- 
mencing with  the  declaration  of  independence  by  Iturbide  in 
1S22 — an  event  which  led  the  United  States  to  acknowledge 
that  independence  in  the  same  year — were  the  facts  which,  in 
the  interests  of  the  peace  and  political  welfare  of  this  continent, 
led  President  James  Monroe  to  issue  in  1823  that  doctrine  of 
reciprocity  of  non-intervention  which  has  ever  since  been  asso- 
ciated with  his  name,  and  which  lias  done  so  much  to  preserve 
our  own  nation  from  entanglement  with  European  quarrels.  It 
b id  equally  preserved  us  and  the  neighboring  nations  from 
disturbance  from  foreign  powers  from  that  time  up  to  the 


82 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


year  1862,  when  it  was  so  maliciously  violated  by  Napoleon  III. 
and  led  to  the  fearful  events  which  the  further  part  of  this  nar- 
rative is  to  lay  before  our  readers.  The  first  effect  of  that 
doctrine  was  seen  in  the  fact  above  intimated,  that  Spain  never 
attempted  a repetition  of  the  barbarous  purpose  she  undertook 
in  1829,  to  force  her  cruel  rule  on  an  unwilling  people,  while  the 
failure  of  the  last  attempt  has,  no  doubt,  settled  that  question 
for  this  continent  for  all  time  to  come. 

The  accepted  summary  of  this  grand  doctrine,  under  the 
protection  of  which  the  nations  of  North,  Central,  and  South 
America  are  resting,  maybe  here  presented.  It  runs  thus  : 

The  American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition  they 
had  assumed  and  maintained,  are  no  longer  to  be  considered  subjects  for 
colonization  by  European  powers.  Any  attempt  on  the  part  of  European 
powers  to  extend  their  political  systems  to  the  western  hemisphere  would 
be  considered  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  United  States.  Any 
interposition  by  such  powers  to  oppress  or  control  the  governments  that 
had  declared  their  independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  independ- 
ence had  been  acknowledged  by  the  United  States,  would  be  viewed  as 
unfriendly  to  the  United  States.  The  political  systems  of  Europe  could 
not  be  extended  to  any  portion  of  the  American  continent  without  endan- 
gering the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  United  States,  and  such  extension 
would  not  be  regarded  with  indifference.  . 

From  1822  to  1855  the  name  of  Santa  Anna  was  the  most  con- 
spicuous in  Mexican  politics,  chiefly  as  the  most  active  disturber 
of  the  peace  of  the  nation.  His  clerical  patrons  knew  well 
how  to  utilize  his  remarkable  qualities,  though  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  his  eye  to  the  main  chance  was  always  as  keenly  open 
for  his  own  advantage  as  for  the  promotion  of  their  purposes. 
His  vanity  and  love  of  display  are  apparent  in  the  picture 
opposite,  where  his  breast  is  covered  with  decorations  that  were 
never  wTon  nor  conferred,  though  they  were  assumed,  and  were 
liis  because  he  had  paid  for  them  ! His  despotic  acts  no  doubt 
postponed  by  twenty  years  the  rest  of  constitutional  freedom 
that  would  have  been  won  but  for  his  reckless  interferences. 

His  full  name  was  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna.  His 
home  was  at  Manga  de  Clavo,  near  Jalapa,  where  he  had  an 


GENERAL  SANTA  ANNA, 

The  turbulent  Dictator  of  Mexico. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


83 


estate,  the  extent  of  which  Madame  Calderon  tells  ns  was  twelve 
leagues,  between  that  city  and  Vera  Cruz.  Mrs.  I.  C.  Gooch 
truly  says  of  him  that 

When  only  twenty  years  old  lie  entered  the  arena  of  politics  by  disrupt- 
ing the  empire  established  by  Iturbide,  and  the  career  thus  begun  was 
consistently  carried  out.  At  an  early  age  he  had  so  mastered  the  arcana 
of  scheming  and  revolution  as  to  reflect  credit  on  a veteran  in  the  cause, 
demolishing  and  creating  sovereignties,  often  grasping  victory  from  defeat, 
and  gathering  strength  when  all  seemed  lost:  He  was  five  times  president, 

and  was  the  means  of  deposing,  probably,  twenty  rulers.  As  a commander 
of  men  his  resources  and  ability  were  remarkable.  After  the  most  disas- 
trous defeat  he  generally  managed  to  retire  from  the  scene  still  holding 
the  confidence  of  his  ragged,  half-starved  army,  increasing  it  materially 
while  on  the  move.  His  fertile  brain  was  ever  ready  to  plan  a revolution 
or  arrange  a coup  d'etat. 

In  the  change  which  lie  fomented  of  establishing  a central 
system,  abolishing  the  federal  power,  every  State  was  deprived 
of  its  share  of  control  and  all  authority  lodged  in  the  hands  of 
the  executive  in  Mexico  city.  No  wonder  that  Yucatan  and 
Texas  rebelled  and  resolved  to  establish  each  a separate  gov- 
ernment. This  was  the  origin  of  the  war  with  Texas,  and  that 
developed  into  the  war  with  the  United  States. 

Santa  Anna  is  best  remembered  by  Americans  for  his  attempt 
to  whip  back  the  Texans  into  the  traces,  when  they  made  their 
effort  for  independence  of  Mexican  control,  and  also  for  his  infa- 
mous perfidy  in  executing  the  little  Texan  force  under  Colonel 
Fannin,  after  they  had  surrendered  under  written  stipulation  that 
their  lives  should  be  spared.  Nor  will  he  be  soon  forgotten  in 
our  history  in  connection  with  his  capture  by  General  Houston 
and  his  little  army  of  Americans  and  Texans  on  the  21st  of  April, 
1830,  or  the  inordinate  vanity  that  he  displayed  when  led  into  the 
presence  of  Houston.  Santa  Anna  laid  the  flattering  unction 
to  his  soul  that  he  was  himself  a hero  of  the  highest  class.  He 
had  already  given  himself  the  amazing  title  of  “ The  Napoleon 
of  the  South ! ” and  expected  of  his  followers  that  he  should  be 
so  regarded.  The  record  tells  us  that  even  in  his  fallen  condi- 
tion as  defeated  and  a prisoner,  when  he  was  led  into  the  Texan 


S4 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


camp  and  to  Houston’s  presence,  he  pompously  announced  him- 
self as  “Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  the  President  of  Mexico. 

, who  surrenders  as  your  prisoner ; ” and  then  added,  as  he  looked 
at  General  Houston,  “ You  are  born  to  no  common  destiny, 
who  are  the  conqueror  of  the  Napoleon  of  the  South  ! ” 

The  treaty  sigfied  recognized  the  independence  of  Texas  and 
prompt  evacuation  of  Texas  by  the  Mexican  army,  and  solemnly 
pledged  Santa  Anna  and  his  four  generals  (who  all  signed  with 
him)  to  obtain  its  confirmation  by  the  government  of  Mexico. 
How  much  value  there  was  in  the  promises  and  the  signature 
of  this  hypocritical  character  was  evident  enough  when,  about 
six  months  afterward,  on  reaching  Mexico,  he  publicly  repudi- 
ated the  convention  into  which  he  had  Entered  and  had  signed, 
on  the  contemptible  ground  that  “ obligations  contracted  by  an 
individual  under  duress  were  absolutely  void  ! ” He  thus  proved 
himself  to  be  as  false  and  hypocritical  to  his  own  parole  as  he 
was  in  respecting  the  conditions  which  he  violated  in  the  case 
of  the  brave  Texans  who  unfortunately  trusted  his  promises  at 
Goliad  and  San  Antonio. 

During  his  parole  in  the  United  States  ere  he  returned  to 
Mexico  he  visited  Washington  and  had  an  interview  with  Presi- 
dent Jackson,  upon  which  he  afterward  liked  to  dilate,  as  the 
writer  had  opportunity  to  hear  him  do  toward  the  end  of  his 
career.  Disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen  by  his  failure 
in  the  Texan  campaign,  Santa  Anna  retired  to  his  estate  and 
remained  there  until  the  following  year,  when  a hostile  visit  of 
the  French  navy  to  Yera  Cruz  made  his  services  again  desirable, 
lie  was  placed  in  command  of  the  army  at  that  port,  and  in  re- 
pulsing the  French  troops  on  the  5th  of  December,  1S38,  he 
lost  one  of  his  legs.  This  mended  his  reputation  somewhat, 
but  laid  him  aside  until  the  events  of  1841  once  more  called 
him  out,  and  he  became  president  again,  but  soon  took  advan- 
tage of  his  position  and  proclaimed  himself  dictator. 

It  may  interest  the  reader  and  throw  some  additional  light 
upon  the  great  transition  through  which  Mexico  had  to  pass  on 
her  way  from  such  follies  to  respectability  and  character  in  her 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


S5 


public  life,  if  we  take  another  glance  at  the  whimsicalities  of 
the  man  whom  we  leave  here  for  the  present  as  the  arbitrary 
dictator  of  his  suffering  country.  Some  of  them  seem  incredi- 
ble, but  we  have  the  authority  for  them  all. 

“The  fantastic  tricks  before  high  Heaven”  which  Santa 
Anna  was  so  fond  of  playing  may  refer  us  again  to  that  left 
leg,  which  he  lost  by  a shot  from  the  Prince  de  Joinville’s  artil- 
lery. He  had  it  carefully  boxed  up,  and  sent  it  from  Vera  Cruz 
to  his  admirers  in  the  capital,  accompanied  by  an  eloquent  letter 
breathing  great  patriotism.  The  stratagem  succeeded,  and  the 
leg  was  appropriately  cared  for  until  a magnificent  monument, 
surmounted  by  the  national  insignia,  was  prepared  to  receive  it. 
Santa  Anna  returned  to  the  capital  before  the  monument  was 
quite  finished,  and  it  is  said  went  in  the  procession  to  the  burial 
of  his  own  leg  ! It  was  deposited  with  all  the  honors.  He  de- 
fended the  affair  very  laconically  by  remarking  that,  “ It  was  a 
Christian  leg,  and  deserved  to  have  a Christian  burial ! ” The 
newspapers  of  the  day  announced  the  event  as  follows : 

Mexico,  September  28,  1842. — Yesterday  was  buried  with  pomp  and 
solemnity,  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Paul,  the  leg  which  his  excellency,  Presi- 
dent Santa  Anna,  lost  in  the  action  of  December  o,  1838.  It  was  depos- 
ited in  a monument  erected  for  that  purpose,  Don  Ignacio  Sierra  y Rosa 
having  pronounced  a funeral  discourse  appropriate  to  the  subject. 

Gilliam,  while  referring  to  these  facts,  was  reminded  of  an 
event  which  has  a good  parallel  in  it.  He  says  : 

It  is  true  that  while  Benedict  Arnold,  the  traitor,  was  in  London  he  in- 
quired of  an  American  what  the  people  of  the  United  States  would  do 
wTith  him  if  he  should  return  to  his  home.  The  American  replied  that 
the  leg  in  which  he  had  received  an  honorable  wTound,  in  his  career  for 
liberty  and  independence,  would  be  separated  from  his  body  and  buried 
with  all  military  honors;  but  that  his  body  would  be  hung  between  heaven 
and  earth  as  a traitor  to  his  country. * 

As  Santa  Anna  stood  before  the  crowd  around  that  monu- 
ment where  this  singular  funeral  was  so  pompously  conducted, 

* Travels  over  the  Table-Lands  and  Cordilleras  of  Mexico  during  1843-44,  by  A.  M. 
Gilliam,  p.  119,  and  Calderon’s  Life  in  Mexico , p.  368. 


86 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


how  little  lie  imagined  what  would  there  occur  within  only  two 
years  after ! During  this  brief  term  of  time  he  could  not  be 
satisfied  with  being  president ; he  must  assume  dictatorial  powers 
and  try  to  bend  the  Congress  to  his  will.  Even  the  archbishop, 
at  the  head  of  the  church  party,  pronounced  against  his  tyran- 
nical policy  of  levying  a forced  loan  of  $4,000,000 — the  most 
odious  of  all  imposts,  because  so  opposed  to  the  principal  object 
for  which  governments  are  founded,  the  security  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  people.  His  effort  excited  universal  indignation 
throughout  the  republic  and  caused  his  overthrow.  Even  his 
army  refused  to  fight  for  him,  and  deserted,  so  that  he  was  now 

“ The  leader  of  a broken  host, 

His  standard  fallen  and  his  honor  lost.” 

He  had  to  surrender  himself  into  the  hands  of  his  bitter  foes, 
who  sent  him  a prisoner  to  the  gloomy  fortress  of  Perote,  within 
whose  walls  many  of  the  victims  of  his  vindictive  policy  had 
pined  in  days  gone  by.  During  the  tumult  in  December,  1844, 
the  monument  was  desecrated,  and  the  leg  it  contained  was 
dragged  from  its  resting-place  and  kicked  through  the  streets 
by  the  rabble ! This  was  all  the  more  humiliating  to  him  because 
he  had  during  this  very  dictatorship  indulged  so  freely  in  that 
extravagance  of  display  and  vulgar  love  of  pageantry  for  which 
he  was  so  noted. 

After  ten  years  of  independence  Texas  applied  for  admission 
to  the  United  States.  The  resolutions  providing  for  her  annex- 
ation awakened  hot  debate  in  Congress  and  violent  discussions 
all  over  the  country.  Into  the  debates  entered  the  great  ques- 
tion of  African  slavery  in  the  Union.  To  annex  Texas  was  sure 
to  involve  the  United  States  in  a war  with  Mexico.  To  advocate 
war  for  the  sake  of  extending  slavery  and  increasing  the  slave 
power  of  the  Union  was  enough  to  excite  the  most  bitter  oppo- 
sition from  the  Whig  and  the  Free  Soil  parties. 

Texas  contained  two  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of  un- 
disputed territory,  out  of  which,  Senator  Benton,  of  Missouri, 
said  in  Congress,  “ nine  slave  States  could  be  made,  each  equal  to 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


87 


the  State  of  Kentucky.”  This  would  give,  he  argued,  a pre- 
dominant slave  representation  in  the  government.  Here , then , 
we  find  the  great  underly  ing  cause  of  the  war  which  so  soon 
followed.  Mr.  Calhoun,  also  in  the  Senate,  at  the  close  of  this 
Texan  war,  maintained  the  right  of  slave-holders  to  carry  and 
hold  their  slaves  in  all  the  free  territory  acquired  by  conquest 
from  Mexico.* 

It  is  honorable  to  Mexico  just  here  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that,  as  soon  as  this  purpose  was  avowed,  her  republican 
sons  protested  against  such  a desecration  of  the  territory  which 
they  had  made  free  by  abolishing  slavery  forever  from  every 
part  of  it.  But  all  in  vain,  as  we  shall  see.  Our  Southern  slave- 
holders, infatuated,  forgot  Him  who  is  “ higher  than  the  high- 
est,” who  was  able  to  defeat  their  purposes. 

At  this  period  an  event  occurred  which  was  to  prove  of  the 
highest  moment  to  the  future  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 
The  war-ships  of  the  British  and  American  navies  were  hover- 
ing off  the  coast  of  California,  each  anxious  to  arrive  before  the 
other,  so  as  to  land  and  run  up  the  flag  and  take  possession  in 
the  name  of  their  government.  Colonel  Fremont,  with  a small 
force,  having  the  same  object  in  view,  was  operating  in  the  in- 
terior. But  there  was  another  party  also,  representing  a differ- 
ent government  from  either,  who  was  anxiously  pushing  a proj- 
ect of  his  own  to  secure  that  California  for  his  master  and  a 
very  different  future. 

We  have  heard  of  that  wonderful  map  which  hangs  in  the 
library  of  the  Propaganda  at  Rome,  said  to  be  the  largest 
map  of  the  United  States  in  existence,  on  which  are  definitely 
marked  all  the  points  of  interest  and  prospective  importance 
and  power  in  our  great  West  and  away  to  the  Californian  coast. 
It  was  an  immense  work  then  to  ascertain  and  locate  these  points 
so  well  and  so  quietly,  “ while  men  slept,”  unconscious  that  the 
papacy  was  preparing  to  preempt  in  advance  the  strategic 
points  of  these  broad  lands  for  its  own  purposes.  These  facts 
were  presented  by  Rev.  Dr.  Ellinwood  in  an  able  paper  read 

* See  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico , by  H.  0.  Ladd. 


88 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


before  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in 
1S81.  We  copy  so  much  as  refers  to  our  subject.  He  said  : 

But  while  a Mexican  dictator  had  grasped  despotic  power,  and  our 
statesmen  had  planned  for  territory  which  would  render  slavery  secure, 
there  were  other  schemes  afloat. 

Testimony  now  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  the  State  department  at 
Washington  shows  that  in  the  years  1845  and  184G,  just  as  our  conflict  with 
Mexico  was  commencing,  an  Irish  Catholic  missionary  in  California,  of 
the  name  of  McNamara,  conceived  a plan  for  planting  on  a very  large 
scale  a colony  of  Irish  Catholics  in  the  rich  valley  of  the  San  Joaquin 
River.  In  an  intercepted  letter  to  the  Mexican  president  Father  McNa- 
mara says:  “ I have  a triple  object  in  my  proposal.  I wish,  first,  to  ad- 
vance the  cause  of  Catholicism ; second,  to  promote  the  happiness  and 
thrift  of  my  countrymen;  and,  thirdly,  to  put  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
the  further  usurpations  of  that  irreligious  and  anti-Catholic  nation — the 
United  States.  And  if  the  plan  which  I propose  be  not  speedily  adopted 
your  excellency  may  be  assured  that  before  another  year  the  Californias 
will  form  a part  of  the  American  nation.  The  Catholic  institutions  will 
become  the  prey  of  Methodist  wolves,  and  the  whole  country  will  be  in- 
undated with  cruel  invaders.”  The  grant  of  the  land  was  made;  and, 
according  to  the  testimony  given  before  a committee  of  Congress,  General 
Castro  had  armed  and  organized  the  Mexican  Californians,  and  had  en- 
gaged the  Indian  tribes  to  help  to  exterminate  the  American  settlers, 
when  the  whole  scheme  was  reported  at  Washington. 

Captain  Gillespie  was  at  once  dispatched  as  a secret  messenger  to  Gen- 
eral Fremont,  then  on  the  Oregon  border. 

After  many  hair-breadth  escapes  from  the  Indians  the  message  was 
delivered.  Fremont  turned  back,  rallied  the  American  settlers,  levied  on 
horses,  guns,  and  stores,  and  with  the  suddenness  of  a thunder-bolt  routed 
the  Mexican  force,  broke  up  a junta  which  had  beeu  appointed  to  nego- 
tiate with  the  British  Admiral  Seymour,  then  off  the  coast,  to  establish  a 
British  protectorate,  and  on  the  5th  of  July,  184G,  having  learned  of  the 
declaration  of  war  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  he  ran  up  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  and  California  was  saved  for  the  “Methodists.” 

These  events  are  wonderfully  like  those  which  had  transpired  in  Ore- 
gon a short  time  before;  and  it  is  fortunate  for  Christian  civilization 
that  the  result  was  the  same  in  both  cases.* 

Further  light  is  thrown  upon  this  subject  by  a paper  furnished 
to  the  Century  Magazine  by  Mrs.  Jessie  Benton  Fremont, 

* Mexico , Her  Past  and  Present  Resources,  in  The  New  York  Evangelist , June  30, 1881. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


SO 


widow  of  General  Fremont.  From  this  it  appears  that  McNa- 
mara was  a British  subject,  but  working  in  the  interest  of  a 
project  originated  at  Rome  to  checkmate  the  growing  Protest- 
antism of  the  United  States.  lie  had  succeeded  in  interesting 
both  the  civil  and  religious  authorities  at  Mexico,  who  had  con- 
sidered and  indorsed  this  colonization  plan,  in  which  lie  had 
engaged  to  locate  ten  thousand  families,  to  each  of  whom  he  was 
to  apportion  a square  league  of  land.  Mexican  authority  in  that 
great  West  was  then  a mere  shadow,  without  force  and  unable 
to  sustain  itself  against  the  American  element  scattered  through 
the  country,  if  they  would  only  come  together  and  set  up  a 
government  of  some  kind.  Hence  the  efforts  made  by  McNa- 
mara to  hasten  the  British  Admiral  Seymour  to  land  in  Califor- 
nia, raise  his  flag,  and  take  possession.  He  had  almost  secured 
his  prize  of  13,500,000  acres,  from  San  Francisco  to  the  San 
Gabriel  Mission,  near  Los  Angeles,  the  San  Joaquin  River  and 
the  Sierra  Nevada  being  the  boundaries.  The  Mexican  gov- 
ernor, Pio  Pico,  issued  this  immense  tract  of  land  to  Father 
McNamara  “ on  the  express  condition  that  the  grant  was  to 
keep  out  the  Americans.”  But  Fremont  and  his  band  suc- 
ceeded in  raising  the  United  States  flag  that  very  day  at  Mon- 
terey before  Admiral  Seymour  could  arrive  and  act  in  McNa- 
mara’s interest.  California  was  thus  added  to  the  United  States, 
and  his  plan  was  utterly  defeated.  The  following  year  the 
treaty  of  Guadalupe-IIidalgo  closed  the  war  with  Mexico  and 
continued  by  purchase  as  well  as  conquest  the  possession  of 
California  to  our  Union.* 

A brief  reference  to  our  war  with  Mexico  is  necessary  here. 
Santa  Anna  (who  was  recalled  from  exile  to  aid  in  the  strug- 
gle) took  the  field  at  the  head  of  twenty  thousand  men.  He 
met  General  Zachary  Taylor  at  Buena  Vista,  and  suffered  a 
heavy  defeat.  At  Cerro  Gordo  he  was  vanquished,  after  which 
he  retreated  to  defend  the  capital,  but  Molino  del  Rey,  Chapul- 
tepec,  and  Mexico  city  surrendered  to  General  Scott. 

* Compiled  from  Mrs.  Fremont’s  manuscript,  in  the  Century  Magazine,  April, 
1891. 


90 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


The  Stars  and  Stripes  floated  over  the  national  palace  in 
Mexico  from  September  IT,  1S47,  till  June  12,  1848.  The 
concessions  demanded  by  the  United  States  government  were 
embodied  in  the  treaty  signed  at  Guadalupe  by  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries of  both  nations  on  the  2d  of  February,  1848.  By  this 
treaty  Mexico  surrendered  territory  about  equal  to  one  half  of 
her  former  extent,  making  the  enormous  total  of  our  southern 
and  south-western  border  of  851,590  square  miles ; seventeen 
times  the  size  of  the  great  State  of  New  York,  including  ten 
degrees  of  latitude  on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  extending  a thou- 
sand miles  to  the  east. 

It  is  true  that  $15,000,000  of  compensation  and  a release 
from  $3,250,000  of  claims  of  United  States  citizens  on  Mexico 
were  tendered  and  accepted  by  the  vanquished  nation.  But 
the  Mexican  •government  well  knew  that  the  acceptance  of  the 
sum  offered  was  obligatory,  though  it  was  not,  even  then,  more 
than  a fraction  of  its  value,  not  to  mention  the  hundreds  of 
millions  which  the  mines  of  California  were  to  yield  in  all  the 
future  to  the  United  States  ! To  this  was  added  the  bitter  re- 
flection to  the  Mexican  administration  that  after  they  had,  in 
their  honest  and  painful  efforts  to  establish  a true  republican 
government  in  their  country,  abolished  slavery  forever,  and 
now  when  they  entreated,  in  the  framing  of  this  treaty  with 
their  conquerors,  that  a clause  should  be  inserted  committing 
the  United  States  not  to  permit  slavery  to  be  established  in  any 
part  of  the  ceded  territory,  they  were  met  with  a disdainful 
refusal,  and  their  honorable  demands  were  rejected  by  the 
great  republic,  the  power  that  of  all  on  earth  should  have 
been  to  them  a friend  in  their  struggle  to  maintain  the  liberty 
they  had  established.  Instead  of  this,  our  nation  was  led  to 
wage  this  unnecessary  and  unjustifiable  war  in  the  interest  of 
the  Southern  slave-holders  and  for  the  wider  extension  of  their 
wicked  institution.  For  abundant  evidence  of  this  fact  we 
refer  the  reader  to  the  book  of  Mr.  Jay,*  where,  from  page  150 

* A Review  of  the  Causes  and  Consequences  of  the  Mexican  War.  Boston.  Mussey 
A Co.,  1849. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


91 


to  195,  will  be  seen,  from  the  action  and  language  of  our  gov- 
ernment and  the  debates  in  Congress,  that  the  extension  of  the 
area  of  slavery  was  the  paramount  object  of  the  war  with 
Mexico. 

It  is  enough  to  make  any  lover  of  freedom  tremble  to  im- 
agine what  the  result  would  have  been  to  the  future  of  the 
world  and  of  Christian  civilization  had  the  purpose  of  the 
Southern  oligarchy  been  carried  out  as  they  intended.  The 
gain  of  this  immense  territory  made  them  so  bold  that  they 
next  planned  the  abolition  of  all  restriction  throughout  the 
country,  so  that  they  might  have  power  of  control  over  their 
slaves  from  the  Canada  line  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  passed  in  their  interest,  and  the 
hunted  slave  was  no  longer  safe  wherever  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  floated.  The  surprise  and  excitement  of  the  nation, 
and  especially  of  our  liberty-loving  millions,  became  intense, 
while  the  haters  of  constitutional  freedom  indulged  their  bitter 
sarcasm  at  our  expense.  We  were  on  the  high  road  to  the 
building  up,  over  this  wide  land,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  of  the  most  colossal  empire  of  negro  slavery  that  the 
world  had  ever  seen.  It  only  needed  time  for  development, 
and  to  be  left  unhindered  by  God  and  man  to  become  even  far 
worse  and  more  awful  than  that  “ open  sore  of  the  world  ” of 
which  Livingtone  spoke  in  Africa.  Worse,  because  the  Arabs 
there  have  set  that  sore  running  under  the  sanction  of  their 
Koran,  while  our  sacred  Book,  in  its  spirit  and  precepts,  forbids 
such  injustice. 

So  men  -who  were  ruled  by  their  consciences  and  who  feared 
God  declared  that  they  would  not  be  forced  to  aid  or  to  perpet- 
uate an  institution  so  unchristian.  Slave-holders  professed  to 
laugh  at  our  reverence  for  the  “ higher  law,”  and  our  convic- 
tions, and  were  determined  to  force  obedience  to  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  even  declaring  that  they  would  erelong  “ call  the 
roll  of  their  slaves  under  the  shadow  of  Bunker  Hill.”  Slowly 
the  great  North  arose  to  the  duty  which  she  owed  to  God  and 
humanity  to  free  herself  from  what  Mr.  Wesley  designated  as 


92 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


“the  sum  of  all  villainies.”  Judge  Harrington,  of  Vermont, 
well  voiced  the  conscience  of  the  North  in  that  case  where  the 
slave-hunter  had  overtaken  his  victim  and  brought  him  into 
court  to  demand  his  rendition,  offering  the  proof  of  ownership 
in  the  bill  of  sale  to  the  person  whom  he  represented.  The 
worthy  judge  closed  the  case  when  he  ruled  that,  “This  title  is 
invalid  here.  I demand  a bill  of  sale  from  the  Almighty ! ” 
So  the  slave  went  forth  to  freedom. 

The  word  of  God  is  the  instrument  to  unify  the  world,  and 
these  mighty  movements  were  in  his  providence  to  open  its 
way  to  its  great  mission  among  men.  In  our  war  with  Mexico 
the  Bible  entered  to  begin  its  beneficent  work  in  the  hands  of 
the  Aztecs.  There  were  a few  there  who  had  heard  of  it, 
though  they  had  not  seen  it;  but  they  welcomed  it,  for  they 
Avere  longing  for  a clearer  knowledge  of  the  way  to  salvation. 
A small  number  of  these  were  priests,  like  Orestes,  Gomez,  and 
others.  Among  the  laity  more  were  anxious  for  its  introduc- 
tion, for  they  had  learned  that  the  Bible  stood  well  A\Tith  liberty, 
that  Bible  readers  every-where  AArere  free  men,  that  the  most  en- 
lightened nations  were  those  where  the  Iloly  Scriptures  had 
the  fullest  circulation,  and  they  desired  the  help  of  such  a book 
in  their  struggle  for  popular  freedom.  When  the  Avar  with 
Mexico  Avas  proclaimed  in  1847  the  American  Bible  Society 
grasped  the  opportunity  and  appointed  Rev.  M.  Norris  as  agent, 
an  edition  of  the  Spanish  Scriptures  being  then  just  published. 
Mr.  Norris  went  with  the  army  and  distributed  many  copies,  and 
Avas  aided  by  some  of  the  men  and  officers.  An  account  of  what 
Avas  done  in  this  respect  Avas  written  by  Major-General  Casey 
in  1850.  We  will  quote  one  fact  of  special  interest  on  the  sub- 
ject, to  shoAV  hoAV  some  of  the  educated  people  looked  at  the 
Avonderful  book,  now  for  the  first  time  within  their  reach.  He 
writes : 

The  occupying  of  the  city  of  Mexico  by*  our  army,  considering  the 
obstacles  which  Avere  to  be  overcome,  naturally  excited  a new  train  of 
thought  among  the  intelligent  and  thinking  Mexicans.  They  would  ask 
these  questions  of  one  another : “ How  is  it  that  these  people,  whom  we  had 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


93 


been  taught  by  our  priests  to  consider  as  God-forsaken  heretics,  over- 
come all  obstacles  which  have  been  opposed  to  them  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
this  city,  and  then  with  a comparative  handful  of  men  have  broken  through 
the  three  lines  of  fortifications  with  which  our  city  was  surrounded  and 
taken  possession  of  the  capital  of  our  republic  ? Our  city  had  a popula- 
tion of  200,000,  and  besides  it  was  under  the  special  protection  of  Mary 
of  Guadalupe,  who  in  many  priestly  processions  about  our  streets  was  inter- 
ceded by  us.  These  people  possess  and  are  zealously  distributing  a book 
fiom  which  they  profess  to  derive  their  religion,  and  from  which  we  also 
pretend  to  derive  ours.  May  it  not  possibly  be  that  the  priests  from 
interested  motives  have  corrupted  the  teachings  of  the  truth  ?”  A little 
leaven  has  been  planted  in  Mexico  which  by  God’s  blessing  will  leaven 
the  whole. 

At  this  time  General  Casey  held  the  rank  of  captain,  and  in 
this  capacity  led  the  storming  party  at  Cherubusco,  where  the 
American  army  suffered  its  greatest  loss,  chiefly  by  the  treachery 
of  some  of  its  own  soldiers.  Ilis  account  of  this  affair  is  as 
follows: 

On  the  20th  of  August  the  battles  of  Contreras  and  Cherubusco  were 
fought.  At  the  latter  place  the  principal  point  of  attack  was  a fortified 
convent,  and  the  American  army  lost  1,000  men  in  killed  and  wounded 
by  the  obstinate  resistance.  This  was  caused  by  the  presence  of  more 
than  two  hundred  deserters  from  the  American  army,  composed  mostly  of 
Catholic  Irish,  who  had  been  persuaded  to  desert  by  the  instigation  of  the 
Mexican  Catholic  priests.  Fifty  of  these  men  were  afterward  captured 
and  hung,  the  drop  at  the  gallows  falling  just  as  the  American  flag 
went  up  on  the  castle  of  Chapultepec.  When  the  final  assault  on  the  city 
was  made  by  the  causeway,  at  the  extremity  of  which  the  castle  of  Chapul- 
tepec was  situated,  we  had  but  little  more  than  6,000  men.* 

The  sectarian  treachery  of  the  Irish  deserters  might  have 
proved  to  be  overwhelming.  Yet  Mr.  Jay  considers  the  pun- 
ishment as  excessive,  f But  it  is  only  fair  to  remember  that 
this  had  to  be  judged  in  the  light  of  the  emergency  which  their 
desertion,  and  the  turning  of  their  weapons  against  their  gov- 
ernment in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  had  created.  It  might 
have  involved  the  destruction  of  the  whole  American  force, 
which  was  so  small  comparatively.  As  it  was  it  cost  them 

" Christian  World , vol.  xxiv,  p.  47.  \ Review  of  the  Mexican  War , p.  208. 


94 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


nearly  one  seventh  of  their  whole  number.  Nor  should  it  be- 
forgotten  that  this  was  not  the  first  time.  A few  months  be- 
fore a similar  act  of  treachery  had  occurred  in  General  Taylor’s 
command  at  Monterey,  by  the  same  class  of  men  deserting  and 
crossing  the  river  to  join  their  co-religionists  on  the  other  side 
and  help  them  fight  the  Americans.  While  Christians  may 
well  seek  the  intervention  of  the  Omniscient  One  to  guard 
against  dangers  of  this  class,  the  patriot  is  equally,  bound  to  use 
his  vigilance  to  counteract  them.  On  some  occasions  yet  to 
come  the  celebrated  order  may  need  to  be  repeated  as  a precau- 
tion, “Put  none  but  Americans  on  guard  to-night!”  The 
spirit  of  that  order  might  have  saved  a large  part  of  that  dis- 
heartening loss  at  Cherubusco. 

The  valley  of  Anahuac,  in  which  the  city  of  Mexico  is  situ- 
ated, is  surrounded  by  high  mountains  on  every  side.  Between 
the  peaks  are  deep  gorges  known  as  “ canadas.”  To  one  of 
these  we  went,  in  1874,  to  see  the  place  where  a few  Mexicans 
used  to  meet  on  the  Sabbath  day  to  listen  to  the  reading  of  the 
word  of  God.  A copy  of  the  Scriptures  had  come  into  their  pos- 
session, and  they  arranged  to  assemble  to  hear  it  read.  The  place 
selected  was  high  up  on  the  side  of  a mountain  where  a little  cave 
was  found.  They  dug  a bank  for  seats  on  the  sides,  where 
twenty  or  thirty  might  sit,  and  in  the  center  they  built  up  with 
sods  a little  rest  where  the  Bible  could  be  laid,  and  a seat  be- 
hind it  for  the  reader  to  occupy.  Every  thing  had  to  be  done 
with  the  greatest  secrecy.  They  could  not  dare  to  approach  or 
leave  the  place  together,  for  their  Jesuit  enemies  would  soon 
have  suspected  and  discovered  their  retreat.  So,  from  various 
directions  and  one  by  one,  they  came  to  enjoy  their  oppor- 
tunity. Every  Sabbath  this  little  company  of  Mexicans 
met  together,  and  the  Bible  was  then  brought  from  its  hiding- 
place  and  read  and  talked  over,  and  then  they  would  kneel  down 
and  pray,  imploring  God  to  give  them  grace  faithfully  to  follow 
what  they  had  learned,  and  entreating  him  to  have  mercy  upon 
their  country  and  hasten  the  hour  when  this  holy  book  should 
be  free  and  available  to  all  in  their  benighted  land.  While  here 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


95 


in  this  favored  country  we  were  in  the  regular  enjoyment  of 
our  luxury  of  the  means  of  grace  with  “ none  to  make  us  afraid,” 
how  little  we  could  realize  at  what  risk  and  under  what  diffi- 
culties these  honest  souls,  without  any  man  to  guide  them,  were 
seeking  light  and  help  from  the  divine  oracles ! It  was  no 
ordinary  privilege  to  visit  such'  a place  and  try  to  realize  how 
it  looked  with  its  worshipers  only  a few  years  before.  Un- 
doubtedly this  was  a sample  of  several  such  scenes  over  the 
country  after  the  distribution  of  the  Bible  had  taken  place,  and 
before  the  triumph  of  the  republic  had  made  it  safe  to  let  it 
be  known  that  people  were  in  possession  of  it  or  that  they  met 
to  read  or  hear  it  read.  After  the  departure  of  the  Ameri- 
can army  in  1848  a raid  was  made  by  the  clergy  upon  these 
holy  books,  and  many  of  them  were  given  up  and  destroyed  by 
burning  them  publicly  with  indignities,  especially  in  the  cities; 
but  yet  many  of  them  were  never  surrendered,  and  to-day 
some  of  those  old  and  well-worn  Bibles  are  seen  and  examined 
with  a peculiar  reverence.  Thank  Heaven,  it  is  not  the  Bible- 
burners  that  have  the  upper  hand  in  Mexico  to-day!  Their 
malignant  power  to  hinder  it' is  gone.  It  has  at  last  “free 
course  and  is  glorified  ” in  all  the  land. 

Santa  Anna’s  failure  to  free  the  country  from  the  presence 
of  the  United  States  army  greatly  disappointed  the  nation  and 
led  to  the  formation  of  factions  against  him,  so  that  he  felt  him- 
self forced  to  resign  his  positions  of  president  and  commander- 
in-chief  on  the  1st  of  February,  1848,  and  on  the  5th  of  April 
he  sailed  with  his  family  for  the  island  of  Jamaica,  where  for 
nearly  five  years  he  found  a quiet  asylum.  But  we  shall  see 
him  once  more  as  a turbulent  dictator  ere  his  final  exile  is 
pronounced.  The  Mexican  Congress  declared  General  Herrera 
constitutional  president,  and  the  nation  tried  to  recover  from 
its  terrible  experience  of  war  and  its  many  miseries. 


90 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Extending  freedom  in  South  America — Resisted  by  the  pope — Liberalism  dis- 
tasteful to  privilege — Duke  of  Richmond — Testimony  of  Curtis — Ecuador 
the  papal  model  for  Mexico — President  Barrundia  and  the  papal  bull — 
Policy  of  Pius  IX. — Constitutional  freedom  promised — Withdrawn — Flight 
of  the  pope  to  Gaeta — Roman  republic — Papal  appeal  to  Catholic  powers  to 
crush  the  Romans — Responded  to  by  Louis  Napoleon — Protest — Reaction 
and  vengeance — “The  Butcher  of  Bologna” — Gladstone — Sardinia — God 
within  the  shadow. 

This  brings  ns  to  a period  wliere  we  have  to  consider  certain 
events  transpiring  in  Europe  which  will  be  found  to  have  a 
very  intimate  relation  with  those  which  have  preceded  and  are 
jet  to  follow  in  Mexico— facts  that  proved  more  hostile  to  her 
aspirations  for  freedom  than  were  the  events  now  passed  under 
review,  sad  as  they  were,  but  which  nevertheless,  in  the  mercy 
of  God,  contrary  to  their  designed  intent,  were  to  help  her 
forward. 

lie  who  would  properly  comprehend  the  crisis  in  Mexico 
which  we  now  approach  must  bear  in  mind  that  her  sorrows 
were  shared  by  others,  and  that  they  arose  from  identical  causes. 
Her  great  transition  did  not  stand  alone,  nor  was  it  at  all  isolated, 
while  on  her  struggle  for  constitutional  freedom  was  probably 
suspended  the  future  peace  and  welfare  of  this  whole  continent. 
This  was  specially  true  of  Latin  America,  but  also,  and  in  a 
very  serious  sense,  it  was  true  of  Anglo-Saxon  America.  All 
that  both  in  the  best  estate  longed  for  in  their  respective  futures 
was  involved  in  the  Mexican  struggle,  and,  under  God,  depended 
upon  her  success.  If  she  were  crushed  they  mustdiave  been 
involved  sooner  or  later  in  the  great  catastrophe;  while,  if  she 
rose  triumphant,  the  security  of  all  the  rest  would  be  established. 

The  States  of  Central  and  South  America  had,  with  one  ex- 
ception. enthusiastically  proclaimed  themselves  converts  to  the 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


97 


theory  of  constitutional  freedom  for  all  their  people,  which  the 
Anglo-Saxon  portion  so  grandly  illustrates  before  them  in  its 
peace  and  prosperity,  and  were  coming  into  possession  of  simi- 
lar blessings  for  themselves.  To  gain  this  for  their  respective 
countries  their  bravest  and  best  had  given  their  treasure  and 
their  blood,  and  thousands  of  them  had  become  martyrs  in  the 
glorious  cause.  But  all  this  is  hateful  to  the  claims  of  political 
Romanism.  That  one  little  State  of  Ecuador  is  more  to  the 
pope’s  mind  as  to  what  the  condition  of  a State  should  be  than 
all  the  order,  prosperity,  and  intelligence  of  the  rest  put  together. 
Once,  and  only  about  seventy  years  ago,  all  of  Central  and  South 
America  were  about  as  Ecuador  is  to-day,  and  the  papacy  was 
happy  over  their  condition,  so  much  so  that  no  voice,  with 
her  sanction,  was  ever  raised  to  call  them  to  a better  life  of 
freedom  or  intelligence.  On  the  contrary,  Romanism  did  her 
best  to  rivet  those  chains  and  to  proscribe  and  punish  with  dis- 
abilities and  even  cruel  deaths,  as  we  have  already  seen,  those 
who  raised  the  flag  of  freedom,  even  when  the  ever-to-be-honored 
men  who  did  this  were  some  of  her  own  clergy. 

In  this  regard  (whatever  she  may  say  to  the  contrary  occa- 
sionally) Rome  holds  that  the  greatest  of  all  offenders  on  this 
hemisphere  against  her  will  and  preferences  is  the  United 
States.  If  it  were  not  for  this  land  of  ours  her  rule  would 
have  been  undisturbed  and  unchallenged  over  all  the  rest,  per- 
haps for  generations  to  come.  We  chose  to  be  free,  and  at 
once  began  to  talk  about  it  quite  loudly  as  a very  good  thing 
and  desirable  for  every  body  else,  and  our  neighbors  heard  and 
proceeded  to  examine  our  condition  in  order  to  judge  for  them- 
selves, and  were  won  by  the  teaching  of  our  example.  The 
pope  and  his  curia  are  not  at  all  in  love  with  us  and  our  meas- 
ures, and  their  occasional  compliments  to  our  blessings  must  be 
taken  with  many  grains  of  allowance,  as  their  official  utterances 
frequently  evidence.  It  was  bad  enough  for  us  to  have  a “ free 
Church  in  a free  State  ” for  ourselves,  but  to  let  our  light  so 
shine”  that  sixteen  States  should  follow  our  example  and  cast 
iheir  concordats  away  and  declare  for  similar  freedom — this 
8 


98 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


was  outrageous.  In  fact,  we  are  a great  concern  to  the  pope. 
Worse  yet,  we  are  using  our  prosperity  not  merely  as  an  example 
of  freedom  and  safe  statehood,  but  we  are  also  employing  our 
resources  to  evangelize  the  natives  of  the  earth  with  such  vigor 
that  our  contributions  for  the  spread  of  the  Gospel  are  double 
what  the  pope  collects  from  his  whole  denomination  to  extend  his 
papal  missions ! Hence  his  tears  and  lamentations  and  encycli- 
cals bearing  on  the  subject,  and  his  fixed  resolves  to  checkmate 
us  by  any  means  within  his  power. 

There  were  other  elements  also  that  entered  into  the  struggle 
in  regard  to  Mexico.  The  toryism  of  the  English  nation  and 
her  high  churchism  found  our  example  distasteful,  illustrating 
as  it  did  the  capability  of  enlightened  men  for  self-government 
and  the  power  of  the  Christian  Church  to  sustain  herself  and 
her  institutions  without  the  crutches  of  State  support.  To  peo- 
ple who  held  to  the  “ divine  right  of  kings,”  and  the  theory  of 
a national  church  establishment  and  such  laws  as  those  of  pri- 
mogeniture and  entail,  the  United  States  was  an  unwelcome  fact 
before  the  Mexican  question  was  raised.  Xo  one  can  fully 
understand  the  story  of  the  French  intervention  in  Mexico  and 
our  relation  to  it  if  he  does  not  comprehend  how  far  these 
jealousies  entered  into  the  question  as  well  as  their  sympathy 
for  the  Southern  rebellion. 

There  are  facts  that  seem  to  intimate  that  a purpose  has  been 
long  entertained  by  the  monarchists  of  Europe  to  neutralize  the 
influence  and  example  of  the  United  States,  and,  if  possible,  to 
overthrow  our  institutions.  There  are  those  who  remember  the 
language  used  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  when  Governor- 
General  of  Canada  in  1S19,  to  Mr.  II.  G.  Gates,  of  Montreal, 
and  by  him  faithfully  reported  afterward.  Speaking  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  the  duke  is  reported  to  have 
said : 

It  was  weak,  inconsistent,  and  bad,  and  could  not  long  exist.  It  will 
be  destroyed ; it  ought  not,  and  will  not,  be  permitted  to  exist;  for  many 
and  great  are  the  evils  that  have  originated  from  the  existence  of  that 
government.  The  curse  of  the  French  Revolution  and  subsequent  wars 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


99 


and  commotions  in  Europe  are  to  be  attributed  to  its  example,  and  so 
long  as  it  exists  no  prince  will  be  safe  upon  his  throne,  and  the  sovereigns 
of  Europe  are  aware  of  it,  and  they  have  been  determined  upon  its  de- 
struction, and  have  come  to  an  understanding  upon  this  subject  and  have 
decided  on  the  means  to  accomplish  it;  and  they  will  even  finally  succeed 
by  subversion  rather  than  conquest. 

The  Church  of  Rome  lias  a design  upon  that  country,  and  it  will,  in 
time,  be  the  established  religion  and  will  aid  in  the  destruction  of  that 
republic.  I have  conversed  with  many  of  the  sovereigns  and  princes  of 
Europe,  particularly  with  George  the  Third  and  Louis  the  Eighteenth,  and 
they  have  unanimously  expressed  these  opinions  relative  to  the  government 
of  the  United  States  and  their  determination  to  subvert  it.* 

Mr.  Gates  tells  ns  that  the  duke  then  proceeded  to  show  how 
this^tm  would  be  carried  out.  We  were  to  be  swamped  by 
immigration  ; these  immigrants  would  in  time  become  citizens, 
next  they  would  get  strong  enough  to  hold  the  balance  of  power 
between  the  parties  into  which  the  nation  was  divided,  and 
finally  would  gain  the  majority,  when  our  institutions  would  be 
overthrown  and  the  republic  abolished.  This  is  very  like  the 
testimony  and  warning  of  the  illustrious  Lafayette,  who  well 
knew  the  hostility  of  Romanism  to  republican  governments,  and 
declared  it  as  his  conviction  to  Prof.  Morse  and  others  that  “if 
ever  the  liberties  of  the  United  States  are  destroyed  it  will  be 
by  Iiomish  priests.”  f It  is  somewhat  startling  to  pause  and 
realize  how  the  duke’s  anticipations  seem  in  process  of  accom- 
plishment, and  especially  remembering  that  immigration  at  that 
date  was  only  about  11,000  per  annum  and  the  Romish  popu- 
lation in  this  country  very  small  indeed.  Now  the  former  has 
risen  into  hundreds  of  thousands  annually  and  the  latter  has 
climbed  up  to  nearly  8,000,000.  How  amazed  would  this 
aristocrat  become  were  he  here  to-day  to  see  it,  and  how  assured 
of  the  near  approach  to  fulfillment  of  his  anticipations!  Such 
men,  however,  leave  out  of  their  calculations  the  divine  control 
in  human  affairs  and  that  power  which  is  working  for  right- 
eousness in  this  world.  The  servants  of  God  can  be  calm  and 
confident,  even  with  full  knowledge  of  the  wicked  purposes  of 

* Christian  World , vol.  vii,  p.  132.  f Ibid.,  vol.  vi,  pp.  305,  359,  454. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


100 


their  enemies,  as  they  realize  “ The  Lord  is  our  defense ; and 
the  Holy  One  of  Israel  is  our  King”  (Psa.  lxxxix,  18). 

The  duhe  in  his  prophecy  only  represented  the  most  unworthy 
element  of  his  nation.  America  and  American  principles  are 
better  understood  and  appreciated  by  England  than  ever  before. 
We  have  a hundred  friends  there  to-day  for  the  one  that  we 
had  in  his  day,  and  so  also  of  the  wide  world;  grand  men, 
too,  in  all  ranks  of  life,  who  rejoice  in  our  prosperity,  and  who 
feel  all  the  stronger  in  view  of' the  fact  that  they  have  such  an 
ally  as  the  United  States  to  stand  with  them  for  constitutional 
freedom  (whether  monarchical  or  republican)  and  evangelical 
faith,  speaking  the  same  grand  language,  reading  the  same  free 
Bible,  ruled  by  the  same  just  laws,  laboring  together  to  make 
this  world  better  by  the  agency  of  evangelical  religion.  We  can 
offset  the  prejudiced  duke  by  one  of  his  own  order,  the  devout 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  when  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Baird,  of  New  York, 
declaring,  “ The  union  of  America  with  England  in  all  these 
things  of  prime  importance  to  the  human  race  is  of  incalculable 
value.  May  God  make  us  to  be  ever  of  one  mind  and  one  heart 
for  his  service  and  glory  ! ” 

All  the  States  of  Central  and  South  America  have  broken 
away  from  the  yoke  of  Spain  or  Portugal,  one  after  another, 
following  the  cry  for  independence  proclaimed  by  Hidalgo  in 
1811,  and  have  declared  for  a republican  form  of  government. 
Mexico  became  the  key  to  the  whole  position  ; she  was  nearest 
to  us,  and,  as  fast  as  able,  copied  our  example.  The  others, 
bound  largely  by  the  medium  of  a common  language,  studied 
and  imitated  her.  Their  struggle  with  dictatorships  has  resulted 
in  constitutional  order  more  or  less  perfect.  Their  concor- 
dats are  abrogated,  in  many  civil  and  religious  liberty  is  pro- 
claimed, monasteries  and  nunneries  abolished  and  their  proper- 
ties secularized  for  the  support  of  the  State  and  education,  the 
press  made  free,  civil  marriage  laws  passed,  and  altogether  a 
new  life  of  peace  and  prosperity  has  been  entered  upon  under 
which  some  of  these  States  have  reached  an  era  of  order  and 
social  welfare  which  surprises  those  who  visit  their  territories. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


101 


Meanwhile  Protestant  missions  have  gone  in  to  offer  a purer 
faith  and  a Christian  education  to  their  youth.  This  has  been 
accomplished  by  resolute  men  in  the  face  of  mighty  opposition. 
From  Rome  came  anathemas  and  excommunications,  hurled  at 
them  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God  by  a power  that  could  not 
show  its  right  to  speak  in  his  name.  At  home  clerical  des- 
potism, with  all  the  bitterness  it  dared  to  show,  fought  the 
new-born  freedom,  but  the  rising  intelligence  of  the  people 
saved  the  precious  cause  and  brought  it  to  its  present  state  of 
advance. 

We  select  an  illustrative  instance  here  from  a responsible 
source,  one  which  will  present  the  very  latest  aspects  of  the 
situation.  The  government  of  President  Arthur  selected  a 
gentleman  of  known  ability  to  proceed  to  Central  and  South 
America  as  commissioner  and  accredited  agent  of  the  PTnited 
States,  to  examine  and  inquire  thoroughly  into  the  condition  of 
the  States  of  Spanish  America  and  the  prospects  of  trade  and 
commerce  with  this  country,  and  to  furnish  reliable  information 
concerning  the  finances,  trade,  agriculture,  politics,  social  con- 
dition, and  necessities  of  the  several  States.  Mr.  William  E. 
Curtis  was  selected  to  fulfill  this  commission.  A short  time 
since  he  returned,  and  has  given  us  a volume  entitled  Capitals 
of  Spanish  America , in  which  lie  has  concentrated  a mass  of 
information,  well  arranged  and  illustrated,  more  complete  than 
can  be  found  in  any  other  work.  Mr.  Curtis  was  evidently 
surprised  and  delighted  to  find  such  enlightened  freedom  and 
extending  prosperity  among  these  South  American  States.  We 
present  the  condition  of  one  State  which  he  visited  and  found 
to  be  in  such  fearful  contrast  with  all  the  rest,  the  lowest  of  the 
low,  which  had  deliberately  refused  the  boon  that  the  others 
had  so  earnestly  sought,  and  in  the  possession  of  which  they 
are  so  glad  and  grateful.  Yet  the  fact  will  show  that  this  sad 
exception  of  Ecuador  is  one  fixed  exactly  according  to  papal 
requirement,  and  just  as  political  Romanism  would  have  it 
arranged.  As  our  readers  study  the  description  they  will  do 
well  to  bear  in  mind  that  here  is  shown  the  model  after  which 


102 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


such  desperate  effort  would  have  been  made  to  mold  the  future 
of  Mexico  had  the  French  intervention  been  successful. 

That  all  this  miserable  condition  of  things  was  intended  and 
provided  for  by  the  papacy  as  their  idea  of  what  a State  should 
be  is  evident  in  the  terms  of  the  treaty  into  which  this  very 
State  entered,  or  rather  to  which  its  ultramontane  President 
Moreno  committed  it,  in  April,  1863,  when  he  negotiated  that 
treaty  with  Cardinal  Antonelli,  the  papal  secretary  of  state. 
Three  or  four  paragraphs  will  show  its  character  as  a sample  of 
her  preferences,  and  will  equally  show  what  Rome  would  have 
insisted  on  had  she  succeeded  in  Mexico,  and  would  insist  on 
every-wliere  if  she  once  gained  her  hoped-for  ascendency  in 
America.  It  was  expressly  stipulated  in  the  case  in  the  pope’s 
name  as  follows  : 

1.  The  Roman  Catholic  and  apostolic  religion  is  the  religion  of  the  re- 
public of  Ecuador.  Consequently  the  exercise  of  any  other  worship  or 
the  existence  of  any  society  condemned  by  the  Church  will  not  be  permitted 
by  the  republic. 

2.  The  education  of  the  young  in  all  public  and  private  schools  shall 
be  entirely  conformed  to  the  doctrines  of  the  (Roman)  Catholic  religion. 
The  teachers,  the  books,  the  instructions  imparted,  etc.,  etc.,  shall  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  decision  of  the  bishops. 

3.  Government  will  give  its  powerful  patronage  and  its  support  to  the 
bishops  in  their  resistance  to  the  evil  designs  of  wicked  persons,  etc. 

4.  All  matrimonial  causes,  and  all  those  which  concern  the  faith,  the 
sacraments,  the  public  morals,  etc.,  are  placed  under  the  sole  jurisdiction 
of  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals , and  the  civil  magistrates  shall  be  charged  to 
carry  them  into  execution. 

5.  The  privileges  of  churches  (the  ancient  right  of  asylum  in  conse- 
crated buildings)  shall  be  fully  respected. 

6.  Tithes  shall  be  punctually  paid,  etc. 

The  preceding  extracts  vindicate  the  deliberate  judgment  of 
Lord  Palmerston,  for  so  many  years  prime  minister  of  En- 
gland, and  who  had  the  widest  opportunity  to  form  an  opinion 
of  Romanism  in  this  respect.  He  left  us  his  conviction  in  the 
following  language : 

All  history  tells  us  that  wherever  the  Romish  priesthood  have  gained  a 
predominance  there  the  utmost  amount  of  intolerance  is  invariably  the  prac- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


103 


tice.  In  countries  where  they  are  in  the  minority  they  instantly  demand 
not  only  toleration,  hut  equality,  but  in  countries  where  they  predomi- 
nate they  allow  neither  toleration  nor  equality. 

But  we  need  not  now  to  go  to  foreigners  to  ascertain  the 
real  purposes  contemplated  by  the  papacy,  hot  only  in  Mexico 
and  South  America,  but  in  this,  our  own  land,  as  well.  The 
pope  may  not  have  intended  this  to  be  so  plainly  uttered  just 
yet  in  a Protestant  country,  but  as  a sample  of  what  is  already 
avowed  by  Catholic  writers,  who  jump  so  confidently  to  their 
conclusions  as  to  our  prospective  subjugation  when  they  gain 
the  power  of  numerical  majority,  and  as  an  illustration  of  Lord 
Palmerston’s  words,  take  the  following,  which  appeared  some 
time  since  in  the  Rambler,  a prominent  Homan  Catholic  journal 
in  our  own  land  : 

You  ask,  If  the  Catholic  were  lord  in  the  land,  and  you  (Protestants)  in 
the  minority,  what  would  he  do  with  you  ? That  would  depend  upon 
circumstances.  If  it  would  benefit  Catholicism  he  would  tolerate  you;  if 
expedient  he  would  imprison  you,  banish  you,  fine  you,  possibly  he 
might  even  hang  you.  But  be  assured  of  one  thing,  he  would  never  tolerate 
you  for  the  sake  of  the  “ glorious  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty."  * 

Many  Protestants  suppose,  as  did  the  writer  in  other  days, 
that,  whatever  might  be  the  record  of  Romanism  in  the  past, 
she  must  have  been  touched  with  the  tolerant  spirit  of  our  age, 
and  that  it  is  a mistake  to  suppose  she  is  really  so  false  to  free- 
dom and  so  resolutely  bent,  whenever  she  gains  the  power  of 
numbers,  on  renewing  her  intolerant  course  toward  those  who 
dissent  from  her  teaching  as  these  utterances  of  her  public 
writers  so  often  imply.  Alas!  the  language  of  her  highest  au- 
thorities and  her  work  as  we  see  it  here  and  in  Mexico  make  it 
impossible  longer  to  hold  on  to  this  judgment  of  charity  con- 
cerning her  real  intentions.  We  have  no  evidence  that  as  a 
Church  she  is  changed  for  the  better  or  would  show  herself 
more  tolerant  and  less  cruel  than  she  was  in  the  days  of  old. 
Romanists  can  easily  be  found  who  favor  tolerance,  but  they 
do  not  guide  her  policy,  and  could  not  restrain  it  if  the  hour 
* Christian  World,  vol.  xiv,  pp.  299,  301. 


104 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


and  the  opportunity  which  she  so  much  desires  should  again 
return  to  her. 

Now,  what  did  Mr.  Curtis  find  in  Ecuador  as  a result  of  their 
concordat  relations  with  Rome?  AYe  quote  a few  sentences  in 
reply : 

The  rule  which  prevails  every-where,  that  the  less  a people  are  under 
the  control  of  that  Church  the  greater  their  prosperity,  enlightenment,  and 
progress,  is  illustrated  in  Ecuador  with  striking  force.  One  fourth  of  all 
the  property  in  Ecuador  belongs  to  the  bishop.  There  is  a Catholic  church 
for  every  one  hundred  and  fifty  inhabitants;  of  the  population  of  the 
country  ten  per  cent,  are  priests,  monks,  or  nuns,  and  two  hundred  and 
seventy-two  of  the  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days  of  the  year  are  ob- 
served as  feasts  or  fast  days. 

The  priests  control  the  government  in  all  its  branches,  dictate  its  laws 
and  govern  their  enforcement,  and  rule  the  country  as  absolutely  as  if  the 
pope  were  its  king.  There  is  not  a railroad  or  stage-coach  in  the  entire 
country,  and  until  recently  there  was  not  a telegraph  wire.  Laborers  get 
from  two  to  ten  dollars  a month,  and  men  are  paid  two  dollars  and  a quar- 
ter for  carrying  one  hundred  pounds  of  merchandise  on  their  backs  two 
hundred  and  eighty-five  miles.  There  is  not  a wagon  in  the  republic  out- 
side of  Guayaquil  (the  port),  and  not  a road  over  which  a wagon  could 
pass.  The  people  know  nothing  but  what  the  priests  tell  them ; they  have 
no  amusements  but  cock-fights  and  bull-fights,  no  literature,  no  mail 
routes  except  from  Guayaquil  to  the  capital  (Quito).  If  one  tenth  of  the 
money  that  has  been  expended  in  building  monasteries  had  been  devoted 
to  the  construction  of  cart-roads,  Ecuador,  which  is  naturally  rich,  would 
be  one  of  the  most  wealthy  nations,  in  proportion  to  its  area,  on  the  globe. 

Although  Ecuador  is  set  down  in  the  geographies  as  a republic,  it  is 
simply  a popish  colony,  and  the  power  of  the  Vatican  is  nowhere  felt  so 
completely  as  there.  ...  So  subordinated  is  the  State  to  the  Church  that 
the  latter  elects  the  president,  the  Congress,  and  the  judges.  A crucifix 
sits  in  the  audience  chamber  of  the  president  and  on  the  desk  of  the  pre- 
siding officer  of  Congress.  All  the  schools  are  controlled  by  the  Church, 
and  the  children  know  more  about  the  lives  of  the  saints  than  about  the 
geography  of  their  own  country.  There  is  not  even  a good  map  of  Ecua- 
dor. . . . The  social  and  political  condition  of  Ecuador  presents  a pict- 
ure of  the  Dark  Ages.  There  is  not  a newspaper  printed  outside  of  the 
city  of  Guayaquil,  and  the  only  information  the  people  have  of  what  is 
going  on  in  the  world  is  gained  from  strangers  who  now  and  then  visit  the 
country,  and  a class  of  peddlers  who  make  periodical  trips,  traversing  the 
whole  hemisphere  from  Guatemala  to  Patagonia. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


105 


The  ceremony  of  marriage  is  not  observed  to  any  great  extent,  for  the 
expense  of  matrimony  is  too  heavy  for  the  common  people  to  think  of 
paying  it.  For  this  the  Catholic  Church  is  responsible,  and  to  it  can  be 
traced  the  cause  of  the  illegitimacy  of  more  than  half  of  the  population. 
One  fourth  of  the  city  of  Quito  is  covered  with  convents,  and  every  fourth 
person  you  meet  is  a priest  or  a monk  or  a nun. 

Until  the  influence  of  the  Romish  Church  is  destroyed,  until  immigra- 
tion is  invited  and  secured,  Ecuador  will  be  a desert  rich  in  undeveloped 
resources.  With  plenty  of  natural  wealth,  it  has  neither  peace  nor  in- 
dustry, and  such  a thing  as  a surplus  of  any  character  is  unknown.  One 
of  the  richest  of  the  South  American  republics  and  the  oldest  of  them  all, 
it  is  the  poorest  and  most  backward.* 

How  there  could  be  found  people  who  deliberately  prefer 
this  condition  of  things  seems  impossible  to  comprehend.  Yet 
the  beneficent  changes  wrought  in  other  States  alarmed  the 
papacy  and  aroused  its  determination  to  force  back  these  States 
into  the  condition  of  Ecuador.  For  this  purpose  the  French 
Intervention  was  attempted  in  Mexico,  to  extinguish,  if  pos- 
sible, constitutional  freedom  and  evangelical  Christianity  upon 
this  continent. 

Every  step  toward  progress  which  these  now  free  States  made 
has  been  fought  by  the  pope.  Evidence  of  this  is  abundant. 
We  need  only  quote  one  as  a sample,  the  case  of  Hew  Granada. 
There  lies  before  us  the  allocution  of  the  pope  against  that 
State,  dated  27th  of  September,  1852.  Being  nearly  nine  pages 
long  we  have  room  only  for  the  doings  which  he  denounces  and 
liis  attempted  abrogation  of  them  and  his  threats  of  punishment. 
The  translation  is  from  the  Tablet , the  Irish  Homan  Catholic 
journal.  His  “holiness”  first  enumerates  the  chief  actions  of 
the  government  and  legislature  of  Hew  Granada,  which  he 
denounces.  They  are  as  follows  : 

1.  The  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  other  or- 
ders. 2.  The  encouragement  given  to  those  who  had  taken  the  monastic 
vows  to  break  them  and  return  to  the  ordinary  manner  of  life.  3.  The 
giving  of  the  appointment  of  parish  priests  and  the  regulation  of  their 
salaries  to  the  people  of  each  parish,  convened  in  public  meeting.  4.  The 
interference  of  the  government  in  the  question  of  the  revenues  of  the 
* Capitals  of  South  America , by  W.  E.  Curtis,  p.  306. 


10G 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


archbishop  and  bishops.  5.  The  introduction  of  “ free  education.”  6.  The 
liberty  given  to  all  to  print  and  publish  their  opinions  on  the  subject  of 
religion.  7.  And  finally  the  liberty  granted  to  immigrants  and  to  any  one 
else  to  profess  privately  and  publicly  whatever  worship  they  please. 

And  this  is  all  to  make  him,  as  he  declares,  “ heavily  op- 
pressed,” and  cause  him  “ bitter  grief.” 

How  does  he  meet  the  situation  ? He  states  that  since  1845 
he  has  been  complaining  and  remonstrating  with  that  legislature 
and  government  “against  these  unjust  laws”  and  “nefarious 
decrees,”  and  had  backed  up  the  bishops  in  their  resistance  to 
them ; and  he  condemns  the  clergy  who  were  willing  to  accept 
and  obey  them,  and  denounces  the  proposal  of  the  president  “ to 
give  our  legate  his  conge  when  he  did  not  neglect  to  protest  in 
our  name  against  all  those  wicked  and  sacrilegious  attempts.” 
Then  he  comes  to  his  denunciation : 

We  do  censure,  condemn,  and  declare  utterly  null  and  void  all  the  afore- 
said decrees,  which  have,  so  much  to  the  contempt  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authority  and  of  this  holy  see,  been  there  enacted  by  the  civil  power. 

lie  then  adds  his  threat  and  closes  : 

We  very  gravely  admonish  all  those  by  whose  instrumentality  and  orders 
they  were  put  forth  that  they  seriously  consider  the  penalties  and  censures 
which  have  been  constituted  by  the  apostolical  constitutions  and  the 
sacred  canons  of  councils  against  those  who  violate  and  profane  sacred 
persons  and  things  and  the  ecclesiastical  power  and  the  right  of  this  apos- 
tolic see.* 

The  legislature  and  government  of  Hew  Granada  were  un- 
moved by  this  bitter  blast  from  Rome,  and  paid  it  no  more  at- 
tention than  the  idle  wind  which  passed  by  them.  The  presi- 
dent and  public  men  of  the  State  of  Honduras  were  not  quite  so 
patient,  when  about  the  same  time  the  pope  and  his  secretary 
of  state,  Antonelli,  tried  the  same  course  with  them,  and  on  their 
refusal  to  be  moved  one  iota  from  the  liberal  constitution  which 
they  had  framed  and  were  following  the  pope  excommunicated 
the  president.  When  the  bull  of  excommunication  arrived  the 
president  called  a mass-meeting  in  the  public  square  to  hear  it 

* Christian  World , vol.  iv,  pp.  55-63. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


107 


read.  He  had  a company  of  artillery  and  a cannon  placed  in 
front  of  the  crowd,  with  the  muzzle  pointed  toward  Rome  and 
loaded  with  blank  cartridge.  'When  all  was  ready  President 
Barrundia,  standing  beside  the  gun  and  facing  the  dignitaries 
of  state,  civil  and  military,  drew  forth  and  read  aloud  every 
word  of  the  bull.  Then,  carefully  folding  it,  he  placed  it  in  the 
cannon,  had  it  rammed  home,  and  gave  the  signal  to  send  it 
back  to  Rome ! * This  was  the  very  spirit  of  Martin  Luther 
when  he  burned  the  pope’s  bull  at  Wittenberg.  The  free  and 
enlightened  world  applauds  the  courageous  act  of  the  great  re- 
former, as  the  freemen  of  South  America  to-day  do  that  of 
Barrundia.  One  of  the  leading  editors  of  the  State  struck  the 
key-note  of  their  freedom  when,  in  view  of  these  transactions, 
he  wrote : 

We  are  Catholics  ancl  partisans  of  the  absolute  emancipation  of  the 
Church,  because  religion  is  all  conscience  and  needs  nothing  from  force. 
Its  seat  is  in  the  heart.  What  religion  needs  is  what  every  thing  needs — 
liberty , not  in  licentiousness,  but  in  justice. 

When  will  Rome  learn  this  simple  lesson  and  give  up  her 
foolish  attempts  to  override  the  conscience  of  mankind? 

This  is  the  power  whose  workings  we  have  to  watch  with 
sleepless  vigilance  as  the  price  of  liberty  for  ourselves  and  for 
others — a power  unscrupulous,  unchanging,  and  centralized, 
wielding  the  false  assumption  of  a divine  authority  and  demand- 
ing the  absolute  subjection  of  all  to  its  despotic  will ; its  center 
the  Roman  curia,  its  secret  police  the  Jesuits,  its  army  of  oper- 
ations the  bishops  and  priests,  sworn  to  implicit  obedience  to  all 
its  behests,  no  matter  how  unpatriotic,  illiberal,  or  unscriptu- 
ral  they  may  be.  Hot  satisfied  with  his  despotic  rule  over  his 
own  denomination,  Pius  IX.  set  his  heart  upon  extending  that 
rule  over  all  the  other  Churches.  He  asserted  that  he  was  the 
vicegerent  of  God  upon  this  earth,  without  warrant  for  the 
claim  ; still  he  attempted  to  force  that  claim  on  Mexico,  thereby 
causing  the  most  agonizing  conflict  of  her  history.  What  made 
this  all  the  more  difficult  to  endure  was  the  fact  that  he  made 

* Christian  World , vol.  v,  p.  307. 


108 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


the  world  believe,  for  a few  weeks  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
that  the  spirit  of  the  nineteenth  century  had  reached  the  Ro- 
man curia,  and  that  their  war  against  modern  civilization  was  to 
cease.  The  liberal  cabinet  selected  by  Pius  IX.  framed  a 
statuto  (constitution),  which  wTas  promised  in  the  pope’s  name 
in  1847.  The  liberal  world  was  taken  by  storm,  men  threw  up 
their  hats  and  cheered  for  “the  reforming  pope  ! ” “A  con- 
federated Christendom  ” was  talked  of,  with  Pius  IX.  at  the  head, 
and  universal  liberty  safe  under  its  protection.  Crowded  public 
meetings  were  held  in  the  cities  of  our  land;  one  such,  on  the 
29th  of  November,  1847,  in  the  Broadway  Tabernacle,  with  the 
inayorof  New  York  in  the  chair,  while  the  leading  men  present 
exulted  in  “the  movement  which  had  placed  the  head  of  the 
most  venerable  Church  in  Western  Christendom  at  the  front  of 
the  great  liberal  movement  in  the  whole  world ! ” Horace 
Greeley  made  one  of  the  addresses,  and  moved  six  enthusiastic 
resolutions,  the  last  of  which  we  here  quote  : 

Resolved , That  “peace  hath  her  victories,  no  less  renowned  than  war," 
and  that  the  noble  attitude  of  Pius  IX.,  throwing  the  vast  influence  of  the 
pontificate  into  the  scale  of  well-attempted  freedom,  standing  as  the  ad- 
vocate of  peaceful  progress,  the  prompter  of  social  amelioration,  industrial 
development,  and  political  reform,  . . . is  the  grandest  spectacle  of  our  day, 
full  of  encouragement  and  promise  to  Europe,  more  grateful  to  us,  and  more 
glorious  to  himself,  than  triumphs  on  a hundred  battle-fields ! * 

Mexico  doubtless  rejoiced  as  she  heard  their  jubilations,  and 
supposed  her  long  conflict  was  ended — that  freedom’s  bright 
day  under  the  highest  religious  sanction  had  dawned  at  last  for 
her.  She  could  not  then  have  for  a moment  anticipated  a French 
Intervention  and  a cruel  war,  forced  upon  her  within  sixteen 
years,  sanctioned  by  the  man  who  at  that  moment  was  raising 
such  hopes  of  freedom. 

Poor  Greeley,  too!  How  little  he  could  imagine  in  that  hour 
that  twenty  years  after  he  would  stand  again  on  that  same  plat- 
form to  utter  his  disappointment  at  the  failure  of  the  hopes  he 
then  expressed,  to  indignantly  denounce  those  who  had  proved 
* Christian  World,  vol.  xxii,  p.  92. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


109 


so  false  to  their  pledges  of  freedom,  and  to  give  his  sympathy 
to  a real  liberty  in  Italy  under  the  constitutional  rule  of 
Victor  Emmanuel  when  the  pope’s  temporal  power  was  in 
the  dust ! 

This  purposed  freedom  in  Rome,  under  pontifical  patronage, 
was  destined  to  an  imperfect  development  and  a short  life.  It 
is  amusing  to  read  the  “ faint  praise  ” with  which  the  experi- 
ment was  greeted  by  Roman  Catholic  writers,  like  Maguire,  in 
his  Rome  : Its  Rulers  and  its  Institutions.  As  we  follow  him 
for  a little  we  see  that  it  did  not  put  him  into  any  intoxication  of 
delight,  like  that  exhibited  by  the  advocates  of  liberty  who  be- 
lieved the  papacy  sincere  in  its  reforming  course.  Unfortunately 
for  himself,  the  pope  had  raised  hopes  of  constitutional  freedom  in 
the  minds  of  the  liberal  party  in  Italy,  but  when  the  constitu- 
tion, after  long  delay,  appeared  it  did  not  give  satisfaction.  The 
press  of  Rome  and  the  liberal  leaders  began  to  realize  that  they 
were  trifled  with.  The  Romans,  army  and  people,  resolved  not 
to  be  cheated  out  of  their  right  to  a liberal  constitution,  and 
held  Pius  IX.  to  his  promises.  Their  determination  was  such 
that  the  Pope  chose  to  regard  himself  as  in  danger  for  his  liberty, 
if  notfor  his  life — an  insinuation  which  they  indignantly  re- 
pelled. Instead  of  conciliating,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  desert 
them,  and  thus,  he  thought,  to  throw  all  things  into  confusion. 
This  was  carried  into  effect  on  the  night  of  November  24,  1847. 
Count  Spaur,  the  Bavarian  minister,  and  his  vvife  had  their  car- 
riage at  the  palace  of  the  Quirinal,  where  the  pope,  disguised  in 
a suit  of  livery,  took  his  seat  on  the  box  beside  the  coachman, 
and  thus  the  head  of  the  Catholic  world,  under  the  hat  of  a 
lackey,  rolled  away  from  his  palace.  They  rode  all  night  to 
Gaeta,  where,  under  the  wing  of  the  King  of  Naples,  he  was  pro- 
tected during  the  seventeen  months  of  his  absence  from  Rome. 
For  this  secret  flight  there  was  no  necessity.  He  had  only  to 
keep  his  promises  to  his  people  to  win  their  loving  gratitude ; 
but,  having  decided  to  disappoint  their  hopes,  and  by  appealing 
to  the  Catholic  powers  to  restore  him  to  his  throne  by  force  of 
arms  in  case  the  Romans  did  not  invite  his  return  on  his  own 


110 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


terms,  lie  could  provide  for  the  punishment  of  the  patriotic 
leaders  of  the  Roman  people,  who  were  so  obnoxious  to  him,  as 
well  as  secure  a foreign  garrison  to  keep  the  peop'e  in  subjec- 
tion in  the  future. 

The  flight  of  Pius  IX.  was  welcome  news  to  the  Romans, 
who  proceeded  at  once  to  organize  a constitutional  assembly. 
They  closed  the  Inquisition,  re-organised  the  police,  provided 
educational  facilities  and  other  beneficent  measures  that  were 
greatly  needed.  A most  respectful  appeal  was  made  to  the 
pontiff  to  return  and  resume  his  spiritual  functions,  assuring 
him  of  their  loyalty  to  him  as  the  head  of  the  Church,  asking 
only  that  he  recognize  the  civil  liberties  which  they  had  estab- 
lished and  had  determined  to  maintain.  They  would  concede 
complete  liberty  of  action  in  religious  matters,  and  so  end  peace- 
ably the  long  contention.  But  this  proposition  from  the  people 
was  indignantly  spurned  by  the  pope.  Nothing  but  their  abso- 
lute submission  to  the  former  state  of  things  would  satisfy  him. 
Instead  of  conciliating  those  whom  he  professed  so  much  to  love, 
like  the  “ gentle  lamb  ” and  “ mild  dove,”  as  Magujre  calls  him, 
he  issued  an  appeal,  couched  in  the  harshest  language,  addressed 
to  the  great  Catholic,  powers,  demanding  their  armed  assistance 
to  crush  his  people  and  their  chosen  government,  to  re-instate 
him  on  his  throne,  and  to  sustain  him  there.  This  is  the  clos- 
ing sentence  of  the  appeal : 

Since  Austria,  France,  Spain,  and  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  are, 
by  their  geographical  position,  in  a situation  to  be  able  efficaciously  to 
concur  by  their  armies  in  re-establishing  in  the  holy  see  the  order  which 
has  been  destroyed  by  a band  of  sectarians,  the  holy  father,  relying  on 
the  religious  feeling  of  those  powerful  children  of  the  Church,  demands 
with  full  confidence  their  armed  intervention  to  deliver  the  States  of  the 
Church  from  this  band  of  wretches  who  by  every  sort  of  crime  have  prac- 
ticed the  most  atrocious  despotism.* 

Louis  Napoleon,  anxious  to  bid  largely  for  the  support  of  the 
priesthood  in  France,  and  jealous  of  the  rival  power  of  Austria, 
regarded  up  to  that  time  as  “ the  pope’s  broad  shield,”  promptly 
* Rome:  Its  Rulers  and  its  Institutions,  by  T.  J.  Maguire,  M.P.,  p.  116. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


Ill 


sent  a force  of  forty  thousand  men,  that  after  a struggle  of 
two  months  overcame  the  heroic  defenders  of  Rome.  The 
Austrian  troops  meanwhile  stamped  out  all  patriotic  resist- 
ance in  northern  Italy.  The  pope  may  be  said  to  have  walked 
over  the  mutilated  bodies  of  his  subjects  to  his  throne.  The 
survivors  published  to  the  world  a protest  that  in  vigor  of  lan- 
guage exceeds  any  thing  ever  addressed  to  any  pontiff.  This 
document  was  prepared  by  the  “ Circolo  Populare  ” (the 
People’s  Club).  It  was  issued  a short  time  before  the  city  of 
Rome  fell  into  the  hands  of  Louis  Napoleon,  and  had  the 
widest  circulation  among  the  people.  In  it  is  expressed  with 
dignity  and  sincerity  an  exalted  knowledge  of  justice  and  right 
and  true  religion.  We  have  room  for  only  a few  of  its  vigorous 
sentences.  They  thus  address  Pius  IX.  : 

You  say  that  you  have  received  from  God,  the  Author  of  peace  and 
charity,  the  mission  to  love  with  parental  affection  all  people  and  all 
nations,  and  to  procure  for  them,  as  far  as  lies  in  you,  protection  and 
safety,  and  not  to  urge  them  on  to  slaughter  and  death.  False  words! 
for  they  are  belied  by  the  solemn  fact,  confessed  by  yourself,  of  your  hav- 
ing called  against  us,  and  urged  on  to  fratricidal  war,  Austria,  France, 
Spain,  and  part  of  Italy.  Who  has  caused  the  slaughter  at  Bologna 
and  Ancona,  and  the  carnage  under  the  walls  of  Rome?  You  were  adverse 
to  that  war  which  brave  citizens  fought  for  the  safety  of  Italy;  but  O, 
you  are  not  averse  to  this  one,  carried  on  by  vile  men  for  the  purpose  of 
replacing  you,  the  most  abhorred  of  sovereigns,  on  the  throne  which  you 
deserted,  and  from  which,  by  the  inscrutable  decree  of  divine  Providence, 
rather  than  by  act  of  ours,  you  have  been  deposed ! Whose  blood  waters 
our  land?  Whose  carcasses  cover  our  fields  ? Unworthy  pontiff  ! This 
blood  cries  for  vengeance  before  the  throne  of  God,  and  those  souls  will 
bring  down  on  you  the  judgment  of  the  Most  High!  . . . Who  can  for- 
give you  your  perversions  of  facts  and  outrages  on  persons?  Language 
has  not  words  more  black  and  disdainful  than  those  you  employ  against 
us,  whose  crime  is  that  of  having  despoiled  you  of  your  earthly  sovereignty 
after  having  exhorted  you,  in  a thousand  ways,  to  carry  out  true  reforms, 
stable,  and  such  as  our  wants  demanded.  It  is  not  the  word  “ republic  ” 
we  are  in  love  with,  but  we  want  a wise,  provident,  and  just  government. 
Now  this,  call  it  what  you  will,  is  what  we  have  always  wanted,  and  we 
have  a right  to  it.  To  this  point  we  tried  to  urge  you,  from  which  the 
government  of  the  popes  had  so  far  receded. 


112 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Vindicating  their  claim  to  be  called  Bible  Christians,  and  not 
“ infidels,”  as  he  called  them  for  opposing  his  temporal  power, 
they  continue : 

We  hold  the  religion  of  Christ  dear,  because  we  believe  it  to  be  true, 
saving,  and  holy.  But  this  religion,  which  is  none  other  than  faith  in 
Christ,  by  which  we  are  justified  before  God,  and  forgiven  all  sins,  can 
well  exist  without  bishops  and  priests.  This  religion  of  faith,  professed 
by  many  persons  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  constitutes  that  invisible 
Church  of  believers  which  is  universal,  whose  Head  and  Pontiff  and 
Priest  is,  and  can  only  be,  Jesus  Christ.  . . . 

When  you  left  Rome  the  Bible  entered  it.  The  Bible  so  long  perse- 
cuted by  the  popes,  both  the  Gospel  of  Christ  and  the  holy  letters  of 
the  apostles  faithfully  translated  into  Italian,  are  now  in  the  hands 
of  the  people,  who  read  them,  and  there  they  find  neither  popery  nor 
pope.  . . . 

O,  senseless  we!  That  we  should  ever  have  believed  you,  ever  ap- 
plauded your  feigned  promises  and  ephemeral  concessions,  to  find  ourselves 
now  deluded  in  our  hopes  and  cheated  of  our  happiness!  If  you  appeal 
to  the  religion  of  the  canons,  we  standby  the  holy  religion  of  the  Gospel; 
you  belie  it;  we  are  faithful  to  God  and  to  his  Christ.  Yes,  we  believe 
in  theCmtisT  of  God,  and  our  faith  daily  increases  in  comparing  his  doc- 
trine with  your  practice.  The  more  we  disbelieve  you,  the  more  are  we 
led  to  see  that  we  ought  to  believe  him.  He  is  the  free  Saviour  of  his 
people,  you  an  oppressor  and  destroyer.  You,  who  alone  might  have 
saved  our  country  and  redeemed  it  from  its  lost  condition,  have  joined 
yourself  to  her  enemies  to  condemn  and  destroy  her.* 

These  are  not  the  words  of  “ blasphemers  of  God  and  relig- 
ion,” nor  of  “ anarchists,”  nor  “ red  republicans,”  nor  of  “ de- 
mons let  loose  from  hell,”  as  Pins  IX.  so  cruelly  and  unjustly 
called  them.  They  were  merchants,  teachers,  business  men  of 
intelligence,  trusted  by  those  below  them  in  the  social  scale, 
whose  violence  they  restrained. 

This  indignant  protest  of  the  heroic  defenders  of  freedom 
called  the  attention  of  the  civilized  world  to  the  awful  venge- 
ance dealt  out  to  the  patriots  on  the  restoration  of  the  papal 
power.  When  government  expostulations  had  been  tried  in 
vain,  several  public  men  went  to  Italy  to  investigate  the  truth 
* Christian  World , vol.  i,  pp.  12-17. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


113 


of  these  reports.  From  England,  among  others,  went  the  Hon. 
W.  E.  Gladstone  and  Rev.  William  Arthur.  Their  letters  and 
books  show  what  they  found. 

Mr.  Maguire  fights  very  shy  of  the  terrible  vengeance  taken 
on  the  republicans  by  the  government  of  the  pope  and  the 
other  potentates  of  Italy  on  their  restoration.  lie  sneers  at 
English  opinion,  and  especially  at  Mr.  Gladstone  for  aiding  to 
form  that  opinion,  as  to  the  cruelties  practiced  by  the  Italian 
despots  in  1819.  He  assures  us  that  all  this  is  the  unwarranted 
exaggerations  of  the  liberal  party,  and  states  that  it  cannot  be 
true,  because  “ his  holiness  Pius  IX.  was  as  gentle  as  a lamb 
and  as  mild  as  a dove”  (p.  -112),  and  even  dares  to  add  that 
“ the  King  of  Naples  was  one  of  the  most  foully  libeled  of 
living  men.”  This  Romish  way  of  writing  history  is  worthy 
of  Jesuitism  itself.  The  facts  form  one  of  the  saddest 
chapters  of  the  modern  history  of  Europe,  and  received  at 
the  time  the  attention  of  many  competent  witnesses.  Mr. 
Arthur  gives  his  authorities  for  the  dreadful  facts  he  pre- 
sents in  his  work,  The  Modern  Jove.  We  quote  one  or  two 
paragraphs : 

Under  guise  of  an  amnesty  the  pope  excluded  from  political  pardon 
members  of  the  assembly,  general  officers,  and  a multitude  besides, 
and  applied  the  rule  with  such  rigor  that  among  his  subjects  the  word 
“ amnesty  ” became  another  name  for  death,  prison,  and  exile. 

No  sooner  did  the  French  authorities  see  what  cruelties  were  meditated 
by  the  ecclesiastics  than  they  tried  to  prevent  them,  but  in  vain.  The 
Austrians,  who  held  the  northern  part  of  iiis  States,  were  at  first  and  in 
general  ready  instruments  of  the  priestly  excesses,  but  even  they  some- 
times turned  upon  their  employers.  Gennarelli,  in  his  sad  little  book, 
I Lutti  dello  Stato  Romano , quotes  a case  of  an  Austrian  officer  who,  with 
his  battalion  of  Croats,  had  to  protect  executioners  from  popular  fury, 
and  said  that  had  he  to  serve  such  a government  he  would  tear  off  his 
uniform  and  break  his  sword.  In  the  town  of  Bologna  alone,  during  the 
years  of  restored  papal  authority,  one  hundred  and  eighty-six  persons 
were  shot.  And  as  to  Faenza  and  Imola,  Gennarelli  cites  a document  in 
which  the  government  alleges  a case  where  no  less  than  eighty  were  shot 
after  a single  trial,  while  ten  more  were  sent  to#the  galleys,  and  thirteen 
to  prison.  (P.  108.) 

9 


114 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


The  wonder  is  that  enough  to  continue  the  struggle  for  lib- 
erty were  left  when  this  savage  process  had  ceased  ; and  the  fact 
that  there  were,  and  to  win  it,  too,  shows,  as  it  did  in  Mexico, 
how  universally  and  sincerely  the  people  had  resolved  to  be 
free.  God  alone  knows  the  price  they  had  to  pay  in  either 
land  to  win  their  freedom.  It  would  be  hard  to  find  a patriot 
people  whose  heroic  endurance  of  exile,  scaffold,  and  dungeon 
more  appropriately  suggests  Lowell’s  lines: 

“Truth  forever  on  the  scaffold, 

Wrong  forever  on  the  throne. 

Yet  that  scaffold  sways  the  future, 

And  behind  the  dim  unknown 

Standeth  God,  within  the  shadow, 

Keeping  watch  above  his  own.” 

One  of  the  most  unscrupulous  of  the  officials  of  the  papacy, 
in  carrying  out  the  persecutions  and  massacres  of  the  defeated 
liberals,  was  Monseigneur  Bidini,  apostolic  nuncio.  So  atrocious 
was  this  man’s  thirst  for  vengeance  that  he  has  been  since 
known  and  hated  through  Italy  as  “ the  Butcher  of  Bologna.” 
In  view  of  the  character  for  ferocity  which  he  had  acquired 
there  were  few  governments  in  Europe  that  were  willing  to 
have  him  made  the  medium  of  communication  with  them. 
Yet  only  two  years  after  these  events,  and  while  his  cruel  noto- 
riety was  still  so  fresh,  this  was  the  person  chosen  by  the  pope 
to  be  sent  to  America  to  perform  some  mission  in  this  country, 
and  then  to  go  to  Mexico  and  Brazil.  This  seemed  to  be  a 
studied  insult,  in  complete  disregard  of  our  views,  for  which 
there  could  be  no  excuse.  President  Polk,  in  1847,  when  send- 
ing our  first  charge  d'affaires  to  Rome,  had  requested  the  pon- 
tifical court,  in  the  event  of  their  sending  any  diplomatic  agent 
to  this  country,  to  send  always  a layman , not  an  ecclesiastic — 
the  same  thing  that  the  Duke  of  Wellington  had  insisted  upon 
before,  when  it  was  proposed  that  England  should  send  an 
embassador  to  Rome.  Notwithstanding  this  distinct  notifica- 
tion Pius  IX.  deliberately  disregarded  the  request  of  our  gov- 
ernment, and  not  only  selected  an  ecclesiastic,  but  one  whose 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


115 


hands  were  stained  with  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  of  Italian  lib- 
erty, this  Archbishop  Bidini,  as  their  chosen  emissary  to  this 
republic. 

Father  Gavazzi  was  here  when  this  ill-omened  messenger  ar- 
rived, and  publicly  denounced  him  in  one  of  his  lectures.  The 
exiled  Italian  patriots  then  in  Hew.  York  heard  of  his  land- 
ing, and  called  a public  meeting,  where  they  denounced  him 
from  their  personal  knowledge  of  his  cruel  acts  against  their 
countrymen,  and  exhibited  his  infamous  character  before  the 
American  people.  His  clerical  friends  were  led  to  fear  for  his 
life,  so  they  kept  his  whereabouts  as  secret  as  possible,  and 
when  the  hour  for  his  departure  arrived  he  was  taken  on  a tug- 
boat down  the  Hudson  to  the  ship  without  passing  through  the 
city,  and  so  escaped  the  vengeance  of  his  countrymen.  He  had 
previously  been  burned  in  effigy  in  Cincinnati,  Baltimore,  and 
other  cities,  and  his  cruelties  exposed  in  many  of  the  leading 
papers. 

In  the  sorrowful  period  which  now  ensued  in  Italy  only  one 
of  her  sovereigns  paid  the  slightest  regard  to  the  constitutions 
and  promises  of  freedom  granted  in  1848.  The  others  de- 
stroyed their  constitutions,  resumed  their  despotic  rule,  opened 
the  dungeons  of  the  Inquisition,  and  the  cause  of  freedom  soon 
seemed  dead  in  Italy.  The  grand  exception  was  Charles  Albert, 
King  of  Sardinia,  who,  faithful  aujong  the  faithless,  became  the 
star  of  hope  amid  the  darkness.  Still,  what  could  he  do  against 
the  despotism  of  the  other  six  rulers,  and  the  Legion  of  France 
upholding  the  power  of  the  pope?  God  raised  up  to  help  him 
one  of  the  grandest  of  men,  Count  Camillo  di  Cavour,  a man 
who  had  traveled  and  studied  the  institutions  of  self-governing 
countries  till  the  freedom  of  his  native  land  became  his  absorb- 
ing passion.  He  believed  it  was  possible  to  liberate  and  unite 
the  Italian  people.  The  brave  little  kingdom  of  Sardinia  had 
only  four  millions  of  subjects,  while  the  reactionary  powers  had 
twenty  millions,  but  it  began  its  march  of  progress  by  granting 
liberty  to  its  inhabitants  and  religious  freedom  to  the  Waldenses, 
who  were  reduced  to  about  twenty-five  thousand  souls  by  the 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


116 


persecutions  that  had  wasted  them  for  the  past  six  hundred  years. 
Their  gratitude  to  this  constitutional  king  was  unbounded,  and 
a legion  of  them  wTas  raised  that  faithfully  served  in  the  final 
struggle  for  the  unity  of  Italy.  They  bore  on  their  banners 
the  inscription  “ The  grateful  Waldenses  to  Charles  Albert.” 
The  fearful  “shadow”  over  them  had  been  lifted.  All  through 
the  past  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  the  prayer  of  John  Milton, 
Oliver  Cromwell’s  great  secretary,  had  been  in  the  heart  of 
evangelical  Christendom  for  them.  The  reader  will  remem- 
ber how  the  soul  of  Cromwell  was  stirred  to  indignation  by  the 
accounts  of  what  these  people  were  enduring  from  the  cruelty 
of  Rome  and  its  allies,  and  how  he  interposed  for  their  relief, 
and  wrote  to  the  Protestant  governments  of  Europe,  asking 
them  to  join  in  their  defense.  But  Protestantism  was  then 
weak,  and  power  was  on  the  side  of  the  oppressors,  and  little 
could  be  done.  At  that  hour  Milton  wrote  his  immortal 
prayer : 

“Avenge,  O,  Lord,  thy  slaughtered  saiDts,  whose  bones 
Lie  scattered  on  the  Alpine  mountains  cold; 

Even  them  who  kept  thy  truth  so  pure  of  old, 

"When  all  our  fathers  worshiped  stocks  and  stones. 

Forget  not;  in  thy  book  record  their  groans, 

Who  were  thy  sheep,  and  in  their  ancient  fold, 

Slain  by  the  bloody  Piedmontese,  that  rolled 
Mother  with  infant  down  the  rocks.  Their  moans 
The  vales  redoubled  to  the  hills,  and  they 
To  heaven.  Their  martyred  blood  and  ashes  sow 
O’er  all  the  Italian  fields  where  still  doth  sway 
The  triple  tyrant;  that  from  these  may  grow 
An  hundred-fold,  who,  having  learned  thy  way 
Early,  may  fly  the  Babylonian  woe.” 

The  “ bloody  Piedmontese”  whom  he  thus  so  justly  character- 
ized were  the  cruel  Duke  of  Savoy  and  his  troops,  urged  on  to 
this  awful  work  by  Pope  Paul  IV.,  and  also  Francis  I.,  sovereign 
of  France,  who  ordered  his  soldiers  to  “extirpate  the  Waldenses 
without  mercy.”  How  wonderful  to  note  now  who  became  the 
agents  of  the  Lord’s  predicted  mercy  for  these  people ! First, 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


117 


the  Duke  of  Savoy’s  descendant,  Charles  Albert,  and  then  a suc- 
cessor of  Francis  I.  on  the  throne  of  France,  Napoleon  III.,  was 
providentially  constrained,  by  a way  that  he  knew  not,  and  did 
not  choose , to  close  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  pontiff,  and 
to  consent  that  the  “ States  of  the  Church  ” should  be  added  to 
complete  Italy’s  unity  ! Now  the  Waldenses  worship  in  Nome, 
right  in  view  of  the  Vatican!  Milton’s  prayer  has  been  glo- 
riously answered,  to  the  permanent  peace  and  benefit  of  all  con- 
cerned. The  papacy  still  keeps  up  a tirade  against  modern 
civilization  and  its  progress  in  the  hope  that  the  emancipated 
nations  will  some  day  regret  their  freedom  and  unite  to  crush 
the  constitutional  security  of  its  former  subjects  and  restore  its 
misrule.  Truly  this  illusion  is  unique  and  wonderful ! 

We  have  thus  passed  briefly  in  review  for  the  better  under- 
standing of  our  main  subject  the  antecedent  and  contemporary 
facts  by  which  the  events  in  Mexico  are  to  be  understood.  No 
unusual  thing,  in  this  sense,  was  happening  to  her;  she  was  only 
suffering  from  the  conspiracy  against  freedom  which  had  long 
afflicted  the  world  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  If  she 
had  been  able  to  take  a comprehensive  view  of  what  was  trans- 
piring in  Europe,  her  hope  of  a blessed  solution  of  her  own 
trials  would  have  been  greatly  strengthened. 

The  Noman  hierarchy,  indignant  at  the  losses  which  constitu- 
tional struggles  in  Europe  had  caused,  in  desperation  deter- 
mined to  make  good  its  losses  in  the  New  World.  To  this  end 
all  its  great  resources  were  ready,  and  the  plans  were  to  be 
carried  out  regardless  of  public  opinion  or  will.  Here,  then, 
we  find  the  source  of  Mexico’s  latest  struggle  and  recognize 
those  with  whom  she  had  to  deal. 


118 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

Desperate  efforts  of  the  Mexican  clericals — Merits  of  the  conflict — Coup  d'etat  of 
the  church  party — Terrorizing  policy  of  Miramon — Yiolation  of  British  em- 
bassy— Republican  victories — Benito  Juarez,  Mexico’s  “ Washington,”  and  his 
aids — Perfidy  of  Louis  Napoleon— Intervention — Co-operation  of  the  pope — 
“ Laws  of  reform  ” — Tripartite  treaty — Jecker  bonds — De  Morny — Collapse 
of  Jecker — “ Cinco  de  Mayo  ” — Maximilian’s  call  and  warniug. 

Santa  Anna  was  recalled  in  1853  and  appointed  president 
“ for  one  year,  until  a constitutional  Congress  could  be  convened 
and  the  future  provided  for.”  It  soon  became  evident  that 
the  years  of  his  exile  had  not  been  employed  in  learning  lessons 
friendly  to  popular  government  or  his  country’s  peace  under 
republican  forms.  The  record  of  the  past  might  have  saved 
the  Mexican  patriots  from  the  error  of  supposing  that  this 
‘‘  leopard  ” could  change  his  characteristic  “ spots.”  In  the 
twenty  years  that  had  passed  since  his  first  inauguration  as  pres- 
ident he  had  become  as  despotic  as  he  had  then  sworn  to  be 
constitutional. 

Hardly  was  he  seated  in  the  presidential  chair  when  he  began 
to  develop  his  real  character.  He  proceeded  to  overthrow  the 
federal  republic,  and  announced  himself  on  December  16,  1853, 
as  permanent  dictator,  and  assumed  the  title  of  “ Serene  High- 
ness,” with  power  to  name  his  successor ! He  recalled  the 
Jesuits,  whom  the  nation  had  previously  expelled,  knowing 
that  they  would  work  out  zealously  his  projects  for  the  church 
faction,  and  finished  his  desperate  course  by  the  crime  against 
the  Constitution  of  investing,  on  July  1,  1851,  Jose  Gutierrez 
de  Estrada  with  powers  “ to  negotiate  in  Europe  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  a monarchy  in  Mexico,”  and  this  without  any 
authorization  from  the  nation  ! This  Senor  Estrada,  as  the 
agent  of  the  church  party,  was  not  new  to  such  business.  It 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


119 


was  lie  who  in  October,  1S40,  issued  a pamphlet  iti  Mexico  ad- 
vocating the  overthrow  of  the  republican  institutions  and  the 
establishment  of  a Mexican  monarchy.  Madame  Calderon  tells 
us  of  the  excitement  caused  by  this  production.  Estrada  was 
compelled  to  exile  himself  to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the  gov- 
ernment. But  he  still  proved  true  to  his  clerical  affiliations, 
and  ten  years  after  this  authorization  by  Santa  Anna  we  find 
him  heading  the  deputation  which  waited  on  Maximilian  at 
Miramar,  to  offer  him  an  imperial  crown  in  Mexico.* 

Santa  Anna  brought  about  his  own  overthrow  by  one  more 
despotic  step  in  abolishing  the  Institute  of  Sciences  in  Oaxaca 
because  of  its  liberal  principles,  and  was  compelled  to  fly,  in 
August,  1855,  to  Cuba,  and  later  to  St.  Thomas,  lie  was  tried 
once  again  for  high  treason,  sentenced  to  be  hanged,  and  his 
property  confiscated.  President  Juarez  afterward  commuted 
the  sentence  to  banishment  for  eight  years.  This  was  the  end 
of  his  power,  but  not  of  his  disturbing  presence  in  Mexico.  We 
shall  hear  from  him  again,  in  an  aspect  of  deception  which  illus- 
trated still  more  fully  the  vileness  of  his  character. 

The  overthrow  of  Santa  Anna  carried  down  once  more  the  un- 
scrupulous church  party  and  swept  away  the  plan  of  Tacubaya, 
under  which  they  acted.  Estrada  was  not  able  to  bring  his 
royal  prince  to  aid  in  time,  and  the  nation  was  aroused  to  a 
sense  of  this  new  conspiracy  against  its  freedom.  These  various 
“ plans”  were  found  to  contain  one  fatal  defect  which  the  grow- 
ing liberty  party  now  resolved  to  remedy.  This  was  the  attempt 
to  build  a free  State  without  its  foundation-stone.  All  the  con- 
stitutions framed  under  the  various  “plans”  retained  the  papal 
concordat  as  an  item  of  the  social  compact.  From  1822  to  this 
time  (1854)  this  excluded  religious  liberty.  The  highest  of  all 
liberty  being  denied,  the  remainder  was  not  worth  dying  for. 
At  last  the  true  republican  idea  was  embraced,  the  concordat 
abolished,  and  religious  freedom  was  to  be  incorporated  into  a 
constitution  under  which  the  nation  should  find  permanent 
peace. 

* Mexico  and  the  United  States , p.  2TG.  The  Fall  of  Maximilian  s Empire,  Schroeder 


120 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


General  Alvarez,  a true  patriot,  but  aged  and  infirm,  was 
elected  president,  and  called  Benito  Juarez  to  liis  cabinet  as 
secretary  for  the  departments  of  justice,  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
and  public  instruction.  Soon  afterward  there  was  issued  a 
proclamation  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  a national  Con- 
gress, “for  the  purpose  of  reconstructing  the  nation  under  the 
form  of  a popular  representative  democratic  republic.”  On 
the  22d.  of  November,  1S55,  the  celebrated  law  for  the  admin- 
istration of  justice,  known  as  the  “Law  of  Juarez,”  was  pro- 
claimed. This  grand  law  abolished  the  whole  system  of  class 
legislation,  and  was  deeply  resented  by  the  clerical  party.  The 
Congress  devoted  a whole  year  to  the  task  of  framing  a Consti- 
tution based  on  this  law,  and  on  the  3d  of  February,  1857,  it 
“issued  in  the  name  of  God,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  Mexi- 
can people,”  the  magnificent  Constitution  of  which  Mr.  Seward 
said  that  he  regarded  it  as  the  best  instrument  of  its  kind  in  the 
world.  It  may  be  found  in  Abbot’s  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  p.  283. 

President  Alvarez  having  been  obliged  to  resign  on  account 
of  increasing  infirmities,  General  Comonfort  was  elected  to  the 
office.  The  implacable  and  still  powerful  church  party  pro- 
nounced against  the  Constitution.  We  present  the  leading  prin- 
ciples of  each  of  the  parties  in  question,  so  that  what  they  were 
fighting  for  may  be  made  clear  to  the  reader. 

The  clerical  platform  was  as  follows : 

SYNOPSIS  OF  THE  PLAN  OF  TACUBATA  PROCLAIMED  BY  ZULOAGA. 

1.  The  inviolability  of  all  church  property  and  church  revenues  and 
the  re-establishment  of  former  exactions. 

2.  The  re-establishment  of  the  fueros,  or  special  rights  of  the  church  and 
of  the  army.  (Under  these  fueros  the  military  and  clergy  were  responsible 
only  to  their  own  tribunals,  and  not  to  the  law  of  the  land.) 

3.  The  restoration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  as  the  sole  and  exclu- 
sive religion  of  Mexico. 

4.  The  censorship  of  the  press. 

5.  The  exclusive  system  with  regard  to  foreign  immigration,  confining 
it  solely  to  immigrants  from  Catholic  countries. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


121 


6.  The  overthrow  of  the  Constitution  of  1857,  and  the  establishment  of 
an  irresponsible  central  dictatorship,  subservient  solely  to  the  Church. 

7.  If  possible,  the  restoration  of  a monarchy  in  Mexico,  or  the  estab- 
lishment of  a European  protectorate. 

In  contradistinction  to  this  was  the  platform  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  as  follows : 

SYNOPSIS  OF  THE  LIBERAL  CONSTITUTION  OF  1857. 

1.  The  establishment  of  a constitutional  federal  government  in  the  place 
of  a military  dictatorship. 

2.  Freedom  and  protection  to  slaves  that  enter  the  national  territory. 

3.  Freedom  of  religion. 

4.  Freedom  of  the  press. 

5.  The  nationalization  of  the  $200,000,000  of  property  held  by  the  clergy, 
from  which,  and  other  sources,  the  Church  derives  an  annual  income  of 
not  less  than  $20,000,000. 

6.  The  subordination  of  the  army  to  the  civil  power  and  the  abolition 
of  military  and  ecclesiastical  fueros,  or  special  tribunals. 

7.  The  negotiation  of  commercial  treaties  of  the  fullest  scope  and  liberal 
character,  including  reciprocity  of  trade  on  our  frontiers. 

8.  The  colonization  of  Mexico  by  the  full  opening  of  every  part  of  the 
country  to  immigration,  and  the  encouragement  of  foreign  enterprise  in 
every  branch  of  industry,  particularly  in  mining  and  in  works  of  internal 
improvement.* 

The  resources  of  wealth  wielded  by  the  church  party  were  yet 
too  strong  for  freedom,  and  Comonfort  was  compelled  to  retire 
in  1858.  However,  Juarez  was  soon  elected  to  the  presidency. 
Before  he  could  assume  the  reins  of  government  the  clericals,  led 
by  the  papal  nuncio,  Clementi,  called  the  “Junta  de  Notables” 
(an  aristocratic  council  of  twenty-eight  persons  of  their  own 
choice),  and  sustained  by  a small  body  of  the  military,  annulled 
the  grand  Constitution  over  which  the  whole  country  was  re- 
joicing and  proclaimed  the  plan  of  Tacubaya  in  its  stead. 
They  elected  Zuloaga  as  their  president,  while  the  constitu- 
tional president  was  compelled  to  leave  the  capital  and  carry 
on  his  government  at  Guanajuato  or  Vera  Cruz,  protected  by 
the  loyal  portion  of  the  army,  and  being  recognized  and  sus- 
* Mexico  in  18G1-G2,  by  Dr.  C.  Lempriere,  p.  37.  London,  1862. 


122 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


tained  by  all  the  States  of  the  Mexican  Union  save  two,  which 
were  under  the  control  of  the  clerical  troops.  Though  this 
clerical  government  held  only  the  cities  of  Mexico  and  Puebla 
and  the  country  immediately  surrounding  them,  they  managed 
by  their  large  financial  resources  to  hold  their  position  for 
three  years.  IIow  the  usurpation  was  accomplished  and  how  it 
retained  its  hold  of  the  capital  for  such  a length  of  time  needs 
explanations.  Of  all  the  despotic  acts  of  the  clerical  party  this 
was  the  most  daring.  Four  men  were  chiefly  used  for  the  pur- 
pose, Gahriac,  who  represented  France,  Sefior  del  Barrio,  the 
Guatemalan  minister,  Sefior  Pacheco,  from  Spain,  and  Louis 
Clementi,  the  nuncio  of  the  pope.  The  latter  was  the  ruling 
spirit  and  inspired  the  others  with  the  idea  that  it  was  the  will 
of  the  pope,  and  of  Almighty  God  through  him,  and  was  their 
positive  duty,  to  render  their  service  to  the  pontiff  and  the 
cause  of  religion.  So  firm  was  the  stand  which  they  took,  though 
concealing  the  religious  motive  as  well  as  they  could,  that  the 
other  foreign  ministers  stupidly  allowed  themselves  to  he  led 
to  recognize  the  usurpation  of  Zuloaga.  This  prolonged  the 
situation,  which  otherwise  could  only  have  lasted  for  a few 
months.  The  clericals  improved  the  opportunity  to  send  em- 
bassadors to  foreign  courts,  Almonte,  the  most  detested  of 
their  agents,  being  sent  as  representative  to  the  French  court, 
where  he  was  soon  to  plan,  with  Hapoleon,  so  much  suffering 
for  his  native  land.  These  agents  represented  only  a pronun- 
ciamento  of  traitors,  not  the  lawful  government  of  Mexico. 
President  Juarez  meanwhile  issued  protests  against  the  legiti- 
macy of  their  actions,  the  nation  became  thoroughly  aroused, 
while  the  facts  began  to  find  their  way  to  foreign  governments, 
so  that  one  after  another  the  embassadors  of  England,  Prussia, 
and  the  United  States  were  ordered  away  from  the  capital,  and 
appeared  at  Vera  Cruz  to  recognize  President  Juarez,  our  own 
representative,  Mr.  McLane,  being  the  first  to  do  so. 

The  downfall  of  these  traitors  was  approaching.  The  Re- 
publican army,  ably  led  by  such  generals  as  Ortega  and  Uruaga, 
was  augmenting  and  increasingly  victorious. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


123 


The  clericals  were  not  long  in  discovering  that  Zuloaga  was 
not  exactly  the  man  to  do  their  work.  Their  purposes  required 
an  instrument  with  less  conscience  and  more  despotism.  Zu- 
loaga was  displaced  and  General  Miguel  Miramon  was  named 
by  the  junta  as  their  president,  on  January  31,  1859.  The 
character  of  this  new  instrument  of  papal  power,  as  well  as  of 
Marquez,  whom  he  made  commander-in-chief,  was  eminently 
worthy  of  the  party  which  sanctioned  and  approved  of  their 
conduct,  both  then  and  some  years  later,  under  Maximilian,  when 
they  repeated,  only  on  a larger  scale,  these  same  outrages  on  the 
laws  of  war  and  of  common  humanity.  In  illustration  of  this 
we  here  quote  an  order  of  Miramon  to  the  general-in-chief, 
issued  after  the  battle  of  Tacubaya  (in  which  the  Republican 
troops  were  victorious),  when  the  church  president  resolved 
that  he  would  terrorize  Mexico  by  authorizing  assassination  of 
all  those  who  would  lift  their  hands  to  help  her  into  the  posses- 
sion of  constitutional  freedom : 

Mexico,  April  11,  1861. 

Ill  the  afternoon  of  to-day  and  under  your  excellency’s  most  strict 
responsibility,  your  excellency  will  give  the  order  for  all  the  prisoners 
holding  the  grade  of  officers  and  chiefs  to  be  shot,  informing  me  of  the 
number  which  have  fallen  under  this  lot.  Miramon. 

Marquez  at  once  followed  this  out  by  a proclamation  to  the 
nation  itself,  as  follows  : 

LEONARDO  MARQUEZ  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  MEXICO. 

Know  ye,  that  in  virtue  of  the  faculties  with  which  I am  invested,  I 
have  resolved  to  publish  the  following  decree  : 

1.  Benito  Juarez,  and  all  who  have  obeyed  him  or  recognized  his  gov- 
ernment, are  traitors  to  their  country,  as  well  as  all  who  have  aided  him 
by  any  means,  secretly  or  indirectly,  no  matter  how  insignificantly. 

2.  All  persons  coming  under  the  heads  of  the  preceding  article  shall 

be  shot  immediately  on  their  apprehension,  without  further  investigation 
than  the  identification  of  their  persons.  Marquez.* 

This  atrocious  attempt  to  terrorize  a whole  people  into  obe- 
dience to  a body  of  despots  is  the  most  awful  fact  up  to  this 
* Mexico  in  1861-62,  by  C.  Lempriere,  p.  127. 


121 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


date  in  Mexican  history.  The  clericals  knew  that  the  masses  of 
the  people  were  overwhelmingly  against  them,  yet  they  author- 
ized these  two  men  to  work  out  their  will,  becoming  guilty  of 
the  blood  of  their  countrymen  in  order  to  serve  those  who  pro- 
fessed to  be  ministers  of  God!  Nor  was  this  all  of  which  this 
pair  of  traitors  proved  themselves  to  be  capable.  At  the  close  of 
1860  there  was  in  deposit  in  the  British  Legation  in  the  city  of 
Mexico  the  sum  of  $660,000,  which  President  Juarez  had  paid 
in  on  account  of  the  English  bond-holders’  debt.  It  was  under 
the  seal  of  the  British  embassador,  who  was  then  absent. 
Miramon  and  Marquez,  who  were  on  the  eve  of  being  thrust 
from  the  capital  by  the  advancing  Republican  army,  forcibly 
entered  the  legation,  broke  the  seals,  and  carried  off  the  money. 
The  British  government  exonerated  the  government  of  Juarez 
and  the  Mexican  people  from  blame  for  the  outrage,  but  Mexico 
had  to  pay  the  amount  over  again  notwithstanding. 

There  was  one  government,  however,  which  was  in  no  haste 
to  be  undeceived,  and  which  had  ulterior  ends  to  be  served. 
This  vile  Miramon  faction  had  negotiated  a treaty  through  its 
agent  at  Paris,  Juan  N.  Almonte,  which  conferred  advantages 
and  recognized  claims  before  refused  by  every  liberal  govern- 
ment of  Mexico,  and  this  to  a very  large  amount.  The  consti- 
tutional government  protested  against  this  Almonte  treaty  as 
“ unjust  in  its  essence,  foreign  to  the  usage  of  nations  in  the 
principles  it  established,  illegal  in  the  manner  in  which  it  was 
negotiated,  and  contrary  to  the  rights  of  the  country.”  But  it 
furnished  Napoleon  III.  with  just  such  a weapon  as  he  wanted, 
and  he  gladly  took  its  infamous  author  under  his  special  pro- 
tection and  resolved  on  a war  whose  injustice  will  be  recognized 
as  long  as  modern  history  is  studied  by  honest  men,  and  can 
never  be  forgotten  by  Mexico. 

As  to  how  matters  seemed  to  strike  an  intelligent  stranger 
visiting  the  country  at  the  time,  we  may  quote  a sentence 
from  the  work  of  Dr.  Lempriere,  fellow  of  St.  John’s  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  whose  indignation  was  aroused  to  find  that 
his  own  government  was  so  completely  deceived  by  the  artful 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


125 


policy  of  the  cabal  then  holding  the  city  of  Mexico.  He 
writes  thus : 

And  yet  at  present  England  seems  moving  as  the  tool  of  such  an  unmiti- 
gated scoundrel  as  Miramon — a man  whom,  if  there  existed  an  extradition 
treaty,  we  should  have  insisted  on  being  hung;  Gabriac  (the  ultramontane 
French  representative),  the  fosterer  of  this  man’s  murderous  rule,  and 
Pacheco,  both  of  whom  have  been  hooted  out  of  the  country  with  well- 
merited  and  universal  execration.  These  are  the  men  who  are  moving  the 
strings  at  Paris,  with  Almonte  their  able  embassador.  The  clergy  of 
France  are  in  accord  with  their  distressed  and  exiled  brethren ; but  who 
can  explain  the  action  of  England?  [He  means  in  recognizing  such  a 
usurpation  as  the  true  government  of  Mexico.]  We  are  aiding  a power 
and  establishing  a religious  dominion  which  is  abhorrent  to  the  mind  of 
every  honest  Englishman.* 

He  adds  this  note  on  Gabriac : 

In  the  papers  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  (captured  by  the  Liberals)  was 
found  a recommendation  of  this  man  to  the  prayers  and  favor  of  the  pope 
for  the  valuable  services  he  had  rendered  the  clerical  party  in  the  revolu- 
tion of  Mexico,  and  the  recognition  of  Miramon,  their  champion. 

Another  proof  of  the  papacy  being  the  life  and  soul  of  these 
reactionary  measures  against  popular  freedom,  as  much  so  as  it 
had  been  against  those  of  Italy  and  other  lands  already  liberated 
from  its  despotism. 

During  Miramon’s  absence  at  the  head  of  his  army  the  de- 
moralization in  the  city  of  Mexico  was  such  that  a document 
was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  the  members  of  the  diplomatic 
corps  still  remaining  at  the  capital,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Guatemalan  minister  and  the  nuncio,  declaring  that  “there  was 
no  government  existing  at  the  capital.”  On  the  23d  of  Decem- 
ber, 1860,  Miramon  returned  to  the  city,  escorted  by  only  two 
or  three  aids,  having  been  completely  routed  the  day  previous 
at  Calpulalpam.  The  ministers  of  France  and  Spain  tried  to 
mahe  terms  for  him  with  the  advancing  General  Ortega,  but  he 
would  not  listen  to  them.  So  Miramon  fled  secretly,  taking 
with  him  what  remained  of  the  English  bond-holders’  money, 
which  he  had  stolen  eight  days  before  from  the  legation.  The 

* Mexico  in  1861-62,  p.  9. 


12G 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


advanced  portion  of  the  constitutional  army  reached  Mexico 
city  the  next  day — Christmas  day — and  the  government  of 
Juarez  was  peacefully  established  in  the  National  Palace  on  the 
11th  of  January,  1S61. 

There  was  one  more  struggle  to  be  endured  ere  the  clerical 
party  should  submit  to  popular  rule,  and  this  the  most  deadly 
of  all.  The  Spanish  element  here  dropped  from  sight  and 
was  replaced  by  the  French,  or  rather  by  the  French  emperor, 
for  France  would  not  have  been  guilty  of  such  wrong  against 
a feeble  nation  ; but  for  the  following  six  years  she  had  to 
see  her  sons  and  her  resources  employed  to  assassinate  free- 
dom, the  very  form  of  freedom  that  she  preferred  above  all 
others. 

The  compromised  clerical  and  military  traitors  fled  from  Mex- 
ico, fearing  the  vengeance  of  the  Republican  government.  It 
is  significant  that  they  went  directly  to  Paris,  to  the  man  who 
was  already  known  as  the  protector  of  all  such,  and  by  whose 
army  they  were  to  be  escorted  back  within  a year  to  renew  the 
cruel  struggle  against  Mexican  liberty. 

Three  of  the  compromised  diplomatic  representatives  re- 
solved to  remain,  perhaps  not  aware  that  their  records  were  so 
well  known  to  Juarez.  They  were  Pacheco,  del  Barrio,  and 
Clementi.  Four  days  after  the  re-establishment  of  the  govern- 
ment in  the  capital  they  were  ordered  to  leave  the  country 
forthwith.  Senor  Ocampo,  the  secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  pre- 
pared a circular,  stating  the  reasons  for  the  action,  which  was 
sent  to  every  legation  where  Mexico  had  a representative. 
What  he  said  concerning  the  reasons  for  dementi’s  expulsion 
we  will  quote  in  full : 

Don  Louis  Clementi  has  held  in  this  country  the  mission  of  nuncio 
from  his  holiness  the  pope.  His  disposition,  and  the  general  tone  of  the 
Roman  Church  which  he  has  represented,  has  caused  him  to  figure 
throughout  the  civil  war  as  a partisan  of  the  seditious  clergy  of  the 
republic,  who,  to  the  greatest  degree,  have  stained  with  blood  the  past 
revolution  in  this  country,  under  the  pretext  of  religion. 

Now  that  the  Mexican  republic  has,  in  the  exercise  of  its  sovereign 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


127 


power,  declared  religious  liberty,  and  the  absolute  independence  of  each 
other  of  Church  and  State,  the  official  representative  of  the  Roman  Church 
can  have  no  mission  whatever  to  the  general  government  of  the  republic. 

Ocampo.* 

It  is  sad  to  add  of  this  worthy  minister  Ocampo,  one  of  the 
most  disinterested  patriots  of  the  land,  that  within  three  years, 
when.  Maximilian  was  emperor  and  the  clericals  had  induced 
him  to  employ  Miratnon  and  Marquez  as  generals,  they  took 
the  first  opportunity  to  be  revenged.  lie  had  retired  from 
public  life  and  was  living  in  his  private  residence  in  the  coun- 
try, when  Miramon  came  upon  him  with  his  army  and  brutally 
murdered  him,  after  torturing  him  for  two  days.  The  full 
account  is  given  in  the  Libro  Rojo. 

Let  us  contemplate  the  man,  the  most  remarkable  in  every 
respect  that  Mexico  has  yet  produced,  Benito  Juarez , one  of 
Montezuma’s  race,  without  a drop  of  Spanish  blood  in  his 
veins,  often  affectionately  styled  in  Mexico  “our  little  Indian,” 
being  small  in  stature.  We  call  attention  to  his  portrait  on  the 
frontispiece  of  this  work,  taken  from  a life-size  painting  which 
hangs  in  the  place  of  honor  in  the  “Hall  of  Embassadors,”  in 
the  National  Palace,  which  is  regarded  as  the  best  in  existence 
of  this  patriot,  whom  Castelar  called  “ the  saviour  of  the  honor 
of  his  country.”  Juarez  was  born  in  1806,  in  the  little  Indian 
village  of  San  Pablo  Guelatao,  twenty  miles  north-east  of  the 
city  of  Oaxaca.  Ilis  early  years  were  passed  in  the  quiet  of 
the  little  hamlet,  serving  as  shepherd  for  his  uncle’s  flocks. 
Ilis  parents  having  died,  leaving  him  in  care  of  relatives,  at  the 
age  of  twelve  he  went  to  a sister  living  in  Oaxaca,  where  for 
the  first  time  he  began  to  learn  Spanish  and  to  study  under 
the  care  of  a worthy  citizen  named  Perez,  who  recognized  the 
ability  of  the  lad.  Another  kind  merchant,  Senor  Diego  Chavez, 
encouraged  him  to  enter  the  seminary  of  Oaxaca,  from  which  he 
graduated  with  honors.  A friendly  Franciscan  monk  urged  him 
to  enter  the  priesthood,  but  his  liberal  ideas  inclined  him  to  a 
political  career,  and  therefore  he  pursued  the  law  course  in  the 

* Mexico  in  1861-62,  p.  9. 


128 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Institute  of  Sciences,  being  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1834.  Before 
this  he  had  become  somewhat  prominent  in  his  advocacy  of 
liberal  ideas  and  reforms,  and  suffered  imprisonment  during 
one  of  the  terms  when  the  Conservative  party  was  in  power.  In 
1842  he  was  elected  chief-justice  of  his  native  State,  and  when 
the  Governor  of  Oaxaca  resigned,  being  unable  to  quell  a revo- 
lution raised  by  the  clericals  on  account  of  a proposition  to 
despoil  them  of  some  of  their  possessions  in  order  to  defend  the 
State  from-  the  invasion  of  the  American  army  in  1847,  Juarez 
was  placed  in  power,  and  for  the  ensuing  five  years  governed 
most  acceptably,  bringing  the  finances  of  the  State  to  a better 
condition,  encouraging  reforms,  and  making  the  State  the  most 
prosperous  of  the  Mexican  Union. 

In  1S53  he  was  exiled  by  Santa  Anna,  on  account  of  his  lib- 
eral views,  and  took  up  his  residence  in  New  Orleans,  where 
he  lived  in  great  poverty,  but  gaining  strength  for  the  future 
conflict  from  the  study  of  our  institutions  and  our  leaders. 
Washington  and  Bolivar  were  his  heroes.  Two  years  later 
he  joined  Alvarez  in  a revolution  against  Santa  Anna’s  despotic 
rule,  and  on  its  success  he  was  again  brought  into  power  as 
minister  of  justice  under  President  Alvarez.  Ilis  first  act  was 
to  abolish  the  special  military  and  clerical  courts,  which  had  so 
long  removed  these  two  classes  from  the  power  of  the  national 
law.  In  1858  he  became  president,  and  we  shall  follow  him  as 
we  note  the  events  of  the  country’s  history. 

Ilis  family  life  was  of  the  happiest  nature.  No  shadow  of 
injustice  or  wrong  dims  the  luster  of  his  name.  In  his  vari- 
ous prominent  positions  many  opportunities  must  have  pre- 
sented themselves  for  him  to  gain  wealth  at  the  expense  of  the 
nation,  but  he  was  superior  to  such  temptations  and  died  a 
comparatively  poor  man. 

IIow  he  impressed  a stranger  is  admirably  given  in  the  de- 
scription of  Colonel  G.  S.  Church,  of  the  United  States,  who 
visited  him  at  Chihuahua  during  the  French  intervention : 

Pushing  aside  the  curtains  from  the  door  of  an  interior  room  a quiet, 
unassuming  man  advances  to  meet  you.  A courteous  greeting,  a frank 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


129 


grasp  of  the  hand,  and  a cordial  invitation  to  be  seated  place  you  at  once 
at  your  ease,  and  you  prepare  to  study  the  Indian  before  you.  He  is, 
perhaps,  five  feet  five  inches  in  height,  thick  set,  and.  with  a broad,  full 
chest,  which  gives  him  a powerful  vitality.  A bold  rounded  and  high 
forehead,  very  slightly  receding  from  a vertical  line,  eyes  large  and 
swimming  in  liquid  blackness,  finely  cut  eyebrow's,  arched  and  curving 
far  back,  a goodly  development  of  practical  as  well  as  theoretical  brain. 
While  at  rest  his  Indian  features  do  not  show  the  pow'er  behind  them; 
but  once  kindled  to  action  the  brain  illuminates  every  one  of  them,  and 
the  black  eyes  flash  a peculiar  light,  as  if  to  give  more  forcible  expression 
to  his  language.  A quiet,  unyielding  determination  and  a firm  reliance 
upon  self  are  the  impressions  yon  gain  of  him  upon  acquaintance.  You 
converse  upon  politics,  and  you  find  that  your  ideas  are  not  more  thor- 
oughly republican  than  his;  you  speak  of  w7ar,  and  his  military  knowledge 
meets  you  half-way;  you  turn  to  political  economy  and  find  that  you  pro- 
pose nothing  that  he  has  not  analyzed,  and  you  finally  leave  him  with  the 
impression  that  you  have  met  one  of  the  ablest  men  that  Mexico  has  pro- 
duced.* 

Such  was  the  man  on  whom  had  already  fallen  the  heaviest 
burden  of  responsibility  and  care  for  his  country’s  freedom 
that  had  probably  ever  rested  on  a patriot’s  heart,  flow  well 
and  conscientiously  he  bore  it,  and  to  what  victory  he  carried  it, 
this  record  will  soon  show.  If  our  space  had  permitted  it 
would  have  been  a pleasure  to  have  presented  a view  of  the 
noble  men  who  stood  so  faithfully  by  him  to  the  last  through 
that  “ great  fight  of  afflictions,”  and  who  were,  in  the  mercy  of 
God,  spared  to  share  his  triumph.  Prominent  among  these 
was  Matias  Romero,  his  worthy  and  distinguished  representative 
at  Washington,  who  so  faithfully  and  laboriously  sustained  his 
duties  as  embassador  of  Mexico.  Few  have  any  adequate  idea 
of  the  toil  demanded  from  one  filling  the  position  of  Mexican 
representative  during  the  events  of  the  Intervention.  Senor 
Romero  had  not  only  the  usual  diplomatic  duties  resting  upon 
him,  but  had  also  to  be  on  the  alert  to  collect  the  archives  of  the 
governments  of  England,  France,  Spain,  Austria,  and  the  Holy 
Sec  in  regard  to  the  Mexican  Empire,  so  called,  and  to  make  this 
information  available  for  his  government  and  also  for  the  Presi- 

* Historical  and  Political  Review  of  Mexico , by  Col.  G.  S.  Church. 

10 


130 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


dent  of  the  United  States.  It  was  necessary  to  have  the  truth 
concerning  Mexico  published  in  order  to  counteract  the  false 
statements  of  the  press  agents  of  the  empire  ; to  purchase  arms 
and  munitions  of  war  and  charter  steamers  to  convey  them  to 
ports  where  they  could  be  safely  entered ; to  print  Mexican 
bonds  and  negotiate  them  in  the  market,  and  to  make  contracts 
for  other  purposes  as  well  as  being  the  medium  of  intercourse 
to  and  from  the  outside  world  for  all  matters,  postal  and  other- 
wise. Senor  Romero  has  been  honored  almost  ever  since  by 
his  grateful  country,  by  keeping  him  in  his  important  position. 

The  cabinet  of  Juarez  also  deserve  mention  for  their  loyalty 
during  the  dark  period  from  1862  to  1867.  We  can  but  name 
these  patriots : Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  secretary  of  state  ; 
Jose  Maria  Yglesias,  minister  of  the  interior;  Ignacio  Mejia, 
minister  of  war  ; and  Ignacio  Mariscal,  minister  of  justice. 
And  the  brave  military  chiefs  who  served  their  country  with 
such  valor,  Zaragoza,  Escobedo,  Porfirio  Diaz,  Salazar,  Arteaga, 
Trevino,  Corona,  and  others,  deserve  honorable  mention  for 
their  services  to  the  cause  of  freedom  in  Mexico. 

Before  proceeding  with  our  narrative  let  us  consider  the 
man  who  was  do  be  for  the  ensuing  five  years  the  controlling 
impulse  of  all  the  wrong  which  liberty  was  to  suffer  from  his 
“ Intervention.”  This  picture  here  given  well  expresses  the 
sinister  character  of  the  man  whom  Mexico  especially  has  rea- 
son to  hold  in  abhorrence  through  all  her  future  life.  What  a 
record  has  he  left  behind  for  the  world  to  study!  We  abridge 
a few  sentences  from  Hugo’s  summary  of  his  earlier  life : 
Charles  Louis  Napoleon  was  born  in  Paris,  on  the  20th  of  April, 
1808,  the  son  of  Ilortense  de  Beauharnais  and  Louis  Napoleon, 
then  King  of  Holland,  and  brother  of  Napoleon  I.  This  youth 
commenced  his  varied  career  by  scheming  in  his  own  interest 
for  the  overthrow  of  the  French  monarchy,  on  the  30th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1836,  at  Strasburg,  being  then  twenty-eight  years  of  age. 
This  abortive  attempt  was  pardoned  by  King  Louis  Philippe, 
with  the  understanding  that  Louis  Napoleon  was  to  exile  himself 
to  the  United  States.  But  before  two  years  had  expired  he 


LOUIS  NAPOLEON', 

M'lio  devised  and  carried  out  the  “Intervention  ” in  Mexico. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


131 


violated  bis  parole  and  returned  from  America  to  Switzerland. 
Finding  that  the  French  government  was  made  uneasy  by  his 
return,  he  wrote  assuring  them  “ that  he  lived  almost  alone  in 
the  house  where  his  mother  died,  and  that  his  firm  desire  was  to 
remain  quiet.”  They  supposed  he  meant  what  he  said,  but  his 
characteristic  duplicity  manifested  itself  when  on  the  20th  of 
August,  1840 — only  two  years  after  giving  his  solemn  pledge 
to  the  government — hedanded  at  Boulogne  at  the  head  of  sixty 
followers  (disguised  as  French  soldiers).  lie  carried  a gilt  eagle 
on  the  top  of  a flag-staff,  with  a live  eagle  in  a cage,  and  a 
large  supply  of  proclamations  pronouncing  for  an  empire.  As 
he  and  his  curious  following  advanced  up  the  street  he  flung 
money  to  the  passers-by,  and,  elevating  his  hat  on  the  point  of 
his  sword,  cried  out,  “ Vive  l’Empereur  ! ” Meeting  with  no 
favorable  response,  he  fled,  but  was  captured  and  condemned 
to  imprisonment  for  life  in  the  fortress  of  Ham,  from  which, 
disguised  as  a working  mason,  he  escaped  six  years  afterward 
and  took  refuge  in  England. 

In  1848  the  French  monarchy  fell  and  a republic  was  pro- 
claimed. Professing  to  lay  aside  his  imperial  aspirations,  he 
returned  to  France  and  offered  himself  as  a representative  of  the 
people  in  the  Constitutional  Assembly.  When  elected  he  made  a 
display  of  his  pretended  democratic  sentiments,  saying,  “ All  my 
life  shall  be  consecrated  to  the  strengthening  of  the  republic.” 
Though  some  were  suspicious  of  him  he  was  elected  president. 
On  the  20th  of  December  he  took  the  oath,  and  as  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Assembly  uttered  the  formula,  “ In  the  presence 
of  God,  and  before  the  French  people,  I swear  to  remain  faith- 
ful to  the  democratic  republic,  one  and  indivisible,  and  to  ful- 
fill all  the  duties  which  the  Constitution  imposes  upon  me,” 
Louis  Hapoleon  raised  his  right  hand  and  said,  “ I swear  it.” 
He  then  voluntarily  added  : 

The  suffages  of  the  nation  and  the  oath  which  I have  just  taken  com- 
mand my  future  conduct.  My  duty  is  traced.  I -will  fulfill  it  as  a man  of 
honor.  I will  see  enemies  of  the  country  in  all  those  who  would  try  to 
change  by  illegal  means  what  France  entire‘has  established. 


132 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


The  president  of  the  Assembly  replied,  “ We  call  God  and 
man  to  witness  the  oath  which  has  just  been  taken.” 

They  expected  he  would  be  true  to  this  pledge.  The  Consti- 
tution, which  he  swore  he  would  maintain,  contained  among 
other  articles  these : 

Article  36.  The  representatives  of  the  people  are  inviolable. 

Article  37.  They  cannot  be  arrested  on  a criminal  charge  save  in  case  of  fla- 
grant misdemeanor,  nor  prosecuted  except  after  the  Assembly  has  permitted. 

Article  6S.  Every  measure  by  which  the  president  of  the  republic  dis- 
solves the  National  Assembly,  or  places  obstacles  in  the  wray  of  the 
execution  of  its  decrees,  is  a crime  of  high  treason.  By  this  sole  act 
the  president  is  suspended  from  his  functions. 

On  December  2,  1851,  less  than  three  years  after  the  mem- 
orable oatli  was  taken,  he  proclaimed,  “ The  National  Assembly 
is  dissolved ; the  first  military  division  is  placed  in  a state  of 
siege  ; the  council  of  state  is  dissolved.” 

To  this  terrible  record  of  the  highest  treason  against  a whole 
nation  by  this  perjured  adventurer  the  historian  adds  the  fol- 
lowing dreadful  record,  in  which  one  would  fain  hope  that 
there  may  be  some  exaggeration,  as  the  account  was  written  so 
close  to  the  events — only  a few  weeks  after — and  under  the, 
fearful  pressure  of  that  coujp  d'etat.  But  it  must  be  confessed 
that  the  judgment  of  charity  thus  intimated  finds  little  con- 
firmation of  its  hope  in  the  subsequent  career  of  this  man  either 
in  France,  Rome,  or,  above  all,  in  Mexico.  The  historian  adds: 

At  tbe  same  time  Paris  learned  that  fifteen  of  the  “inviolable”  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  had  been  arrested  in  their  homes  during  the  night 
by  order  of  Louis  Napoleon.  In  the  days  following  he  seized  the  execu- 
tive power,  made  an  attempt  on  the  legislative  power,  drove  away  the  As- 
sembly, exjiclled  the  high  court  of  justice,  took  twenty-five  millions  from 
the  bank,  gorged  the  army  with  gold,  raked  Paris  with  grape-shot,  and 
terrorized  France.  He  proscribed  eighty-four  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  decreed  despotism  in  fifty-eight  articles  under  the  title  of  a con- 
stitution; garroted  the  republic,  made  the  sword  of  France  a gag  in  the 
mouth  of  liberty,  transported  to  Africa  and  Cayenne  ten  thousand  Demo- 
crats, exiled  forty  thousand  Republicans,  placed  in  all  souls  grief  and  on 
all  foreheads  blushes.* 

* The  Destroyer  of  the  Second  Republic,  by  Victor  Hugo,  1852,  p.  29,  etc. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


133 


How  significant  it  is  that  this  violent  change  from  a free 
republic  to  a despotic  empire  was  quickly  indorsed  by  the 
hierarchy  of  Rome  and  the  pope,  and  that  neither  is  on  record 
as  having  uttered  one  word  of  protest  against  the  overthrow  of 
the  government  of  the  people  or  the  acts  of  treason  by  which 
it  was  consummated  ! It  is  equally  significant  that  the  first  per- 
son to  congratulate  him  on  the  complete  success  of  his  move 
was  the  Countess  Montijo,  who  was  already  known  as  being 
under  Jesuit  influence,  intensely  bigoted,  and  to  whom  he  was 
soon  afterward  married.  The  church  party  could  now  rejoice 
that  they  had  an  emperor  and  that  he  was  suitably  mated  for 
their  purposes.  Yictor  Hugo  seems  justified  in  his  assertion 
that  “Louis  Napoleon  had  on  his  side  the  clergy,  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest,  in  the  coup  d'etatP 

Almonte,  the  embassador  of  the  clerical  party  of  Mexico, 
found  in  Napoleon  a ready  listener  to  his  wicked  statements  con- 
cerning Mexico,  that  it  was“  monarchical  to  the  core,”  only  held 
back  from  expressing  its  preferences  by  a faction  of  Republicans 
“ without  character,  who  were  stained  by  crimes  and  oppres- 
sions of  the  worst  kind,”  and  that  it  would  be  a highly  meri- 
torious and  Christian  act  for  some  power  to  intervene  to  free 
Mexico  from  her  oppressors,  and  give  her  an  opportunity  to 
express  her  preferences,  which,  he  said,  “ she  would  do 
promptly  and  gratefully.”  Louis  Napoleon  was  eager  for  just 
such  a chance,  now  outlined  as  desirable.  We  have  already 
seen  what  his  apologist,  the  Abbe  Domenech,  admitted  as  to 
the  ultimate  object  of  Napoleon’s  intervention  in  Mexican 
affairs,  and  how  he  fondly  anticipated  that  the  results  would  so 
redound  to  his  fame  as  to  be  afterward  regarded  as  “ the 
crowning  event  of  the  nineteenth  century,”  and  Mexico  was 
hut  the  stepping-stone  to  this  consummation.  He  was  already 
being  dispossessed  of  the  idea  that  he  could  emulate  his  uncle’s 
fame  and  become  the  dictator  of  Europe,  to  give  away  thrones 
and  dominions.  Probably  he  imagined  he  could  gain  in  the  New 
World  what  was  eluding  his  grasp  in  the  Old.  He  knew  he 
could  use  the  papacy  in  aid  of  his  purpose,  by  having  an  under- 


131 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


standing  with  the  pope,  and  that  he  could  calculate  on  Spanish 
aid  in  view  of  the  compensation  he  could  render  her  in  South 
America.  We  find  both  these  influences  co-operating  with  him 
in  the  project.  The  intervention  in  Mexico  was  to  be  an  entering 
wedge  to  split  up  the  democracy  of  America  and  found  a mo- 
narchical system  upon  its  ruins.  Similar  work  south  of  Mexico 
would  have  been  comparatively  easy.  With  our  United  States 
divided  by  civil  war,  and  the  presence  of  an  aristocratic  ele- 
ment in  the  Confederacy,  the  bribe  of  a restored  slavocracy 
might  have  had  an  immense  influence  in  reconciling  the  South- 
ern States  to  a monarchical  system,  which  could  have  been  mild 
at  first,  and  less  constitutional  later.  How  long  could  the  North 
have  held  her  own  under  such  circumstances?  With  her  mill- 
ions of  Romanists  acting  as  a unit  under  priestly  guidance,  and 
a doubtful  papal  immigration  (and  the  reader  will  remember 
that  immigration,  avowed  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  is  hinted 
at  by  Domenech  as  part  of  Napoleon’s  plan)  pouring  in  upon  us, 
soon  gaining  the  “ balance  of  power,”  then,  alas ! might  soon 
have  come  a long  farewell  to  freedom  and  republican  govern- 
ment on  this  continent. 

Rut  there  is  a divine  providence  in  human  affairs,  however 
much  such  men  as  Napoleon  choose  to  ignore  it,  and  we  were 
under  its  blessed  care. 

On  his  restoration  to  Mexico  city  President  Juarez  set  him- 
self zealously  to  establish  order  and  carry  out  the  enactments  of 
the  Congress,  especially  in  regard  to  the  financial  condition  of 
the  country.  When  he  and  his  cabinet  reached  the  capital  they 
found  the  treasury  empty,  so  the  continuation  of  the  seculariza- 
tion and  sale  of  the  unused  church  property  became  a necessity. 
The  hierarchy  had  previously  been  requested  to  consider  the 
situation  and  to  relinquish  a portion  of  their  large  possessions 
that  they  did  not  require,  but  without  avail.  Even  the  Abbe 
Domenech  admits  that  they  were  blind  to  refuse  such  a com- 
promise. The  sales,  though  slow  at  first,  brought  into  the  public 
treasury  within  a year  the  sum  of  $5,000,000,*  and  confirmed 

* La  Corte  de  Roma  y el  Emperador  Maximiliano.  Mexico,  1870. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


135 


tlie  purpose  of  the  Liberals  to  thus  utilize  a portion  of  this  vast 
property. 

The  pope  issued  his  expostulations  and  sustained  the  Mexi- 
can bishops  in  their  resistance  to  the  law  until  two  of  them — 
the  Bishops  of  Puebla  and  of  Guadalajara — were  exiled  by  the 
government  for  rebellious  interference.  As  a last  resource  the 
pope  issued  an  allocution  declaring,  “We  condemn,  disavow, 
and  declare  absolutely  null  and  void  and  of  no  effect  all  the 
decrees  above  mentioned,  and  all  the  acts  which  the  civil  power 
in  Mexico  has  done,  in  contempt  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority 
of  the  holy  see.”  He  then  expresses  “ the  deep  grief  of  his 
soul”  over  these  principles,  and  closes  by  threatening  the  “ pen- 
alties and  censures  ” which  he  holds  against  “ these  usurpers 
of  the  rights  of  the  holy  see.”  He  utters  a similar  jeremiad 
against  South  America,  as  “ following  the  sad  example  of  the 
Liberals  of  Mexico.”  * 

The  leaders  of  Mexico,  instead  of  heeding  the  pope’s  nullifi- 
cation, shrugged  their  shoulders  and  went  on  with  the  good 
work  of  building  up  the  welfare  of  the  nation.  Mexico  and 
South  America  were  not  doing  a deed  unknown  in  any  other 
nation,  as  the  papal  lamentation  might  lead  one  to  believe, 
but  they  were  doing  what  England,  France,  Italy,  Portugal, 
Germany,  and  nearly  all  the  other  States  of  Christendom 
had  already  done.  Of  the  nationalization  of  ecclesiastical 
property,  and  abolition  of  ^monastic  institutions,  European 
history  is  full,  from  Magna  Charta.  and  King  John  down 
to  our  days  in  Italy.  Mackenzie  puts  the  facts  in  regard 
to  France : 

The  possessions  of  the  Church,  amounting  to  one  third  of  all  the  soil  of 
France,  were  seized.  Henceforth  the  priests  were  to  be  paid  their  pain- 
fully reduced  salaries  by  the  State.  The  Church  held  property  valued 
at  £80,000,000  ($400,000,000),  and  yielding  an  annual  revenue  of  over 
£3,000,000  ($15,000,000),  all  of  which  was  appropriated  by  the  State 
in  its  necessity  in  the  period  when  it  abolished  feudalism  aud  privilege 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  French  freedom.  The  nation  afterward  safe- 
guarded her  rights  and  limited  the  interference  of  the  pope  and  the 
* Christian  World , voL  xiv,  p.  195. 


136 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Church  in  matters  of  state  by  a dictated  concordat,  which  is  to-day  her 
defense  against  ecclesiastical  aggressions.  (P.  5.) 

And  in  the  same  way  Magna  Charta,  wrested  by  the  liberty- 
loving  and  sturdy  barons  of  England  from  that  papal  tyrant 
and  coward,  King  John,  proved  the  sure  foundation  of  English 
freedom,  notwithstanding  the  thunders  of  excommunication 
which  Pope  Innocent  III.  hurled  against  the  barons  and  their 
Charta,  and  his  foolish  attempt  to  hand  over  the  English  king- 
dom to  Philip  of  France,  as  well  as  absolving  John  from  all 
obligation  of  fidelity  to  the  solemn  signature  which  he  had 
affixed  to  the  great  document. 

No  wonder  that  when  the  French  troops  and  their  officers 
reached  Mexico,  in  1864,  and  heard  the  complaints  of  the  church 
party  against  the  Republicans  on  these  grounds,  they  were 
amazed,  knowing  well,  as  they  did,  that  their  own  country  had 
done  the  very  same  things  with  the  papal  Church  and  its  over- 
grown wealth  and  monastic  orders,  and  in  doing  so  had  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  liberties  and  greatness  of  France.  It  was 
equally  a matter  of  surprise  to  the  Abbe  Domenech,  and  for 
the  same  reasons.  Mexico  and  South  America  could  thus 
quote  a score  of  precedents  to  justify  their  actions  in  all  that 
they  did,  and  yet  the  pope  in  this  allocution  bitterly  denounced 
Mexico  as  if  her  government  and  legislative  action  were  unprec- 
edented and  unjust. 

It  is  surprising  how  legally  the  statesmen  of  Mexico  moved 
in  their  measures  to  build  up  the  condition  of  their  country 
on  right  foundations.  Even  in  this  very  matter,  where  to  the 
superficial  observer  they  might  seem  to  be  depending  alone 
on  power,  they  kept  within  the  clear  limits  of  the  accepted 
usages  and  law  which  govern  such  cases.  There  is  probably 
no  higher  authority  on  the  “ Law  of  Nations  ” than  Emerich 
Mattel,  of  Switzerland,  and  no  commentator  on  English  law 
superior  to  Sir  William  Blackstone.  Both  of  these  jurists 
lay  down  rules  which  vindicate  the  actions  of  the  popular 
government  of  Mexico  in  the  demands  which  they  made  on 
the  vast  ecclesiastical  property.  Blackstone  says  : 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


137 


The  priests  would  have  engulfed  all  the  real  estate  of  England.  It 
took  centuries  to  protect  and  perfect  the  nation  against  their  rapacity 
and  schemes  to  avoid  the  statutes. 

And  Yattel  covers  the  whole  question  arising  out  of  this  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  the  following  rule : 

Far  from  the  goods  of  the  Church  being  exempted  because  they  are 
consecrated  to  God,  it  is  for  that  very  reason  that  they  should  be  the  first 
taken  for  the  welfare  of  the  State.  There  is  nothing  more  agreeable  to 
the  common  Father  of  men  than  to  preserve  a nation  from  destruction. 
As  God  has  no  need  of  property  the  consecration  of  goods  to  him  is  their 
devotion  to  such  purposes  as  are  pleasant  to  him.  Besides,  the  property 
of  the  Church,  by  the  confession  of  the  clergy  themselves,  is  chiefly  des- 
tined for  the  poor;  and  when  the  State  is  in  want  it  is,  doubtless,  the 
first  pauper  and  the  worthiest  of  succor. 

To  carry  out  tlie  provision  aud  purposes  of  the  national  Con- 
stitution and  guard  the  liberties  which  it  guarantees,  enact- 
ments of  the  legislature,  called  “ Laws  of  Reform,”  were  issued. 
We  will  here  enumerate  the  leading  items  of  these  laws,  issued 
by  the  secretary  of  state  : 

The  complete  separation  of  Church  aud  State. 

Congress  cannot  pass  laws  establishing  or  prohibiting  any  religion. 

The  free  exercise  of  religious  services.  The  State  will  not  give  official 
recognition  to  any  religious  festivals,  save  the  Sabbath,  as  a day  of  rest. 

Religious  services  are  to  be  held  only  within  the  place  of  worship. 

Clerical  vestments  are  forbidden  in  the  streets. 

Religious  processions  are  forbidden. 

The  use  of  church-bells  is  restricted  to  calling  the  people  to  religious 
work. 

Pulpit  discourses  advising  disobedience  to  the  law,  or  injury  to  any 
one,  are  strictly  forbidden.  Worship  in  churches  shall  be  public  only. 

Gifts  of  real  estate  to  religious  institutions  are  unlawful,  with  the  sole 
exception  of  edifices  designed  exclusively  to  the  purposes  of  the  insti- 
tution. 

The  State  does  not  recognize  monastic  orders  nor  permit  their  estab- 
lishment. 

The  association  of  Sisters  of  Charity  is  suppressed  in  the  republic,  and 
Jesuits  are  expelled  and  may  not  return. 

Matrimony  is  a civil  contract  and  to  be  duly  registered.  The  religious 
service  may  be  added. 


138 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Cemeteries  are  under  civil  inspection  and  open  for  the  burial  of  all 
classes  and  creeds. 

No  one  can  sign  away  their  liberty  by  contract  or  religious  vow. 

Education  in  the  public  schools  is  free  and  compulsory. 

This  synopsis  of  the  “ Laws  of  Reform”  represents  the  action 
of  the  Mexican  Congress  on  the  12th  of  February,  1857,  with 
the  amendments  of  the  same  of  September,  1873,  and  the  cir- 
cular issued  by  the  Interior  Department  January  15,  1877. 

In  view  of  the  conspiracy  to  overthrow  the  republic  and  to 
establish  a monarchy  a special  law  was  passed  in  18G2,  making 
a capital  crime  of 

Invitations  given  by  Mexicans,  or  by  foreigners  resident  in  the  republic, 
to  subjects  of  other  powers,  to  invade  the  national  territory  or  change 
the  form  of  government  the  republic  has  adopted,  whatever  the  pretext 
set  up. 

Yet  within  three  months  after  the  enactment  of  this  law 
Almonte  and  his  associates  left  Paris  for  Mexico  and  were  re- 
ceived with  honor  by  the  French  military  chiefs  at  Vera  Cruz, 
given  the  protection  of  their  flag  and  an  escort  of  two  thousand 
cavalry,  thus  violating  the  statutes  of  the  land,  which  they  pre- 
tended they  had  come  in  a friendly  spirit  to  establish. 

The  pretense  under  which  that  army  and  the  forces  of  En- 
gland and  Spain  were  sent  to  Mexico  was  the  “ tripartite 
treaty,”  reached  at  the  convention  of  London,  and  signed  by 
the  three  powers  on  the  31st  of  October,  1861,  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  common  objects  in  Mexico.  The  necessity  for 
such  a convention  had  been  well  worked  up  by  the  representa- 
tive of  Napoleon  in  Mexico,  M.  Saligny,  who  all  through,  like 
Shylock,  mercilessly  insisted  upon  having  his  “ pound  of  flesh,” 
no  matter  how  much  blood  came  with  it.  In  the  unsettled 
condition  of  Mexico  by  the  intrigues  and  pronunciamentos 
of  the  clerical  party  during  these  years,  society  was  disturbed 
and  wrongs  were  perpetrated,  by  forced  loans,  highway  rob- 
bery, and  otherwise ; and  foreigners  shared  in  these  imposts, 
Frenchmen  among  them,  of  course.  Saligny  trumped  up  a 
heavy  list  of  these  inflictions  against  the  Republican  govern- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


139 


ment  and  demanded  heavy  indemnities  for  eacli  ease.  While 
admitting  some  of  them  the  government  declared  the  majority 
were  without  foundation,  and  asked  for  the  proofs,  which  Sa- 
ligny  could  not  furnish.  He  resented  all  attempts  to  require 
evidence  of  his  French  claims,  and  his  master  backed  him  up  in 
his  demands. 

Let  it  also  be  remembered  that  these  forced  loans  and  other 
criminalities  were  not  inflicted  by  the  Republican  party,  but  by 
their  bitter  foes  during  the  brief  terms  in  which  from  time  to 
time  they  held  power,  and  yet  that  all  of  these  were  saddled 
upon  the  Republican  government  when  restored,  which  had  to 
pay  these  exactions,  as  in  the  case  where  Miramon  robbed  the 
British  Legation  of  the  $600,000.  Another  item  of  the  claim 
was  made  out  of  the  debts  due  to  foreigners  who  had  lent  Mex- 
ico money  in  her  emergencies,  at  enormous  rates  of  interest, 
and  these  debts  she  did  not  deny,  save  when  fictitious  claims 
were  added  to  them,  as  in  the  case  of  the  “ Jecker  bonds.” 
The  Mexican  government,  on  its  restoration  to  power,  finding 
the  treasury  empty,  and  being  unable  to  raise  money  sufficient, 
postponed  payment  of  the  interest  on  outside  debts  for  two 
years,  promising  then  to  resume  payment.  In  the  business 
world  such  a concession  is  constantly  made  by  creditors  toward 
those  who  only  want  ‘ time  ’ to  enable  them  to  recover,  espe- 
cially when  the  parties  thus  favored  have  hitherto  met  their  ob- 
ligations faithfully.  But  Mexico,  on  which  now  rested  the  duty 
of  self-preservation,  which  in  a nation  is  certainly  for  the  time 
being  superior  to  the  obligation  to  pay  debts,  was  now  to  real- 
ize no  mercy  from  hard-hearted  men  who  took  her  by  the 
throat,  saying,  “ Pay  me  what  thou  owest  ! ” though  she 
pleaded,  “ Have  patience  with  me,  and  I will  pay  thee  all.” 
M.  Saligny  had  circulated  the  false  and  cruel  impression  that 
she  could  but  would  not.  Hence  England  and  Spain  were  led 
blindfolded  into  “ the  London  Convention,”  only  to  be  unde- 
ceived a year  after,  when  their  commissioners  reached  Mexico 
and  ascertained  the  truth  from  interviews  with  Senor  Doblado, 
President  Juarez’s  secretary  of  state.  England  and  Spain 


HO 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


freely  gave  Mexico  the  time  she  required,  and  their  claims 
were  recognized  to  he  paid,  principal  and  interest. 

As  we  examine  this  unworthy  transaction  there  is  revealed  an 
unexampled  rascality.  Government  documents  furnished  by 
Mexico  present  the  facts  of  her  indebtedness  with  detailed 
statements  of  what  had  been  paid  these  three  nations,  and  what 
she  still  owed  to  each  when  they  invaded  her  soil.  Apart  from 
the  Jecker  claim,  the  diplomatic  correspondence  shows,  quoting 
a dispatch  of  Sir  Charles  Wyke  that  was  laid  before  Parlia- 
ment, “ the  French  have  only  a small  debt  of  $190, S5G  tore- 
cover,  which  is  being  paid  off  by  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the 
import  duties  levied  at  Vera  Cruz.”  The  first  thing  that  Saligny 
did  when  he  left  his  legation  at  the  capital  and  came  down  to 
meet  the  French  force,  to  guide  its  action,  was  to  advise  the 
French  commander  to  seize  the  custom-house  and  appropriate 
its  income  to  meet  the  French  claims,  so  that  it  is  likely 
that  almost  all  had  been  paid  ere  Sir  Charles  wrote  his  dis- 
patch. Saligny  contended,  however,  that  the  claims  of  tbe 
“Jecker  bonds”  should  be  added  to  the  French  debt,  and  the 
Mexican  government  had  to  submit.  After  a full  investi- 
gation they  decided  that  all  that  could  be  honestly  claimed  by 
France  for  the  debt,  the  indemnities  due  to  French  subjects  for 
losses  during  the  revolutions,  for  interest,  and  the  Jecker  bonds 
was  $2,859,917.  So  her  debts  to  the  three  nations  were  shown 
to  be,  “to  British  subjects,  $09,311,657;  to  Spanish  subjects, 
$9,461,980,  and  to  the  French  the  smallest  sum  of  all,  $2,859,- 
917.”  France  was  then  the  nation  which  had  the  least  motive 
to  make  war  on  Mexico.  Napoleon’s  object  was  not  merely  the 
settlement  of  the  claim,  but  he  sought  a pretext  for  a quarrel 
with  Mexico  for  the  accomplishment  of  ulterior  purposes. 
When  the  English  and  Spanish  commissioners  understood  this 
they  withdrew  from  the  country,  leaving  Saligny  to  push  the 
outrageously  magnified  Jecker  bonds,  which  Napoleon  was 
confident  they  could  force  to  payment. 

M.  Jecker  was  a Swiss  speculator  who  went  to  Mexico  and 
assumed  the  role  of  a banker  during  the  period  when  Miramon 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


141 


and  the  clericals  held  the  capital.  The  ready  money  of  the 
party  running  low,  Jecker  made  the  most  of  the  opportunity. 
He  could  furnish  $750,000  cash,  and  securities  amounting,  appar- 
ently, to  $740,000  more,  in  all  $1,490,42S.  “For  this  amount 
the  reactionary  government  issued  paper  to  the  value  of  $15,- 
000,000,  at  six  per  cent,  annually,  and  fundable  in  eight  or  ten 
years.”  A large  part  of  the  issue  was  made  available  “ for  the 
value  on  their  face  at  the  custom-houses  in  Mexico,  in  the  pro- 
portion of  a fifth  of  their  exhibits,  M.  Jecker  to  pay  the  bearer 
interest  at  three  per  centum.”  * 

Merchants  who  bought  up  these  bonds  were  soon  to  realize 
how  Miramon  had  deceived  them  when  they  began  to  present 
them  for  duties.  The  constitutional  president,  on  learning  of 
their  issue,  had  proclaimed  them  illegal  and  worthless,  and 
not  a custom-house  in  Mexico  would  accept  them.  Merchants 
turned  to  the  French  Legation,  on  the  ground  that  France  had 
recognized  the  Miramon  party  as  the  government  of  Mexico, 
and  a plot  was  raised  to  include  these  bonds  as  part  of  the 
French  claims  against  the  Juarez  government  and  to  demand 
payment  for  the  full  amount  on  their  face.  Just  then  it  was 
discovered  that  Jecker  was  not  a French  subject,  and  therefore 
his  bonds  could  not  legally  be  included  in  French  claims;  but 
the  rogues  were  not  to  be  defeated,  and  an  effort  was  made  to 
naturalize  him  and  leave  the  date  of  the  nefarious  deed  in  the 
background.  Before  the  naturalization  papers  could  arrive 
from  France  two  packets  of  secret  correspondence  between 
Jecker  and  his  representatives  in  Paris  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Republican  troops,  were  forwarded  to  the  president,  and 
the  villainous  conspiracy  was  revealed.  They  stated,  among 
other  things,  how  the  conspirators  were  manufacturing  public 
opinion  in  Europe,  how  much  they  were  afraid  of  the  coming 
of  Pacheco,  the  embassador  of  Juarez,  who  would  be  sure  to 
expose  their  baseness,  of  their  efforts  to  get  the  naturalization 
papers  to  Jecker,  and  how  they  “showed  your  letters  to  his 
majesty,”  and  speak  of  their  intercourse  with  “the  duke,” 
* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States , 1863,  pp.  239,  249. 


142 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


called  in  one  place  “ the  new  duke,”  which  soon  identified  the 
person  intended,  who  was  so  deeply  interested  in  the  success  of 
the  Jecker  claims. 

Who  was  this  person  so  high  at  court,  thus  mysteriously 
named  as  “near  the  throne,”  who  had  so  much  at  stake  in  these 
fraudulent  transactions?  Only  a few  knew  when  the  dis- 
patches were  written,  but  recently  it  has  been  given  to  the 
world.  The  new  duke  referred  to  was  the  Count  de  Morny, 
illegitimate  half-brother  of  the  French  emperor.  When  a 
child  he  was  given  into  the  custody  of  a Frenchman  by  name  of 
de  Morny,  who  had  his  home  in  the  West  Indies.  His  mother 
left  him  40,000  francs,  which  was  intrusted  to  the  guardian, 
who  squandered  it  in  gambling.  When  the  young  man  be- 
came of  age  he  was  penniless,  but  returned  to  France  and  en- 
tered the  army,  developing  soon  the  sharp  points  of  his  character, 
lie  and  Louis  Napoleon  had  never  yet  met,  but  Napoleon 
heard  of  him  as  a suitable  instrument  for  his  purposes  in  the 
coup  d'etat  which  he  was  then  contemplating.  He  was  brought 
to  Paris  and  proved  just  the  conscienceless  personage  such  as 
Napoleon  wanted  to  aid  in  this  great  crime  against  the  re- 
public. When  he  had  proclaimed  himself  emperor  the  traitors 
who  shared  in  the  iniquitous  plan  were  rewarded,  De  Morny’s 
share  being  money,  which  he  much  coveted,  and  the  life-presi- 
dency of  the  Corps  Legislatif.  A more  mercenary  man  never 
held  office.  Ilis  extravagance  earned  for  him  the  title  of  “ the 
Magnificent  Spendthrift.”  It  is  asserted  that  “ his  great  crime 
was  in  taking  money  from  all  sides,  all  parties,  all  men.”  While 
president  of  the  Corps  Legislatif  he  was  “ known  to  receive  a 
N yearly  subsidy  from  the  Viceroy  of  Egypt  for  certain  reasons.” 
Napoleon  made  him  a duke  while  Mirarnon  was  the  clerical 
party’s  President  of  Mexico,  and  when  the  chance  arose  to 
make  a few  millions  out  of  these  infamous  Jecker  bonds  this 
unprincipled  man  demeaned  himself  still  further  by  stooping 
to  unite  with  Jecker  and  Mirarnon  to  organize  the  scheme  to 
float  these  worthless  bonds  and  to  force  their  payment  in  full 
on  Mexico,  while  his  half-brother  seized  upon  them  as  an  ad- 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


143 


ditional  pretext  to  carry  out  his  ulterior  purposes  in  America. 
They  were  worthy  of  each  other  in  the  wicked  use  they  made 
of  power.* 

When  our  civil  war  broke  out  the  French  emperor  deemed 
that  the  time  had  come  for  the  development  of  his  purposes  in 
America.  The  convention  of  London  was  arranged,  and  the 
allied  fleet  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  in  December,  1861.  There 
was  some  surprise  felt  on  finding  that  England  had  no  soldiers, 
only  seven  hundred  marines  as  a guard  of  honor  for  her  rep- 
resentative, and  Spain  but  a few  soldiers,  while  France  had 
nearly  seven  thousand  men  fully  prepared  for  aggressive  move- 
ments. The  Spanish  commissioner  was  General  Prim,  the  En- 
glish, Sir  Charles  Wyke,  and  the  French,  J\f.  E.  Jurien.  They 
opened  negotiations  with  the  government  of  President  Juarez, 
professing  solemnly  over  their  respective  signatures  that  the 
object  of  their  coming  was  entirely  pacific,  without  any  inten- 
tion of  interference  with  the  form  of  government  preferred  by 
the  nation,  but  they  were  there  only  as  “lookers-on,  to  preside 
at  the  grand  spectacle  of  your  regeneration,  guaranteed  by 
order  and  liberty.”  They  then  gently  intimate  that  they  also 
seek  “ satisfaction  for  outrages  inflicted,  and  sacred  obligations 
that  have  not  been  discharged,”  but  assert  that  the  other  is  the 
higher  object  of  their  coming. 

To  this  President  Juarez  replied  that,  while  obliged  to  them 
for  their  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  country,  he  was  not  con- 
scious that  Mexico  needed  any  intervention  for  the  regulation 
of  her  affairs,  being  competent  to  manage  for  herself ; but  in 
regard  to  any  claims,  he  was  willing  to  hear  and  consider  them, 
and  that  they  could  appoint  commissioners  on  their  part,  who 
should  be  met  by  others  from  him,  and  the  cases  be  considered, 
lie  did  more ; for  on  the  commissioners  informing  him  that 
their  men  were  suffering  from  sickness  on  account  of  the  heat 
and  climate,  and  would  soon  be  liable  to  the  yellow  fever,  so 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States,  1863,  part  i,  p.  239,  etc.  The 
Cosmopolitan , May,  1890.  Christian  World,  vol.  xvii,  p.  72.  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence Presented  to  Parliament,  1862,  pp.  602-614. 


144 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


common  in  Yera  Cruz  during  the  heated  term,  and  requesting 
his  permission  to  move  up  to  the  mountain  region  where  they 
would  be  exempt,  the  president  kindly  granted  this  conces- 
sion as  soon  as  the  allies  would  agree  upon  its  conditions.  This 
led  without  delay  to  what  is  called  “ the  Convention  of  Soledad  ” 
(twenty-six  miles  from  Yera  Cruz),  where  the  commissioners  pro- 
ceeded and  were  met  by  the  secretary  of  state.  A conference 
was  agreed  to,  to  be  held  at  Orizaba,  up  in  the  mountains  and 
eighty-two  miles  from  Yera  Cruz,  where  it  was  comfortable 
and  healthy,  and  during  the  negotiations  the  troops  might  be 
brought  up  and  allowed  to  occupy  the  towns  of  Cordova,  Ori- 
zaba, and  Telmacan.  The  fourth  article  stipulated  : 

That  it  may  not  be  believed,  even  remotely,  that  the  allies  have  signed 
those  preliminaries  in  order  to  procure  the  passage  of  the  fortified  posi- 
tions garrisoned  by  the  Mexican  army,  it  is  stipulated  that,  in  the  unhappy 
event  of  the  rupture  of  negotiations,  the  forces  of  the  allies  shall  evacuate 
the  aforesaid  towns  and  situate  themselves  in  the  line  which  is  before 
said  fortifications  on  the  way  to  Vera  Cruz. 

The  fifth  article  provided  that  in  these  unfortunate  circum- 
stances “ the  hospitals  that  the  allies  may  have  shall  remain 
under  the  safe-guard  of  the  Mexican  nation.” 

These  fortifications  were  places  of  great  natural  strength  and 
could  easily  be  defended  by  even  a small  force.  The  president 
could  not  then  dream  that  any  of  the  persons  whom  he  had 
thus  treated  with  such  candor  and  kindness  would  prove  un- 
worthy or  unfaithful  to  this  fourth  article,  after  having  accepted 
and  signed  it. 

As  the  negotiations  progressed  the  bad  faith  of  the  French 
began  its  development  and  introduced  confusion,  and  at  last 
involved  defeat  of  the  entire  effort.  The  first  of  these  was  the 
announcement  that  General  Miramon  and  staff  were  on  the  ex- 
pected English  mail  steamer  with  the  intention  of  renewing  the 
civil  war  which  had  only  just  died  out  after  the  three  years’ 
bloody  struggle.  It  was  also  ascertained  that  a party  of  church 
troops,  with  horse  and  munitions,  were  awaiting  him  above  to 
enable  him  to  penetrate  into  the  interior.  The  commissioners 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


145 


discussed  the  situation,  and  the  majority  were  for  preventing 
him  from  landing,  while  the  English  Commodore  Dunlop  de- 
clared he  would  “ arrest  him  for  having  robbed  the  British 
Legation  if  he  lands  while  our  flag  is  flying  here.”  It  was 
very  significant  that  Salignv  “ earnestly  protested  in  the  name 
of  his  government  against  any  such  thing  being  attempted.” 
For  could  he  be  moved  by  the  consideration  urged  by  the 
British  and  Spanish  commissioners,  that  to  allow  Miramon  to 
land,  and  thus  invade  the  country  with  an  expedition  of  his 
own,  would  utterly  disgust  the  Liberal  government  with  whom 
they  were  treating  and  lead  it  and  the  nation  to  infer  that  the 
allied  commissioners  must  be  in  collusion  with  that  traitor  to  per- 
mit him  to  land  where  their  flags  were  flying.  So  Dunlop,  not- 
withstanding Saligny’s  protest,  two  days  after,  when  the  packet 
arrived,  had  Miramon  arrested  and  returned  to  Havana  by 
the  next  steamer,  and  the  difficulty  ended  for  a time. 

The  English  and  Spanish  claims  for  indemnity  were  accepted 
by  the  Mexican  commissioners  without  any  difficulty.  They 
were  recognized  and  placed  on  file  to  be  discharged  as  soon  as 
possible.  But  when  the  French  claims  were  presented  the 
commissioners  were  simply  amazed,  and  especially  when  the 
“Jecker  bonds”  were  introduced  and  full  recognition  de- 
manded for  them.  Uo  wonder  that  the  English  and  Spanish 
commissioners  were  astounded  when  demand  was  made  by  Sa- 
ligny  for  their  recognition  to  the  full  amount  of  the  $15,000,000 ! 
In  common  honesty  the  government  of  Juarez  did  not  owe 
Jecker  a single  dollar.  "When  Miramon  fled  from  the  city  on 
the  approach  of  the  national  troops,  and,  President  Juarez  had 
arrived,  he  was  soon  after  called  on  by  Jecker,  who  claimed 
to  be  imder  the  protection  of  the  French  Legation.  Under 
the  supposition  that  the  president  was  intimidated  by  the  In- 
tervention and  would  yield  any  thing,  Jecker  made  a demand 
for  the  payment  of  the  bonds  issued  by  the  fugitive  clerical 
president  on  the  plea  that  “ one  government  must  be  held 
responsible  for  the  acts  and  obligations  of  the  other.”  This 
Juarez  refused  to  do.  A parallel  case  would  have  been  orig- 


146 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


inated  had  Jefferson  Davis  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Bun  entered 
Washington,  and  while  he  remained  there  in  the  absence  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  issued  bonds  to  French  subjects  and  gone  off 
with  the  money  received  from  them,  and  Napoleon  on  the  re- 
turn of  Mr.  Lincoln  had  sent  a force  to  the  United  States  to 
demand  the  payment  of  said  bonds.  The  Jecker  claims  were 
originated  by  one  who  was  a rebel  against  the  constitutional 
government,  which  had  not  ceased  to  exist  during  the  three 
years,  and  ought  not  therefore  to  be  held  responsible  for  the 
acts  of  an  unlawful  party. 

For  the  sake  of  peace,  and  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  hostile 
visitors,  the  Mexican  government  was  disposed  to  concede 
the  original  sum  of  $750,000,  with  five  per  cent,  interest,  but 
repudiated  any  further  claims  on  that  ground.  The  English 
and  Spanish  commissioners  positively  declined  to  be  parties 
to  pass  up  such  claims  to  the  Mexican  president,  and  reported 
the  facts  to  their  respective  governments,  and  were  sustained  in 
their  course.  The  next  item  in  the  French  demands  was  for 
reclamations  for  injuries  and  impositions  suffered  by  French 
subjects  on  various  occasions  during  past  years;  for  them  a 
round  sum  of  $12,000,000  was  claimed.  No  detailed  statements 
were  presented,  no  names  of  persons  or  dates  of  events  or  ex- 
tent of  wrong  or  injury  in  each  case  were  forthcoming,  and  when 
these  were  inquired  for  the  French  minister  replied  that  his 
government  had  made  a general  estimate  to  cover  all  the  cases, 
and  that  he  regarded  that  as  entirely  sufficient.  The  English 
and  Spanish  commissioners,  after  having  submitted  the  items  in 
theirclaims  which  they  were  to  urge  on  the  Mexican  government, 
felt  that  they  could  not  be  parties  to  include  a demand  like  this 
without  vouchers  of  any  kind.  They  then  proposed  to  M.  Sa- 
ligny  to  grant  to  the  Mexican  government  the  right  to  examine 
into  the  justice  of  such  claims  through  the  medium  of  a mixed 
commission,  to  which  Mexico  was  ready  to  consent;  but  even 
this  reasonable  proposition  was  declined  by  M.  Saligny.  Mex- 
ico must  pay  what  France  demanded,  “ trusting  to  her  high  sense 
of  honor  to  demand  only  what  was  right.’’  The  ulterior  object  of 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


147 


France  was  by  this  made  manifest.  Up  to  this  hour  the  French 
government  on  repeated  occasions  had  declared  that  it  went  to 
Mexico  “ to  obtain  satisfaction  for  its  demands,  and  nothing 
more.”  The  French  representative  signed  the  agreement  in  the 
treaty  of  London  and  of  Soledad,  “ not  to  interfere  in  the  in- 
terior affairs  of  Mexico.”  In  the  address  of  Napoleon’s  secre- 
tary of  state  to  the  French  Parliament  he  used  these  words : 

France  can  do  no  more  than  she  has  already — that  is,  to  repeat  the 
assurance  that  she  does  not  propose  to  intervene  in  any  manner  with  the 
internal  affairs  of  Mexico;  that  her  sole  object  is  to  obtain  payment  of 
her  claims  and  reparation  of  the  injuries  that  had  been  done  her.  . . . But 
to  compel  them  by  force,  never! 

Honest  men  have  only  certain  terms  to  characterize  profes- 
sions like  these  when  they  contrast  so  widely  with  the  conduct 
pursued.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  while  the  convention  was 
sitting  ships  of  the  French  navy  were  visiting  the  leading  ports 
of  Mexico,  trying  to  induce  them  to  “pronounce”  in  favor  of 
the  plan  of  Almonte  (the  agent  of  the  church  party)  and  mon- 
archy, as  well  as  sheltering  traitors  like  Miramon,  Marquez,  and 
others  who  were  ready,  when  this  convention  should  break  up, 
to  commence  their  efforts  to  overthrow  the  Republican  govern- 
ment preferred  by  the  nation  and  erect  on  its  ruins  an  imperial 
throne ! 

To  proceed  further  was  impossible ; the  convention  of  Sole- 
dad  terminated.  The  English  and  Spanish  representatives  duly 
informed  the  Mexican  government,  and  retired  with  their  mili- 
tary escort  from  Mexico,  sending  on  the  facts  to  their  respective 
governments,  which  approved  their  action.  The  French  repre- 
sentative alone  remained  and  transferred  to  the  French  general 
and  his  army  the  obligation  to  proceed  without  delay  to  execute 
the  will  of  their  imperial  master,  and  ordered  up  the  additional 
troops  that  had  arrived.  Saligny  was  asked  if  he  really  did 
not  intend  to  observe  the  distinct  condition  into  which  they 
had  all  entered,  in  case  the  negotiations  were  broken  off,  to  retire 
their  troops  “ to  the  line  below  the  fortifications  ” on  the  Cumbres 
before  beginning  their  operations.  Not  he ! lie  well  knew 


148 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


he  served  a master  who  would  freely  condone  the  base  treach- 
ery of  thus  violating  his  own  signature.  He  had  an  immense 
advantage  for  his  purpose,  and  was  going  to  retain  it,  no  matter 
how  all  honorable  soldiers,  or  the  whole  world  itself,  might  stamp 
it  with  infamy  as  an  almost  unprecedented  violation  of  diplo- 
matic and  military  honor ! The  French  emperor  gained  what 
he  wanted,  the  power  to  act  alone,  on  his  own  terms,  in  forcing 
his  demands,  at  the  bayonet’s  point,  on  an  enemy  whose  gener- 
osity he  violated,  while  he  demanded  full  payment  of  fictitious 
claims,  and  then  drove  him  from  the  seat  of  authority  to  which 
the  nation  had  elected  him  in  order  to  place  upon  it  a stranger 
whom  he  had  already  selected  for  that  purpose ! 

In  addition  to  a full  account  of  the  convention  so  disastrously 
ended  Sir  C.  Wylce  and  General  Prim  declared  to  their  govern- 
ments that  their  observation  and  inquiries  in  Mexico  “had  fully 
satisfied  them  that  a monarchy  was  not  desired  by  any  one  in 
Mexico  save  a few  Conservatives  and  the  church  party.” 

The  church  party  embraces  all  that  is  bigoted  and  fanatical  in  the 
country,  and  is  therefore  retrogressive  in  policy,  and  at  variance  with  the 
spirit  of  the  age,  and  is  detested  by  a great  majority  of  the  people,  who  are 
in  favor  of  a liberal  policy.  (P.  723.) 

It  is  not  usual  for  the  secretary  of  state  of  a great  nation  to 
take  the  responsibility  of  expressing  himself  so  bluntly  concern- 
ing the  measures  of  a neighboring  sovereign  and  his  government 
as  Lord  John  Russell  did  at  this  time  concerning  the  whole 
question  under  review  here.  Writing  to  his  embassador  at  Paris, 
who  he  expected  would  report  the  sentiments  of  his  government 
to  the  French  secretary  of  state,  Lord  Russell  says: 

It  is  hardly  possible  that  claims  so  excessive  as  that  of  $12,000,000  in  the 
lump,  without  an  account,  and  that  of  $15,000,000  for  $750,000  actually 
received,  can  have  been  put  forward  with  an  expectation  that  they  would 
be  complied  with.  ...  I stated  to  Mr.  Flahault  (the  French  embassador 
at  London)  that  what  we  could  not  agree  to,  and  must  keep  clear  of,  was 
the  putting  forward  of  claims  merely  for  the  sake  of  making  a quarrel. 
That  was  a course  we  could  not  adopt  ourselves  nor  defend  in  others.  . . . 
The  principle  of  non-intervention  having  been  always  maintained  by  the 


MEXICO  IX  TRAXSITIOX. 


149 


English,  government,  our  force  was  withdrawn  and  our  flag  hauled  down 
upon  the  express  determination  of  Admiral  de  la  GraviSre  and  M.  Saligny 
to  march  to  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  government  of 
President  Juarez.* 

General  Prim  in  liis  address  to  tlie  Cortes  held  exactly  the 
same  position. 

Having  gained  their  point  of  being  left  alone  in  Mexico,  being 
heavily  re-enforced,  ultimately  up  to  forty-five  thousand  men, 
and  with  the  full  intention  of  forcing  the  payment  of  both  these 
enormous  claims,  and  in  addition  resolved  to  make  Mexico  “ pay 
the  expense  of  the  war,  which  on  her  side  was  not  provoked, 
nor  declared  by  the  other,”  as  Senor  Romero  phrased  it,  the 
march  toward  Mexico  city  was  begun.  Before  the  allied  com- 
missioners had  left  Saligny  made  an  unexpected  proposal.  lie 
had  evidently  become  alarmed  at  the  effect  which  his  enormous 
demands  would  have  on  public  opinion  in  Europe  when  the 
reasons  for  the  breaking  up  of  the  convention  were  made 
known  ; so  he  offered  to  abandon  the  Jecker  claims  if  the  other 
two  commissioners  would  indorse  the  claim  for  812,000,000, 
which,  being  entirely  without  evidence,  they  would  not  do. 
Saligny  then  withdrew  his  proposal  and  referred  the  matter 
to  Eapoleon. 

Late  in  September,  1862,  the  Republican  forces  operating 
between  Yera  Cruz  and  the  city  of  Mexico  intercepted  another 
packet  of  letters  addressed  to  M.  Jecker  by  his  friends  in  Paris. 
They  were  sent  to  President  Juarez,  and  were  found  even  more 
nefarious  than  the  previous  ones  captured.  The  president  sent 
them  to  Senor  Romero,  who  laid  them  before  the  government  at 
Washington,  and  they  were  sent  to  Congress.  A few  sentences 
will  show  their  purport,  and  who  was  operating  influentially 
behind  the  scenes  in  this  abominable  business,  and  also  give  a 
clearer  view  of  the  objects  of  these  enemies  of  freedom  and 
justice.  One  tells  Jecker,  among  other  things,  “Your  letter  of 
July  16  has  been  presented  entire  before  the  eyes  of  his  Maj- 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  Presented  to  Parliament,  18G2,  part  iii,  pp.  242. 
720,  801. 


150 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


esty,  :is  lias  been  done  with  the  previous  ones  when  their  tenor 
has permittedP  Another  of  this  band  of  sharpers  writes : 

Affairs  are  taking  a better  aspect  for  us.  For  a decision  has  been  come 
to  to  colonize.  Forty-five  thousand  men  are  to  be  sent  out.  . . . Our 
friends  think  the  bonds  will  be  admitted  in  Mexico.  I will  divulge  noth- 
ing tliough  I see  every  thing  has  been  prohibited  since  the  disgusting 
correspondence  of  Sir  C.  Wyke  has  been  submitted  to  Parliament.  That 
diplomate  has  been  your  adversary  and  deadly  enemy.  . . . Feeling  itself 
almost  anticipated,  and  closely  watched  by  Wyke,  the  French  government 
lets  nothing  transpire  with  reference  to  its  projects  of  protectorate,  colon- 
ization, etc.  Not  less  than  eighteen  generals  go  out  with  the  expedi- 
tionary corps,  for  which  reason  it  must  be  very  considerable.  . . . The 
expedition  will  have  relation  also  to  the  affairs  of  the  United  States. 

Jecker’s  father  in  another  letter  says : 

I have  not  deceived  you  in  repeating  to  you  now  for  more  than  a year 
that  there  would  be  colonization,  a throne,  protectorate,  etc.  I believe,  also, 
these  forces  have  in  view  to  restrain  the  United  States,  drunk  with  pride  and 
vain  boasting.  ...  In  Paris,  for  the  present,  it  is  better  not  to  wake  the 
cat  that  sleeps.  Wyke  has  been  our  real  enemy,  Juarez  should  burn  a 
long  candle  for  him.  . . . With  forty-five  thousand  men  submission  will 
follow,  and  even  a pressure  will  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the  United  States, 
the  position  of  which  is  not  without  its  influence  on  what  passes. . . . With 
reference  to  the  organization  of  the  government  (in  Mexico),  Maximilian 
was  nothing  more  than  a pilot  balloon  without  any  importance.  Who 
will  be  placed  to  govern  under  the  tutelage  of  France  I caniiot  say.  . . . 

C (who  has  just  returned  from  Mexico)  says:  “The  reactionaries  fear 

the  entire  and  full  recognition  of  the  bonds,  because  it  would  burden  the 
treasury.  The  Liberals  execrate  them,  and  the  French  believe  the  calum- 
nies employed  to  depreciate  them,  so  that  I can  truly  say  that  I have  not 
encountered  any  one  in  Mexico  but  Saligny  who  sustains  them.”* 

These  are  merely  samples.  The  “ new  duke  ” figures  con- 
stantly, and  they  boast  of  the  able  men  whom  they  employ  to 
manufacture  public  opinion  in  France  and  Europe  to  favor  the 
bonds  and  to  sustain  Saligny’s  policy,  yet  (up  to  September  3) 
the  naturalization  papers  for  Jecker  had  not  reached  him,  and 
the  French  government  was  thus  zealously  engaged  in  behalf 
of  a wretched  swindler  who  was  not  even  a French  subject! 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States,  No.  54,  pp.  375-387. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


151 


Having  sold  his  bonds  at  a large  advance,  Jecker  had  obligated 
himself  to  pay  interest  at  three  per  cent,  until  they  were  re- 
deemed at  the  treasury  or  custom-houses  of  Mexico  for  their 
face.  So  long  as  Juarez  held  power  nothing  could  be  realized 
on  them.  The  interest  had  to  be  paid  promptly  to  keep  up 
the  credit  of  the  bonds,  and  Jecker  was  ruined  before  aid  could 
reach  him.  President  Juarez  (early  in  October)  ordered  the 
arrest  and  banishment  of  Jecker  and  his  crew  from  the  country, 
and  thus  ended  their  dreams  of  enormous  wealth  at  Mexico’s 
expense. 

The  expulsion  of  Jecker  and  the  contents  of  the  intercepted 
letters  were  not  long  in  reaching  the  English  government,  and 
soon  after  found  their  place  in  the  London  Times.  Telegrams 
to  Paris  of  what  was  coming  created  quite  a commotion  among 
“ those  personages  who  occupy  high  positions  in  the  court  of 
the  Tuileries  near  the  imperial  throne.”  It  was  in  vain  the 
next  morning  to  prohibit  the  entrance  of  The  Times  into  Paris 
as  they  attempted.  Many  had  obtained  the  news,  and  Jules 
Favre  arose  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  to  question  M.  Billant, 
who  was  known  to  be  the  mouth-piece  and  defender  of  the  em- 
peror. The  questions  were  scorching,  such  as  a minister  has  rarely 
had  to  face  in  Parliament.  The  worst  could  not  be  spoken,  but 
men  understood  the  meaning  of  the  courageous  deputy  as  he 
denounced  those  who  had  so  despicably  traded  with  the  char- 
acter of  France  in  a foreign  land,  while  the  Duke  de  Moray 
sat  presiding  over  the  Assembly  ! Ho  wonder  that  Jecker  had 
boasted  in  the  past  that  Hapoleon  was  bound  to  sustain  him 
and  his  bonds  because  of  the  hold  he  had  upon  his  character 
and  of  those  who  stood  with  him. 

The  Mexican  government  had  come  to  understand  that  France 
was  not  to  blame  for  her  sufferings,  and  attributed  them  solely  to 
the  emperor.  An  incident  which  showed  President  J uarez’s  feel- 
ing on  the  subject  occurred  at  a reception  given  in  his  honor  at 
Chihuahua,  when  an  indiscreet  admirer  spread  the  French  flag 
on  the  ground  in  front  of  the  door  with  the  intent  that  the 
president  should  tread  on  it.  The  moment  that  Juarez  saw  it 


152 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


lie  turned,  went  around  it,  and  requested  that  it  be  lifted  up. 
When  remonstrated  with  for  declining  to  dishonor  the  flag  that 
was  invading  their  country  he  answered:  “No,  that  flag  rep- 
resents France,  against  which  we  have  no  cause  of  complaint. 
We  distinguish  between  the  French  people  and  their  emperor, 
and  when  all  is  over  France  will  yet  do  Mexico  justice.  Let 
us  honor  that  flag.” 

On  the  way  to  the  city  of  Mexico  the  French  troops  under 
General  Laurency  were  met  near  Puebla  by  a force  of  Repub- 
licans under  General  Zaragoza,  and  there,  under  the  shadow  of 
the  snow-capped  volcanoes,  Popocatepetl  and  Ixtaccihuatl,  they 
suffered  the  humiliation  of  defeat  by  Mexico’s  poorly  equipped 
soldiers.  The  heroes  of  Solferino,  who  had  known  no  defeat 
since  Waterloo,  were  driven  back  to  Orizaba  with  perious  loss. 
It  was  not  because  of  any  special  superiority  of  numbers  or  facil- 
ities of  the  ground  occupied  by  the  Mexicans  in  the  struggle. 
Under  God  it  wras  won  by  the  vigor  which  comes  to  those  who 
fight  for  their  homes,  their  country,  and  the  freedom  which 
they  love.  This  triumph  filled  Mexico  with  exultation  and 
hope,  and  the  day,  the  fifth  of  May,  “ Cinco  de  Mayo,” 
is  yearly  celebrated.  The  French  troops  waited  at  Orizaba 
for  re-enforcements  before  renewing  their  march  against  Mex- 
ico. The  chagrin  of  Napoleon  maybe  imagined,  and  his  pride 
urged  him  to  send  forward  more  than  adequate  resources, 
with  a consequent  increase  of  expense  which  he  confidently 
expected  that  Mexico  shonld  pay,  and  which  claim  was  em- 
bodied in  the  convention  between  himself  and  Maximilian,  as 
we  shall  see. 

This  check  and  its  results  consumed  several  months  of  time, 
and  enabled  President  Juarez  and  the  Congress  more  fully 
to  make  their  final  arrangements  for  the  preservation  of  the 
government  and  the  defense  of  the  nation  against  its  implaca- 
ble enemy.  At  Miramar  and  Rome  matters  were  being  pushed 
forward  in  regard  to  the  departure  of  the  Archduke  of  Austria 
for  Mexico  as  soon  as  the  French  should  clear  his  way  to  the 
capital.  Already  he  had  accepted  the  crown  proffered  him, 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


153 


not  by  “ the  people  of  Mexico,”  as  lie  was  untruthfully  assured, 
but  by  the  exiles  and  traitors  who  hung  around  the  French 
court,  and  by  the  “ Assembly  of  Notables,”  so  called,  who 
mysteriously  kept  up  from  the  Mexican  capital  communica- 
tions with  these  enemies  of  their  country’s  freedom.  Maxi- 
milian apparently  tried  to  believe  their  assurances  of  the  senti- 
ments of  their  country — that  he  would  find  his  path  “ strewn 
with  flowers  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  throne  in  the  ‘ Halls  of 
Montezuma,’  and  that  all  opposition  would  drop  into  the  dust 
within  a few  weeks  of  his  arrival,”  and  “ the  united  nation 
would  gather  around  him  with  enthusiasm  as  their  beloved 
sovereign.”  Yet,  after  all  these  assurances,  he  •seemed  to  hesi- 
tate, and  stipulated  that  a general  vote  of  the  people  should 
be  obtained,  that  he  might  have  the  assurance  that  not  a class 
only,  but  the  nation  itself,  was  really  calling  him  to  be  their 
sovereign.  This  hesitancy  was  not  causeless.  It  was  the  result 
of  a warning  that  he  had  received  by  a trusty  messenger  from 
President  Juarez,  in  regard  to  the  danger  to  which  his  advisers 
were  luring  him  for  their  own  purposes.  Happy  had  it  been 
for  him  had  he  heeded  that  warning.  It  appeared  on  his  trial 
and  aided  in  his  condemnation.  The  Conservative  faction 
assured  him  that  the  popular  vote  which  he  desired  would  most 
certainly  be  promptly  taken.  If  Maximilian  had  not  been 
weak-minded  and  so  disposed  to  yield  to  undue  influence  he 
would  have  known  that  such  a vote  was  impossible  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  Republican  forces  were  controlling  more  than 
two  thirds  of  the  nation,  and  that  less  than  one  third  was  held 
by  French  bayonets,  and  that  only  in  places  where  the  latter 
held  sway  could  such  a vote  be  taken,  and  that  even  then  it 
would  be  utterly  unreliable  as  an  expression  of  the  popular  will. 

Among  those  surrounding  the  archduke  was  Senor  Gutierrez 
de  Estrada,  president  of  the  delegates  of  the  “ Council  of 
Notables,”  which  was  an  assembly  of  aristocratic  aspirants, 
composed  of  persons  whose  families  formerly  bore  titles  before 
the  republic  superseded  them,  while  the  rest  of  the  council  was 
made  up  of  “ priests,  friars,  and  military  officers  in  the  service 


154 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


of  the  bishops.”  They  anticipated  a titled  aristocracy  as  a suit- 
able setting  for  an  imperial  throne  in  Mexico,  and  this  would 
have  required  territorial  endowments,  a law  of  primogeniture 
and  entail  for  its  due  dignity,  while  the  Church  was  to  “raise 
her  mitered  fronts  in  court  and  Parliament,”  and  Mexico  was 
to  bear  the  financial  burdens  of  those  Old  World  pomps  and 
decorations.  Some  of  the  doings  became  known,  and  liberals, 
even  in  Austria,  made  themselves  merry  over  the  situation  and 
the  ridiculous  aspects  of  the  matter.  Among  these  questions 
were  proposed  : “ What  relation  has  the  young  prince  to  Mexico, 
that  he  should  be  made  emperor  ?”  “ By  what  title  will  he 
reign  over  a oountry  at  the  other  end  of  the  world  ? ” while 
others  offered  the  advice  that  “ Maximilian  should  study  the 
Spanish,  in  order  to  be  able  to  converse  with  his  subjects!” 

John  Lothrop  Motley  was  at  that  time  the  United  States 
embassador  at  the  court  of  Austria,  and  was  personally  ac- 
quainted with  the  archduke  and  his  views.  As  an  American 
he  was  frequently  asked  his  opinion  of  this  curious  affair  in  its 
different  aspects.  We  place  before  the  reader  what  he  says 
upon  the  subject  in  his  correspondence,  as  follows  : 

Vienna,  September  22,  1863. 

In  this  capital  the  great  interest  just  now  is  about  the  new  Mexican 
emperor.  The  Archduke  Maximilian  is  next  brother  to  the  Emperor  of 
Austria,  and  about  thirty  years  of  age.  He  has  been  a kind  of  lord  high 
admiral,  an  office  which,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  imperial  navy, 
may  be  supposed  to  be  not  a very  onerous  one.  He  was  Governor-General 
of  Lombardy  until  that  kingdom  was  ceded  to  Victor  Emmanuel,  and  he  is 
considered  a somewhat  restless  and  ambitious  youth.  ...  It  is,  I believe, 
unquestionable  that  the  archduke  is  most  desirous  to  go  forth  on  this 
adventure.  It  is  equally  certain  that  the  step  is  exceedingly  unpopular  in 
Austria.  That  a prince  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg  should  become  the 
satrap  of  the  Bonaparte  dynasty,  and  should  sit  on  an  American  throne, 
which  could  not  exist  a moment  but  for  French  bayonets  and  French 
ships,  is  most  galling  to  all  classes  of  Austrians.  The  intrigue  is  a most 
embarrassing  one  to  the  government.  If  the  fatal  gift  is  refused,  Louis 
Napoleon,  of  course,  takes  it  highly  in  dudgeon.  If  it  is  accepted,  Aus- 
tria takes  a kind  of  millstone  around  her  neck  in  the  shape  of  gratitude 
for  something  she  didn’t  want,  and  some  day  she  will  be  expected  to  pay 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


155 


for  it  in  something  she  had  rather  not  give.  The  deputation  of  the  so- 
called  “Notables”  is  expected  here  this  week,  and  then  the  conditions 
will  be  laid  down  on  which  Maximilian  will  consent  to  lie  in  the  bed  of 
roses  of  Montezuma  and  Iturbide.  The  matter  is  a very  serious  and 
menacing  one  to  us. 

He  adds,  under  the  same  date,  to  Oliver  W.  Holmes,  and  in 
allusion  to  the  drought  then  prevailing  in  Austria,  the  significant 
words  : 

There  is  no  glory  in  the  grass  nor  verdure  in  any  thing.  In  fact,  we  have 
nothing  green  here  but  the  Archduke  Maximilian,  who  firmly  believes 
that  he  is  going  forth  to  Mexico  to  establish  an  American  empire,  and 
that  it  is  his  divine  mission  to  destroy  the  dragon  of  democracy  and  re- 
establish the  true  Church,  the  right  divine,  and  all  sorts  of  games.  Poor 
young  man ! 

Speaking  of  Maximilian’s  characteristic  and  church  notions, 
Mr.  Motley  adds  what  might  have  been  expected  as  a result 
of  the  training  which  he  received  under  the  bigoted  influence 
of  his  mother,  the  Archduchess  Sophia  : 

Maximilian  adores  bull-fights,  rather  regrets  the  Inquisition,  and  con- 
siders the  Duke  of  Alva  every  thing  noble  and  chivalrous  and  the  most 
abused  of  men.  It  would  do  your  heart  good  to  hear  his  invocation  to  that 
deeply  injured  shade,  and  his  denunciations  of  the  ignorant  and  vulgar 
Protestants  who  have  defamed  him.  . . . You  can  imagine  the  rest.* 

How  completely  Maximilian  was  in  the  hands  of  the  wily 
French  emperor  may  be  seen  in  the  terms  of  the  treaty  which 
he  was  required  to  sign  before  he  left  for  Mexico.  How  any 
man  with  his  eyes  open  could  be  induced  to  bow  his  neck  to 
accept  such  a heavy  load  of  financial  obligations  is  incompre- 
hensible. Not  merely  did  it  include  the  cost  of  the  intervention 
from  first  to  last,  but  also  the  claims  rejected  at  Soledad,  and 
which  could  be  made  to  cover,  surreptitiously,  even  the  Jecker 
bonds.'  Besides  these  it  was  necessary  to  provide  for  his  im- 
perial salary,  the  civil  list,  and  all  the  national  expenses,  military 
and  naval.  Very  adroitly  the  proposed  loan  of  £8,000,000 
sterling  at  ten  per  cent,  interest,  about  to  be  floated,  professedly 
* The  Correspondence  of  J.  L.  Motley , vol.  ii,  p.  138. 


156 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


to  put  Maximilian  in  funds  to  begin  bis  administration,  was  ar- 
ranged so  that  iifty-four  million  francs  were  at  once  to  be  paid 
to  the  French  emperor  on  account,  and  twelve  million  francs 
as  an  installment  of  the  indemnities  due  to  Frenchmen  ! Poor 
Maximilian,  this  treaty  was  to  prove  one  of  the  millstones  that 
was  to  sink  his  empire ! lie  signed  it  because  he  was  misin- 
formed and  deceived  as  to  the  professedly  great  resources  of  the 
land  he  thought  he  was  invited  to  govern  ! 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


157 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Why  Maximilian  failed — Warnings  in  Austrian  history — Francis  Joseph — Papal 
denunciation — Denying  a grave — Juarez  and  Congress — Juarez  and  Lincoln 
— South  American  interest — Netherland  League — Position  of  the  United 
States — Marshal’s  disagreement  with  the  archbishop — Impossible  task — Em- 
pire without  foundation — Abbe  Domenech — Career  for  the  Latin  race — Grant 
— Failure  of  efforts — Nuncio — Pope’s  expostulation — Clericals  in  politics — 
Confidential  letter  of  Carlota — Denial  of  papal  authority. 

Maximilian  bad  bis  personal  warnings  as  to  tbe  serious  risks 
in  which  such  a course  as  he  was  now  entering  upon  might  in- 
volve him.  He  had  seen  this  illustrated  under  his  own  eyes 
during  the  previous  live  years,  and  to  what  risks  and  humilia- 
tion attempts  to  do  the  papal  will  and  ignore  popular  rights  had 
brought  his  brother  the  emperor,  until  at  last,  driven  to  desper- 
ation by  the  pope’s  demands,  Francis  Joseph  had  to  fling  these 
demands  to  the  winds  and  break  with  the  papacy  in  order  to  save 
his  crown  and  kingdom.  lie  thus  made  Austria  constitution- 
ally free,  and  gave  Roman  Catholic  Europe  an  example  which 
she  has  been  swift  to  follow  in  ridding  herself  of  the  burden 
of  political  Romanism.  Many  concordats  were  smashed  when 
it  was  seen  that  Austria,  so  long  subservient,  could  no  longer 
exist  in  the  nineteenth  century  hampered  with  one.  This  had 
recently  occurred  under  Maximilian’s  observation,  and  was  the 
more  emphatic  as  he  was  obliged  to  relinquish  his  viceroyalty 
of  Lombardy  and  yield  up  that  territory  to  Victor  Emmanuel 
for  the  unification  of  Italy,  as  demanded  by  her  people,  who 
scorned  Austria’s  claim  to  rule  longer  any  part  of  their  land. 
This  prince  leaves  all  this  scene  of  rectified  wrong  in  the  inter- 
ests of  a nation’s  liberty,  as  if  he  had  learned  no  lesson  from  it 
to  cross  the  ocean  and  impose  a foreign  sovereignty  on  a free 
nation,  and  all  this  in  order  to  do  the  will  of  a crafty  pope  and 


158 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


his  clergy,  and  through  the  agency  of  an  army  of  foreigners 
sent  by  an  unscrupulous  sovereign. 

The  Austrian  nation  had  long  been  regarded  as  “ the  broad 
shield  of  papacy,”  and  had  been  trusted  accordingly.  In  all 
emergencies  of  the  pontiff  a word  was  sufficient  to  bring  the 
armies  of  Austria  to  his  aid.  Freedom  was  thus  repeatedly 
crushed  and  despotism  sustained.  In  her  pride  and  self-confidence 
she  aspired  to  dominate  Germany,  and  watched  with  jealous  eyes 
the  rising  greatness  of  Prussia.  Meanwhile  she  was  closely 
observed  by  Louis  Napoleon,  who  coveted  her  peculiar  position 
as  patron  of  the  papacy,  and  aspired  to  fill  the  place  of  “ the 
eldest  son  of  the  Church.”  To  gain  this  point  he  was  ready  to 
aid  Victor  Emmanuel  to  drive  Austria  out  of  Italy.  The  hour 
desired  came  in  1859,  and  the  terrible  overthrow  of  Magenta 
and  Solferino  spread  the  gloom  and  despair  of  defeat  through- 
out the  Austrian  empire.  Four  years  previously  Francis 
Joseph  had  completed  with  the  pope  a concordat,  every  item 
of  which  had  been  dictated  by  the  clericals,  and  under  the  pro- 
tection of  which  Austria  considered  herself  safe.  The  pope’s 
allocution,  issued  only  six  weeks  later,  intended  to  strengthen 
the  concordat,  wrought  exactly  the  other  way.  As  a sample 
of  how  the  papacy  can  pour  its  adulation  upon  those  who  stoop 
so  low  as  the  Austrian  emperor  did  to  take  this  yoke  upon  him, 
it  is  very  monitory. 

Thanks  to  the  infinite  bounty  of  God,  and  to  the  piety  of  our  most  dear 
son  in  Jesus  Christ,  Francis  Joseph,  Emperor  and  Apostolic  King  of 
Austria,  what  we  desired  has  come  to  pass — in  this  completed  concordat 
— and  has  been  regularly  and  solemnly  confirmed.  . . . We  offer  up  great 
thanksgivings  to  the  Father  of  mercies  and  God  of  all  consolation,  who 
has  given  a wise  and  enlightened  heart  to  our  most  dear  son  in  Jesus 
Christ,  Francis  Joseph,  Emperor  and  Apostolic  King  of  Austria. 

All  this  gush  of  joy  soon  proved  a delusion,  and  this  “ dear 
son  ” had  a rude  awakening  when,  crushed  on  the  battle-field, 
he  found  no  hand  to  help  him.  Hurrying  back  to  Vienna,  he 
took  counsel  with  the  best  men  of  his  diversified  empire.  They 
advised  him  to  break  with  the  papacy,  to  cast  off  the  concordat, 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


159 


and  to  unify  his  empire  by  granting  civil  and  religious  free- 
dom. Acting  upon  this  advice,  the  emperor  adopted  a consti- 
tutional course  which  saved  Austria.  Under  the  guidance  of 
Count  von  Beust  (a  Protestant  statesman,  called  to  be  premier) 
the  nation  began  to  enjoy  freedom  and  peace.  Nearly  all  that 
Kossuth  and  his  compatriots  had  unsuccessfully  struggled  to 
obtain  more  than  a score  of  years  before  was  conceded,  and  the 
empire  was  at  last  united  in  civil  and  religious  freedom,  guar- 
anteed to  them  by  their  enlightened  sovereign  and  the  excel- 
lent constitution  which  he  had  signed.  While  the  States  aroimd 
were  rejoicing  with  the  Austrians  in  their  freedom  and  the 
peace  that  had  come  with  it,  there  was  one  power  which  surveyed 
the  scene  with  envious  eyes  and  cursed  it,  not  merely  “ in  their 
hearts,”  but  in  the  bitterest  language,  and  that  too,  in  the  name 
of  Almighty  God,  whose  holy  providence  had  led  these  millions 
out  of  such  long-time  tribulation  into  the  happiest  condition 
their  country  had  ever  known.  That  power  was  the  papacy. 

An  allocution  full  of  wrath  was  pronounced  by  the  pope. 
How  outspoken  and  violent  it  was  may  be  judged  by  our  read- 
ers from  an  epitome  of  it  expressed  in  his  own  words.  He 
denounces  them  for  having  not  only  abrogated  the  concordat 
with  him,  but  for  having,  in  place  of  it,  dared  to  pass  “ the  fol- 
lowing odious  and  abominable  laws  : ” 

1.  Laws  establishing  liberty  for  all  opinions,  liberty  of  the  press,  and 
liberty  of  faith  and  worship. 

2.  Laws  granting  to  the  members  of  all  denominations  the  right  of  es- 
tablishing schools  and  colleges. 

3.  Laws  permitting  the  intermarriage,  on  terms  of  religious  equality, 
of  Catholics  and  Protestants. 

4.  Laws  permitting  civil  marriage. 

5.  Laws  permitting  the  burial  of  Protestants  in  Romish  lands  where 
Protestants  have  no  cemeteries  of  their  own  in  which  to  bury. 

6.  Laws  establishing  public  schools  for  secular  education  that  shall  be 
free  from  the  control  of  the  Romish  priesthood. 

The  pope  denounces  the  above  laws  and  declares  them 
“contrary  to  the  doctrines,  rights,  and  authority  of  the 


160 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Catholic  religion;”  and  adds,  “Let  it  be  understood  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  declares  such  laws  as  these,  wherever 
they  may  be  enacted,  to  be  null  and  void.’’’’  * He  closes  his 
lengthy  and  excited  allocution  by  reminding  all  who  had  act,  hand, 
or  part  in  the  framing  or  enactment  of  those  laws  that  they  had 
made  themselves  amenable  to  “ the  censures  and  spiritual  punish- 
ments” which  it  was  in  his  power  to  inflict  upon  them  ! To  this 
un-Christlike  tirade  Baron  von  Beust,  the  premier,  calmly  re- 
plied through  the  embassador  of  Austria  at  Rome,  informing  the 
pope  and  his  curia  that  they  were  not  going  to  be  moved  in  the 
slightest  degree  from  the  beneficent  course  they  had  deliberately 
chosen  for  themselves  as  freemen ; nor  have  they  been  moved 
from  that  day  to  this.  The  people  and  the  press  of  Austria 
have  stood  by  their  government  loyally,  and  the  clergy  have  not 
dared  to  institute  any  resistance  to  the  national  will. 

If  there  be  any  thing  in  a man’s  relation  to  his  fellow-creat- 
ures that  is  most  detestable  in  the  estimation  of  heathen  and 
Mohammedan  people,  it  is  the  very  course  here  pursued  by  the 
pope  of  Rome,  when  he  utters  his  shameful  protest  against  the 
humanity  of  the  Austrians  in  allowing  a dead  Protestant  a 
place  to  rest  in  peace.  Yet  here  is  a man  ready  to  shed  his 
tears  because  the  Austrians  had  that  much  common  humanity 
left.  That  unreasoning  fanatics  of  his  Church  should  now  and 
then  so  far  forget  themselves  as  thus  to  insult  the  dead  of 
other  Christian  denominations  is  a small  offense  compared  to 
this.  Here  is  a man  professing  to  be  the  chief  priest  of  Chris- 
tianity, publicly  taking  this  awful  stand  before  all  the  wrorld,  and 
this,  too,  in  our  tolerant  age,  as  the  avowed  and  settled  policy 
and  principle  of  his  Church  every-where,  that  she  holds  the 
power  to  inflict  this  last  indignity  upon  the  man,  the  woman, 
or  the  babe  that  dies  where  his  religion  has  temporal  sway ! 
We  may  well  thank  Heaven  that  Romanism  controls  only  a 
limited  portion  of  our  race,  and  also  that  of  those  she  yet  con- 
trols there  are  not  five  States  to-day  that  would  do  her  bidding 
on  this  question,  while  even  this  number  is  growing  less. 

* Christian  World , vol.  xix,  pp.  312-314. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


181 


Maximilian  was  going  to  a country  where  such  wicked  in- 
tolerance was  carried  out  not  so  many  years  ago,  while  in 
Europe  it  was  common  enough,  in  papal  lands,  in  the  days  of 
our  fathers.  The  readers  of  Dr.  Young’s  Night  Thoughts 
will  recall  his  terrible  experience  in  Spain.  Dr.  Young,  as  a 
last  hope  for  recovery,  took  his  gifted  daughter  to  try  the  effect 
of  that  climate  upon  the  consumption  that  was  wasting  her 
away.  She  continued  to  fail  and  soon  died.  He  went  out  to 
make  arrangements  for  her  burial  and  was  horrified  to  learn 
from  the  undertaker  that  no  grave  could  be  claimed  for  her, 
she  having  been  a “heretic!”  Dr.  Young  inquired  of  the 
man  what  then  was  he  to  do.  A shrug  of  the  shoulders  was 
the  only  answer.  Money  could  not  bribe  him  to  attempt  it, 
even  privately,  for  fear  of  the  priests ; so  that  Dr.  Young 
returned  to  his  dead  almost  distracted.  The  account  runs 
that  a kind-hearted  gentleman  came  to  advise  with  him,  and 
•they  arranged  to  make  up  the  body  into  the  smallest  parcel 
possible,  and  after  midnight,  when  all  had  retired,  they  bore  the 
precious  burden  between  them,  and,  leaving  the  road,  found  a 
plowed  field,  where  they  dug  such  a grave  as  they  were  able 
and  laid  the  loved  one  to  her  rest.  The  doctor  has  memorial- 
ized the  event  in  his  Night  Thoughts : 

“ While  nature  yearned  blind  superstition  raved, 

That  mourned  the  dead,  and  this  denied  a grave.” 

Surely  here  is  evidence  in  the  pope’s  own  words,  as  well  as 
the  facts  of  history,  justifying  the  sad  conclusion  that  Roman- 
ism is  unchangeable,  that  the  cruelty  she  has  inflicted  upon 
humanity,  living  and  dead,  she  would  repeat  if  she  only  had  the 
power  again  to  exercise  it,  and  that  therefore  she  cannot  be 
trusted. 

Yapoleon’s  increased  army  now  advanced  to  open  the  way 
for  the  Austrian  archduke,  and  the  Mexican  president  and  Con- 
gress, unable  to  offer  an  adequate  resistance,  were  compelled  to 
retire  from  Mexico  city.  The  Congress  dispersed,  but  before 
doing  so  they  invested  the  president  with  what  is  called  in 
12 


162 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Mexico  “ ample  faculties,”  giving  him  their  unlimited  confi- 
dence, and  the  use  of  all  the  available  resources  of  the  nation 
in  the  great  task  of  carrying  on  the  conflict  for  the  freedom  of 
Mexico.  Thirty  days  after  the  return  of  peace  the  Congress 
was  to  convene  and  receive  the  report  of  the  use  made  of 
this  power.  How  wonderful  the  scene  when  the  legislature 
transferred  its  authority  to  the  discretion  of  this  incorruptible 
patriot ! The  sublime  faith  and  devotion  to  the  cause  embodied 
in  the  Constitution  which  he  drew  up  in  1857  displayed  by  this 
distinguished  man  is  a most  remarkable  fact  in  the  history  of 
freedom.  With  the  army  of  a foreign  despot  threatening  his 
capital  and  his  navy  bombarding  the  coast  cities  to  force  a for- 
eign monarch  on  the  nation  ; with  domestic  treason,  led  by  men 
called  ministers  of  the  Most  High  ; with  forces  scattered,  few 
in  number  and  deficient  in  resources ; with  foes  to  misrepresent 
the  truth  in  other  lands  and  with  none  to  help,  yet  this  good 
Republican  president  faints  not.  There  is  only  one  man  with 
whom  to  compare  him — Lincoln ; and  they  are  worthy  to  be 
associated  in  honor  together. 

The  address  of  Bishop  Simpson,  able,  affectionate,  and  excellent  as  it 
was,  at  the  funeral  of  our  martyred  president,  contained  nothing  more  not- 
able than  the  quotation  that  the  orator  made  from  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln’s 
speeches,  uttered  in  1859  (four  years  before  these  events  in  Mexico),  in 
which,  speaking  of  the  slave  power,  he  said  : “ Broken  by  it,  I,  too,  may 
be;  bow  to  it,  I never  will.  The  probability  that  we  may  fail  in  the  strug- 
gle ought  not  to  deter  us  from  the  support  of  a cause  which  I deem  to  he 
just,  and  it  shall  not  deter  me.  If  ever  I feel  the  soul  within  me  elevate 
and  expand  to  those  dimensions  not  wholly  unworthy  of  its  Almighty 
architect,  it  is  when  I contemplate  the  cause  of  my  country,  deserted  by  all 
the  world  besides,  and  I,  standing  up  boldly  and  alone,  and  hurling  de- 
fiance at  her  victorious  oppressors.  Here,  without  contemplating  conse- 
quences, before  high  Heaven  and  in  the  face  of  the  world,  I swear 
eternal  fidelity  to  the  just  cause,  as  I deem  it,  of  the  land  of  my  life,  my 
liberty,  and  my  love.”  No  inspiration  finer  than  this  breathes  in  any  of 
Mr.  Lincoln’s  utterances.  It  almost  seems  as  if  an  intimation  of  his  life 
and  death  were  given  to  him  at  the  moment,  as  if  a glimpse  into  his  own 
and  his  country’s  future  had  been  vouchsafed  to  his  excited  vision.* 

* Holland’s  Life  of  Lincoln , p.  534. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


163 


Every  word  here  could  have  been  adopted  by  Juarez  as  his 
own  in  his  struggle  with  clerical  despotism.  How  wonderful 
the  providence  that  raised  up  two  such  men,  living  and  acting 
side  by  side,  taking  the  same  risks  for  the  same  cause,  enduring 
this  during  the  same  eventful  decade,  I860  to  1870,  thinking  not 
of  themselves,  but  of  that  “ vision  of  their  country’s  future,”  by 
that  God-given  glimpse  vouchsafed  to  each  of  them,  now  so 
fully  realized  by  their  grateful  countrymen  and  by  those  who 
love  liberty  in  every  land  ! 

Juarez  and  his  cabinet  sought  safety  in  the  Northern  States 
of  the  republic  while  they  were  developing  the  resources  of 
their  country  and  preparing  their  plan  of  resistance  in  the  hope 
of  ultimate  victory  over  all  this  wrong.  The  States  of  Cen- 
tral and  South  America  took  the  alarm  to  heart  very  seriously. 
They  hastened  to  communicate  with  the  Mexican  president,  to 
assure  him  of  their  detestation  of  Louis  Napoleon’s  treason  to 
freedom,  and  that  they  held  the  cause  of  Mexico  as  their  cause, 
and  it  should  have  their  abundant  sympathy,  while  they  would 
forever  honor  the  man  who  so  worthily  bore  the  banner  of  con- 
stitutional freedom  for  the  New  World,  as  he  was  doing.  We 
have  not  room  for  their  utterances  which  came  to  cheer  Juarez 
in  that  anxious  hour,  and  can  only  briefly  refer  to  them.  The 
president  of  Peru,  in  his  address  to  the  Congress  at  Lima,  closed 
with  these  stirring  words  : 

No;  the  republics  of  the  New  World,  from  Hudson’s  Bay  to  Tierra  del 
Fuego,  are  and  will  be  free,  independent,  and  sovereign;  because  such  is 
their  will — it  accords  with  their  democratic  instincts  and  most  profound 
convictions ; and  because  in  America  monarchy  is  an  impossibility.  Mexico 
responds  with  her  friendship  and  sympathy  to  that  which  Peru  displays 
and  demonstrates  for  her. 

The  Argentine  Kepublic,  Chili,  Bolivia,  Nicaragua,  the 
United  States  of  Colombia,  and  others  followed,  adding  their 
protest  against  the  French  invasion.  Under  all  the  circumstances 
they  regarded  our  own  United  States  as  within  the  circle  of  dan- 
ger should  Mexico  fall  before  the  remorseless  power  which  had 


164 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


already  its  grip  upon  her  life,  and  which  led  the  venerable 
Masquera,  then  President  of  New  Granada,  to  say  to  his  own 
Congress,  “ If  the  United  States  fails  we  all  go  under.”  Well 
he  might  say  so,  in  view  of  the  fact  (among  many  other  things 
then  taking  form)  that  when  Peru  proposed  that  “ league 
for  mutual  protection,”  and  it  was  being  discussed,  it  was  credi- 
bly reported  that  the  minister  of  Napoleon  at  Bogota  remarked 
to  the  minister  of  Ecuador  that  “ France  would  not  allow  such 
a league  to  be  formed  ! ” * So  the  pressure  first  was  to  fall  on 
Mexico,  but  the  others  correctly  understood  that  that  was  but 
the  entering  wedge  to  more  destructive  results,  and  that  thus 
Mexico  was  not  merely  struggling  for  the  rights  and  freedom 
“ which  affect  all  America,”  as  the  address  of  the  United  States 
of  Colombia  declared,  but  on  a broader  and  higher  scale  even 
than  this,  as  Abbott  remarks,  like  Washington  and  the  found- 
ers of  our  republic  “ she  was  struggling  not  for  herself  and 
America  alone,  but  was  in  a sense  fighting  Freedom’s  Battle 
for  all  mankind  and  for  posterity.” 

The  eyes  of  the  world  were  already  drawn  toward  Mexico, 
and  true  lovers  of  constitutional  liberty  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic  were  yielding  their  sympathy  and  prayers  for  her  suc- 
cess in  the  unequal  conflict.  In  a document  drawn  up  by  the 
“ Netherlands  League,”  a Democratic  association  at  the  very 
home  of  Carlota,  were  the  following  expressions,  sent  to  Presi- 
dent Juarez  by  Senor  Romero: 

We  ail  dress  you  as  the  only  legal  representative  of  the  Mexican  nations,  to 
congratulate  you  on  your  persevering  resistance  against  a foreign  usurper, 
who  is  trying  to  rob  the  Mexicans  of  their  liberty  and  independence. 
. . . The  sixteen  hundred  young  men  who  left  Belgium  for  Mexico  were 
made  to  believe  that  they  were  going  solely  to  serve  as  a guard  to  the  so- 
called  Empress  of  Mexico,  daughter  of  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  and  these 
men,  thus  deceived,  continued  to  enlist  without  reflecting  that  they  were 
going  to  uphold  principles  of  tyranny  and  oppression.  The  people  of 
Belgium  are  lovers  of  liberty,  and  the  independence  they  want  for  them- 
selves they  desire  for  other  nations. 


* Christian  World,  vol.  xvi,  1865,  p.  136. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


165 


The  hour  had  now  come  for  the  United  States  to  take  their 
position  so  as  to  justify  their  future  course,  whatever  that  might 
be.  Mr.  Seward  wrote  on  the  7th  of  April,  1864,  to  our  minis- 
ter at  Paris,  for  the  information  of  the  French  government : 

A resolution  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a unanimous  vote, 
which  declares  the  opposition  of  that  body  to  a recognition  of  a monarchy 
in  Mexico.  He  adds  in  his  lettertothe  minister  these  decisive  words : “ I 
remain  now  firm  as  heretofore  in  the  opinion  that  the  destinies  of  the 
American  continent  are  not  to  be  permanently  controlled  by  any  political 
arrangement  that  can  be  made  in  the  capitals  of  Europe.” 

At  the  same  time,  in  response  to  a dispatch  in  which  Napo- 
leon assumed  great  frankness,  while  really  concealing  his  pur- 
pose toward  Mexico,  Mr.  Seward  stated  our  position  : 

While  I appreciate  the  frankness  and  the  good-will  which  the  emperor’s 
government  manifests  in  thus  communicating  its  views  and  purposes  on 
the  subject,  it  nevertheless  remains  my  duty  to  say  that  this  government 
has  long  recognized  and  does  continue  to  recognize  the  constitutional 
government  of  the  United  States  of  Mexico  as  the  sovereign  authority  in 
that  country,  and  the  president,  Benito  Juarez,  as  its  cliief.  This  govern- 
ment at  the  same  time  recognizes  the  condition  of  war  existing  in  Mexico 
between  that  country  and  France.  We  maintain  absolute  neutrality  be- 
tween the  belligerents.* 

I 

Our  present  duty  was  done  when  President  Lincoln  laid  before 
Congress,  a few  days  after,  the  views  of  the  administration  in 
regard  to  Mexico,  expressed  with  his  usual  candor.  Napoleon 
might  dissemble  as  he  chose,  but  henceforth  he  knew  what  to 
expect  from  the  United  States  in  regard  to  Mexico. 

As  President  Juarez  passed  out  of  the  northern  end  of  the 
valley  of  Anahuac  the  vanguard  of  the  French  despot  entered 
at  the  southern,  coming  to  dictate  in  the  New  World  what  style 
of  government  he  would  allow  here,  and  what  measure  of  civil 
arid  religious  liberty  we  must  give  up,  and  what  we  might 
retain,  conformably  to  papal  dictation  ! 

The  president  fixed  his  government  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  Chi- 
huahua, and  El  Paso  alternately.  So  well  was  he  served  by  his 
faithful  people  that,  though  the  clerical  faction  would  have 


166 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


given  “ large  money  ” to  any  one  who  would  have  betrayed  him 
into  their  hands  (and  they  would  probably  have  given  him  but 
a short  shrift),  yet  he  was  preserved  from  all  plots,  to  carry  on 
his  great  work,  until  his  cause  was  triumphant  in  Mexico. 

After  his  departure  from  the  capital,  and  until  the  Austrian 
archduke  should  arrive,  an  interregnum  government  was  arranged 
by  a regency  of  three  persons,  of  whom  Archbishop  Labastida 
was  one.  This  domineering  prelate  was  in  his  element,  and 
soon  tried  to  introduce  reactionary  and  repressive  measures.  lie 
could  not  wait  till  the  prince  arrived  and  had  the  opportunity 
to  approve  what  was  now  done  in  his  name.  The  insolent  course 
of  this  ecclesiastic  soon  brought  him  into  conflict  with  Marshal 
Neigre,  who  commanded  the  French  forces.  The  archbishop 
was  not  disposed  to  relax  one  iota  of  the  Church’s  claims  on 
the  confiscated  property,  but  demanded  that  the  sales  should  be 
declared  “ null  and  void,”  though  they  had  been  effected  legally 
under  the  preceding  regimen  ; but  he  cared  nothing  for  the  laws 
of  the  Congress,  and  considered  a simple  decree  of  the  regency 
sufficient  to  restore  all  the  properties,  no  matter  whose  interests 
were  violated.  The  marshal  expostulated,  and  reminded  the 
prelate  that  such  action  did  not  become  him  who  had  so  lately 
been  sheltered  at  the  French  court  and  had  been  brought  back 
under  the  protection  of  the  French  flag.  Fie  considered  the 
archbishop’s  course  so  compromising  and  premature  that  lie 
raised  the  question  whether  an  appeal  to  the  pope  “against  this 
retrograde  spirit  of  the  higher  Mexican  clergy  would  not  be 
successful  and  the  archbishop  suppressed.” 

The  heavier  storm,  however,  came  when  the  marshal  requested 
the  archbishop  to  indicate  which  of  the  unused  churches  at  the 
capital  might  be  taken  as  a place  of  worship  for  such  of  his 
soldiers  as  were  Protestants.  His  own  government  made  such 
provision,  and  furnished  chaplains  for  them,  and  they  expected 
the  same  privilege  in  Mexico.  The  wrath  of  the  archbishop 
was  extreme  when  the  marshal  preferred  his  reasonable  request, 
without  dreaming  of  being  refused.  What  followed  we  will 
state  in  the  language  of  Chevalier,  a French  writer,  who,  though 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


167 


a Romanist,  seems  to  have  been  as  mncli  surprised  at  the  prel- 
ate’s violence  and  intolerance  as  was  the  marshal : 

The  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  forgetting  not  only  what  he  owed  to  Fi  ance, 
but  also  the  services  that  the  French  Intervention  was  rendering  to  Mex- 
ico and  to  Catholicism,  was  eager  to  create  a sensation.  He  resigned  his 
functions  as  a member  of  the  provisional  government,  he  issued  a protest, 
and  a little  later  he  distributed  papers  among  the  faithful,  in  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  terms  of  a letter  addressed  to  this  high  church  dignitary  by  Gen- 
eral Neigre,  “ appeal  was  made  to  the  most  detestable  passions  against  the 
army  of  bis  majesty  the  emperor.”  The  circumstances  of  the  case  were 
such  that  the  general  thought  it  his  duty  to  address  these  severe  words  to 
the  archbishop.  . . . “ Tell  that  party,  monseigneur,  that  we  are  watching 
them  and  are  aware  of  their  plots.  Tell  them  that  though  it  is  always  re- 
pugnant to  us  to  employ  violent  measures  of  repression  we  shall  yet,  should 
circumstances  make  the  painful  duty  incumbent,  know  how  to  thrust  back 
the  real  enemies  of  Mexico  into  the  obscurity  from  which  they  dare  to 
issue  their  diatribes.”* 

Alas ! General  Neigre  forgot  he  was  not  in  enlightened  Europe, 
but  in  Mexico,  so  long  oppressed,  and  that  this  wicked  prelate 
was  trying  to  drag  the  nation  back  into  the  darkness  from  which 
she  had  so  lately  emerged,  and  that  in  doing  this  he  was  obey- 
ing the  will  of  the  pontiff,  to  whom  they  dreamed  of  appealing 
against  his  acts.  What  a lesson  unfolds  itself  in  this  interfer- 
ence of  the  marshal  and  its  results  as  to  the  burden  which  had 
so  long  oppressed  Mexico  ! 

All  things  being  now  ready,  Maximilian  went  to  Rome  to  re- 
ceive the  papal  benediction.  Pius  IX.  was  flattered  by  this  act. 
It  recalled  the  customs  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  the  most  was 
made  of  the  example  ; but  it  has  had  no  imitators,  and  how  much 
good  the  pontifical  benediction  did  this  “ crowned  adventurer,” 
as  some  one  then  called  him,  we  shall  see.  Maximilian  received 
the  full  assurance  of  “perpetuity  to  his  dynasty,”  and  the 
“blessing  of  Heaven  upon  his  enterprise”  from  the  pontiff,  who 
claimed  that,  as  God’s  vicegerent,  he  was  the  only  authority  on 
earth  which  could  originate  a new  dynasty  by  “ divine  right  ” 
and  transmit  to  it  Heaven’s  indorsement.  The  entire  clerical 

* Mexico.  Ancient  and  Modern,  by  M.  Chevalier,  1864,  p.  10. 


168 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


party  seconded  this  assurance.  How  grim  this  appears  now,  and 
what  a fearful  mistake  this  “ infallible  ” man  made  in  regard  to 
this  new  Catholic  empire  and  its  perpetuity  ! Pius  IX.  did  a 
large  amount  of  blessing  and  cursing  in  his  time.  Some  curious 
lists  were  made  up  to  illustrate  how  often  and  how  completely 
Providence  reversed  his  benedictions  and  his  anathemas  until 
men  became  so  indifferent  that  they  neither  desired  the  one  nor 
feared  the  other,  and  especially  after  the  overwhelming  disaster 
that  followed  his  benediction  upon  Maximilian  and  his  empire! 
Of  God  alone,  as  the  omniscient  Judge  of  men,  can  the  words  of 
the  heathen  king  of  Moab  to  Balaam  be  true : “ I know  that 
he  whom  thou  blessest  is  blessed,  and  he  whom  thou  cursest  is 
cursed.”  The  exercise  of  these  prerogatives  God  has  never  con- 
ferred on  mortal  man,  not  even  on  this  one  who  set  up  his  claim 
to  be  “ supreme  judge  of  Christendom  ! ” 

Even  though  thus  fortified  there  is  evidence  that  Maximilian 
was  not  quite  assured  that  his  empire  would  be  altogether  safe. 
Before  leaving  Miramar  he  exacted  a guarantee  from  Louis  Na- 
poleon,  pledging  the  power  of  France  to  “ keep  the  new  throne 
secure.”  What  power  on  this  continent  could  Maximilian  be  anx- 
ious about  save  the  United  States?  Already  Napoleon’s  minister, 
M.  Billant,  had  begun  in  the  French  Parliament  to  dilate  on  the 
benefits  which  his  master’s  policy  was  to  confer  upon  this  hem- 
isphere. lie  intimated  that  when  the  emperor  had  succeeded  in 
giving  “a  good  government”  to  Mexico  he  might  then  extend 
his  benevolence  “ over  the  other  disorderly  republics  of  the  New 
World.”  And  it  was  noted  that  M.  Billant  in  this  connection 
made  no  exception  of  the  United  States.*  Senor  Romero,  the 
Mexican  embassador,  had  full  evidence  in  his  possession  for  his 
belief  that  Napoleon  had  unfriendly  intentions  against  our 
country.  This  he  placed  before  Mr.  Seward  and  President  Lin- 
coln. When  our  hands  were  tied  on  account  of  our  civil  war 
Napoleon  hastened  the  Intervention  in  Mexico,  and  undoubtedly 
stood  prepared  to  utilize  his  chances,  whatever  they  might  be, 
to  our  disadvantage. 

* . Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States,  1863,  pp.  63,  310,  444 


MAXIMILIAN,  ARCHDUKE  OF  AUSTRIA, 

For  three  years,  by  usurpation,  “ Eni[)eror  ” of  Mexico. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


169 


The  church  party  made  great  preparations  to  receive  Maxi- 
milian and  Carlota  at  Yera  Cruz,  and  on  the  12th  of  June, 
1861,  they  made  their  formal  entry  into  the  city  of  Mexico, 
and  were  escorted  with  great  pomp  to  the  cathedral,  where  they 
were  enthroned.  The  great  building  was  decorated,  and  under 
the  direction  of  Archbishop  Labastida  all  that  was  possible 
was  done  to  show  popular  jubilation.  Mr.  Flint  gives  a very 
full  account  of  what  was  said  and  done,  and  evidently  leaves 
nothing  out  in  his  zeal  to  mark  their  welcome  to  the  capital 
and  to  create  the  impression  that  Maximilian  was  received  in  a 
great  blaze  of  popularity.  How  much  of  this  was  spontaneous 
and  outside  of  clerical  manipulation  this  partisan  does  not  state, 
but  the  further  part  of  this  narrative  will  show. 

We  here  present  this  now  imperial  couple  to  our  readers. 
The  pictures  are  from  photographs  taken  at  Trieste,  when  on 
their  way  to  sail  for  Mexico. 

The  prince,  or  emperor,  as  we  must  now  begin  to  call  him, 
came  well  equipped  to  set  up  a gorgeous  court  before  the  Mex- 
icans. Among  other  costly  articles  he  had  brought  a gaudy 
state  carriage,  so  rich  with  gold  trimmings,  plate-glass,  and  other 
trappings,  after  the  old  French  style,  that  it  was  a load  for  four 
horses  to  draw,  and  is  reported  to  have  cost  $47,000.  Tourists 
go  to  see  this  curiosity,  and  also  rooms  full,  until  lately,  of  fur- 
niture and  other  luxurious  articles,  all  bearing  the  imperial 
monogram.  Few  of  them  came  into  use  and  some  were  never 
unpacked ! Sad  reminders  of  vanities  and  glories  provided  at 
an  immense  cost ! Colonel  Evans  gives  five  pages  to  an  enumer- 
ation of  these  frivolities  with  which  the  poor  emperor  provided 
himself,  which  those  curious  in  such  matters  can  consult.  What 
intensifies  the  foolishness  of  the  prince  who  was  thus  led  to 
emulate  the  court  spendors  of  Napoleon  III.  was  the  fact  that 
they  were  provided  with  borrowed  money,  much  of  which  was 
never  paid,  and  never  will  be  ! Maximilian  himself  was  com- 
paratively poor,  and  had  only  a small  patrimony.  These  thou- 
sands thus  vaingloriously  squandered  in  advance  could  have 
been  taken  only  from  that  ill-starred  Mexican  Loan  in  Europe 


170 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


into  which  Napoleon  had  led  him.  Thus  Maximilian  lands  in 
the  country  which  he  invades  at  the  head  of  a foreign  army, 
and,  before  he  can  realize  a dollar  from  taxation  or  from  her 
customs,  fastens  round  her  neck  bonds  which  demand  millions 
for  their  discharge,  but  for  not  one  cent  of  which  could  the 
poor  suffering  nation  be  fairly  and  honestly  held  accountable  in 
any  court  on  earth.  Nor  is  this  all,  nor  even  the  worst  of  the 
financial  wretchedness  he  brings  to  load  her  down  in  helpless- 
ness and  long  years  of  future  misery.  How  is  his  costly  court 
and  administration  and  this  reckless  war  he  wages  to  be  sus- 
tained by  her  ? 

This  question  was  thoroughly  examined  by  a competent 
Mexican  statist,  Senor  Francisco  Zarco,  of  Saltillo.  The  entire 
paper  lies  before  us,  but  we  have  only  room  for  his  exhibit  for 
the  yearly  demand  and  his  conclusion  upon  it.  After  showing 
that  the  new  empire  had  to  begin  its  life  with  a debt  of  its  own 
of  $26,580,000  he  comes  to  the  question  of  the  annual  expense 
sanctioned  (including  interest  on  the  $10,000,000  of  the  loan 
taken  in  Paris,  Brussels,  Hamburg,  and  Amsterdam),  and  de- 
velops the  following  table  as  the  result  to  be  met  when  the  first 


year  ends : 

International  obligations $12,781,000 

Interest  on  the  home  debt 1,200,000 

The  emperor’s  salary 1,500,000 

Appropriation  for  the  empress 100,000 

Expenses  of  the  imperial  household 100,000 

Worship  and  clergy,  at  least 5,000,000 

The  army,  40,000  men,  same  pay  as  French 8,000,000 

Civil  list,  pensions,  rewards,  annuities,  and  secret 

service  fund 8,000,000 


A total  annual  expense  of $36,081,000 


While  Maximilian  is  perfecting  this  prodigious  invention  the  empire 
would  have  to  suffer  a deficit  of  $20,081,000  in  the  second  year  of  its  estab- 
lishment, as  the  revenue  could  not  be  more  then  than  $16,000,000  annu- 
ally, considering  the  state  of  war  and  other  serious  obstacles.  How  was 
this  deficiency,  threatening  to  increase,  too,  from  year  to  year,  to  be  sup- 
plied? That  is  the  question.  It  is  the  death  of  the  empire  in  its  cradle1 


CARLOTA,  ARCHDUCHESS  OF  AUSTRIA, 

and  '‘Empress”  of  Mexico. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


171 


Senor  Zarco  pauses  here  to  realize  how  Prince  Maximilian, 
with  his  eyes  open,  could  have  been  led  into  such  a hopeless 
and  helpless  enterprise  as  this ; and  then,  recalling  the  archduke’s 
amazing  confidence  in  the  pope’s  blessings  and  in  Napoleon’s 
deceptive  assurance  that  he  “ was  going  to  seat  him  on  piles  of 
gold  and  silver  instead  of  on  a throne,”  Zarco  laconically  winds 
up  his  review  of  the  doubtful  situation  with  this  remark  : 

The  pope’s  precious  blessings  may  do  well  for  eternal  life,  or  help  to 
make  a passage  through  purgatory  shorter,  but  nobody  ever  made  a pot- 
pie  out  of  them.  . . . Sad  will  be  the  archduke’s  waking,  when  his  frolic 
is  over,  and,  looking  for  the  promised  “piles  of  gold  and  silver,”  sees 
only  his  poor  wife’s  dressing-table.* 

In  confirmation  of  the  accuracy  of  Senor  Zarco’s  estimate  it 
is  well  to  note  that  the  same  ground  was  gone  over  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  by  Mr.  Middleton,  secretary  of  the  British  Lega- 
tion in  Mexico,  fully  sustaining  what  Senor  Zarco  had  antici- 
pated.f  No  wonder  that  Louis  Napoleon’s  minister  of  finance 
declined  to  make  France  responsible  for  so  much,  or  that  Francis 
Joseph  refused  to  have  part  in  such  transactions,  or  that  so 
early  there  arose  the  talk  of  “ taking  material  guarantees,”  or 
even  the  proposals  for  “ the  sale  of  the  border  States  of  the 
empire,  with  the  Juarists  thrown  in  as  chattels.”  Who  could  be 
the  purchasers?  The  United  States  did  not  desire  an  extension 
of  territory ; the  Confederate  States  could  not  afford  such 
luxuries,  and  France  was  not  in  condition  to  claim  Sonora  or 
Tehuantepec,  much  as  she  desired  them,  in  satisfaction  of  the 
Miramar  contract ! 

Sad  and  distracting  as  all  this  was  there  lay  before  the  unfort- 
unate emperor  a more  difficult  duty  to  his  employers,  through 
which  he  was  expected  to  go  without  shrinking  so  as  to  carry  it 
to  its  full  consummation.  The  clericals  had  laid  out  the  work, 
and  the  pope  had  accepted  the  arrangement.  Maximilian  had 
no  alternative,  nor  was  he  to  be  allowed  any  modification  of 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States , 1864,  p.  578.  La  Accion,  June 
18,  1864. 

f Papers  Relating  to  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States,  1866,  part  ii. 


172 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


its  execution.  Those  whose  work  he  was  to  do  laughed  at  his 
modern  notions  of  a “ limited  monarchy  ” and  “ constitutional 
sovereignty.”  “ The  allocution  of  the  holy  father  ” against 
Mexico  (already  presented  to  our  readers)  was  placed  before 
him  as  his  guide.  It  bitterly  condemns  the  laws  passed 
under  the  famous  Constitution  drafted  by  Juarez,  and  declares 
all  the  acts  done  under  it  to  be  “ condemned,  disallowed,  and 
absolutely  null  and  void,  and  of  no  effect ! ” The  people,  the 
Congress,  and  the  government  are  sternly  required  to  bow  down 
before  the  demands  of  the  pope  and  to  surrender  all  that  the}7 
had  won,  under  the  threat  of  “ the  penalties  and  censures  of  the 
holy  sec.”  Maximilian  was  to  build  up  by  its  terms  a model 
Romish  State  for  this  continent ! At  first  lie  tried  to  conciliate 
the  hierarchy,  choosing  the  members  of  his  cabinet  from  among 
the  Conservatives,  and  endeavored  to  subjugate  the  national 
affairs  to  the  papal  will. 

Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  broader  facts  of  the 
Intervention  now  so  fully  launched  in  Mexico.  It  had  more 
than  armies  in  the  field  and  navies  on  the  ocean  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  its  purposes.  It  had  its  trained  writers  and 
pamphleteers,  for  the  manufacturing  of  public  opinion,  sta- 
tioned in  Hew  York  and  in  the  leading  cities  of  Europe.  All 
that  related  to  the  Intervention  was  put  in  the  most  flattering 
aspects,  and  the  republic  was  misrepresented  in  a detestable 
manner,  calculated  to  bring  down  the  curse  of  “ the  God  of 
truth  ” upon  those  who  sought  their  objects  by  such  means. 
The  man  who  occupied  a prominent  position  among  the  calum- 
niators of  the  republic,  and  the  special  eulogist  of  the  empire, 
has  already  been  introduced  to  our  readers.  The  Abbe  Em- 
manuel Domenech  bore  the  title  of  “ Senior  Director  of  the 
Press  of  the  Cabinet  of  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  Maximilian,” 
and  was  so  appointed  by  Hapoleon  for  very  special  service.  He 
thus  occupied  a position  between  two  thrones,  was  informed 
concerning  all  that  passed,  and  had  immense  influence  in  mold- 
ing public  opinion  in  Europe  in  regard  to  the  Mexican  question. 
His  whole  heart  was  given  to  the  work  of  representing  unfa- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


173 


vorably  the  character  of  the  Mexican  Liberals  and  to  building 
up  on  this  continent  the  European  system  of  government,  with 
its  civil  and  religious  despotism.  In  his  volume,  Mexico  As 
It  Is,  he  distinctly  avows  that  the  object  of  Napoleon  in  the 
Intervention  was  to  checkmate  the  United  States.  Our  trans- 
formation was  to  be  accomplished  by  overthrowing  the  Monroe 
doctrine,  and  by  “giving  to  the  Latin  race  a career  on  this 
continent.”  That  career  was  to  change  the  republics  of  Central 
and  South  America  into  monarchies,  and  thus  open  the  way  to 
monarchize  us.  We  will  quote  his  words: 

If  monarchy  should  be  successfully  introduced  into  the  Spanish  repub- 
lics, in  ten  years  the  United  States  would  themselves  declare  a dictator- 
ship, which  is  a kind  of  republican  monarchy  adopted  by  degenerate  or 
too  revolutionary  republics.  (P.  226.) 

lie  next  asserts  that  the  settled  policy  of  the  United  States 
was  to  appropriate  Mexico  as  their  own,  and  then  the  rest  of 
the  continent.  lie  adds: 

In  starting  with  the  principle,  which  is  now  a fact,  that  the  American 
continent  is  the  common  property  of  the  human  race,  and  not  of  the  shat- 
tered union  of  a single  race,  without  title  or  right,  at  least  to  Spanish 
America  and  the  Latin  race,  mother  of  all  civilization,  it  evidently  follows 
that  the  principle  of  the  protection  of  Europe,  at  least  in  the  seventeen 
republican  States  of  South  America,  belongs  to  us  (the  French)  and  to  all 
the  powers  of  the  Old  World.  We  must  protect  the  Latin  race,  and  in 
order  to  protect  it  we  must  first  take  possession  of  the  point  menaced  by 
the  United  States.  (P.  230.) 

This  is  the  policy  indicated  by  Napoleon's  words  on  another 
occasion,  when  he  said,  “My  object  is  to  assure  the  preponder- 
ance of  France  over  the  Latin  races,  and  to  augment  the  influence 
of  those  races  in  America.”  * Domenech  then  adds  : 

It  would  have  been  good  policy  to  have  recognized  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy, in  order  to  make  the  work  of  intervention  more  speedy.  (P.  240.) 

While  several  times  too  he  declares  : 

The  Intervention  was  a grand  and  glorious  undertaking,  which  prom- 
ised to  be  for  France  the  crowning  glory  of  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III.,  and 
* Mackenzie,  p.  53. 


174 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


for  Europe  and  the  world  the  grandest  enterprise  of  the  nineteenth  cent- 
ury. (P.  223.) 

These  assertions  were  written  after  the  utter  failure  of  the  In- 
tervention, when  the  French  had  left  Mexico,  and  this  “Senior 
Director  of  the  Press  of  the  Cabinet  of  his  Majesty  the  Em- 
peror of  Mexico  ” was  trying  to  account  for  the  overthrow  of  all 
these  grand  plans  of  his  master,  and  felt  so  exasperated  against 
Mr.  Seward’s  diplomacy  and  the  moral  support  which  the 
United  States  had  given  to  Mexico  in  her  struggle.  He  knew 
far  more  than  he  chooses  to  tell  us ; but  as  he  sits  there,  so  disap- 
pointed and  so  disconsolate,  with  the  ruins  of  their  “empire” 
around  him,  the  Confederacy  collapsed  and  the  United  States 
right  before  him  now  more  powerful  and  glorious  than  ever, 
we  can  well  enough  understand  what  he  means  when  he  writes 
this  closing  paragraph  and  says  : 

Behind  the  Mexican  expedition  there  was  more  than  an  empire  to  found, 
a nation  to  save,  markets  to  create,  thousands  of  millions  to  develop; 
there  was  a world  tributary  to  France,  happy  to  submit  to  our  sympa- 
thetic influence,  to  receive  their  supplies  from  us,  and  to  ascribe  to  us 
their  resurrection  to  the  political  and  social  life  of  civilized  people. 
(P.  242.) 

Yes,  indeed,  behind  the  Mexican  expedition  there  was  more 
to  be  accomplished  than  he  here  enumerates.  He  does  not 
state  what  or  how  much  more,  but  it  is  no  longer  difficult  to 
surmise  the  rest,  after  these  admissions  of  this  deeply  disap- 
pointed priest  and  the  side  lights  that  we  now  have  from  so 
many  other  quarters.  The  wicked  conspiracy  stands  clearly 
revealed. 

How  blind  to  the  teachings  of  history  must  have  been  this 
man  ! The  Latin  and  the  Teutonic  races  had  been  struggling 
for  supremacy  for  generations  on  the  European  continent,  and 
such  battle-fields  as  Sadowa  and  Gravelotte  had  given  the 
ascendency  to  Teuton  civilization,  and  that  of  Sedan  soon  after 
consummated  the  great  change.  Three  hundred  years  ago  the 
Latin  race  held  the  wealth  of  the  world  in  its  possession,  with 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


175 


all  that  that  wealth  could  command,  and  the  fairest  and  most 
fruitful  realms  of  earth  as  its  own,  to  show  what  it  could  do 
for  humanity.  Refusing  the  blessings  conferred  by  the  Refor- 
mation and  the  open  Bible,  it  bowed  to  papal  despotism,  and 
now  the  result  shows  Italy,  Spain,  Mexico,  and  South  America 
far  behind  Protestant  nations  in  enterprise,  intelligence,  indus- 
try, and  virtue ! 

Yet  this  enemy  of  constitutional  freedom  was  vain  enough 
to  imagine  that  he  could  dazzle  the  world  by  holding  up  the 
ignis fatuus  of  “ Latin  civilization  ” as  something  to  be  preferred 
to  Protestant  and  Christian  freedom  at  the  close  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Ilis  folly  provoked  extensive  examinations  into 
national  statistics  covering  such  cpiestions  as  those  of  illiteracy, 
crime,  legitimacy,  and  prosperity,  which  were  tabulated  and 
published,  presenting  comparisons  as  to  the  respective  results  of 
the  two  systems  of  civilization.  These  various  exhibits  lie  be- 
fore us,  but  leaving  those  which  present  the  sad  results  of  Latin 
civilization  in  regard  to  all  the  other  points,  we  take  up  the 
one  that  deals  with  illiteracy  and  present  it  for  the  consideration 
of  our  readers.  Eight  countries  of  each  civilization,  aggregat- 
ing each  other  closely  in  population,  etc.,  are  here  compared.* 
What  a lesson  do  these  tables  teach  ! 


ILLITERACY  OF  LATIN  AND  TEUTONIC  POPULATIONS. 


ROMAN  CATHOLIC 
COUNTRIES. 
LATIN. 

Population. 

Per  cent,  of 
Catholics. 

Per  cent,  of 
Illiteracy. 

Venezuela 

2,075,245 

90.0 

90.00 

Austria-Hungary. . 

39,224,511 

67.6 

32.00 

France 

38,218,903 

73.5 

25.00 

Brazil 

12,922,375 

99.0 

84.00 

Spain  

16,958, 17S 

99.0 

60.00 

Portugal 

4,708,178 

99.0 

82.00 

Belgium 

5,520,009 

99.0 

42.00 

Italy 

28,459,628 

09.0 

61.94 

« Total 

148,087,027 

Average 

91.4 

59.64 

PROTESTANT 

COUNTRIES. 

Population. 

Per  cent,  of 
Protestants. 

Per  cent,  of 
Illiteracy. 

Victoria 

1,009,753 

73.0 

.035 

Sweden 

4,682,769 

99.0 

.30 

Switzerland 

2,846,102 

59.0 

.30 

Netherlands 

4,336,012 

66.0 

10.50 

Germany 

46,852,680 

62.6 

1.27 

Denmark , 

1,980,259 

99.0 

.36 

Great  Britain 

30,066,646 

93.3 

11.09 

United  States 

57,928,609 

86.4 

9.40 

Total 

149,702,830 

Average  

79.78 

4.156 

♦From  Indian  Witness,  1890. 


3 76 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


These  figures,  being  fairly  compared,  teach  very  important 
lessons,  especially  at  this  time.  They  show : 

Sixty  illiterates  out  of  every  one  hundred  is  Rome’s  average  where  she 
has  a fair  chance.  Four  illiterates  out  of  every  one  hundred  is  the  Prot- 
estant record,  using  round  numbers  in  both  cases.  That  is,  the  Roman 
group  turns  out  fourteen  thousand  three  hundred  and  forty-three  times 
as  many  ignoramuses  as  the  Protestant  group.  There  is  no  doubt  she  has 
many  profoundly  learned  men  in  her  fold.  But  Romish  influence  on  pop- 
ular education,  where  she  is  unhindered,  is  the  influence  of  the  upas-tree. 
It  blights  and  kills.  Study  the  two  Americas,  North  and  South.  The 
one  is  under  a pall  of  mental  and  spiritual  darkness.  The  other  basks  in 
the  rays  that  shine  from  the  common  school  and' an  open  Bible.* 

A study  of  the  above  table  and  the  exhibits  from  which  it 
tvas  compiled  draws  out  also  three  significant  facts,  as  follows, 
on  which  our  readers  can  reflect : 

Fact  number  one : In  Rome  there  are  one  pope,  thirty  cardinals,  thirty- 
five  bishops,  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-nine  priests,  two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  fifteen  nuns,  and  three  thousand  monks.  Fact 
number  two:  In  Rome  over  one  hundred  thousand  of  the  population  can 
neither  read  nor  write.  Fact  number  three:  The  Romish  Church  says  it 
is  in  favor  of  education,  and  wants  us  to  allow  it  to  have  its  own  way  in 
this  matter,  as  it  has  had  in  Italy,  Mexico,  and  elsewhere. 

To  leave  the  United  States  any  longer  unchecked  all  men 
would  soon  believe,  as  we  do,  in  the  charter  of  human  rights,  and 
millions  would  accept  along  with  this  the  inspiring  soul  of  our 
Anglo-Saxon  civilization — the  original  and  procuring  elements 
of  our  elevation  in  the  public  school,  the  open  Bible,  and  the 
evangelical  creed.  To  see  this  great  country,  with  a territory 
larger  than  all  Europe,  grow  up  on  such  foundations  as  these, 
with  the  almost  certainty  within  sixty  years  more  of  having  a 
population,  mostly  Protestant,  equal  in  number  to  the  present 
population  of  Europe,  standing  then  peerless  in  unity,  influence, 
and  power  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  remodeling  the 
world  by  its  high  example,  was  a prospect  that  the  papacy  and 
the  despotism  of  the  Old  World  could  not  endure!  Hence 

* ‘William  Wheeler,  in  Pittsburg  Christian  Advocate. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


ITT 


their  hatred,  their  desperation,  and  their  efforts  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  United  States  as  their  ultimate  object.  General 
Grant  so  regarded  it,  and  few  men  were  more  far-sighted  than 
he.  He  was  not  deceived  by  the  fact  that  Mexico  was  at  lirst 
placed  in  the  foreground,  as  if  that  were  all  that  was  aimed  at. 
In  the  last  pages  that  he  ever  wrote,  when  dying  at  Mount 
McGregor,  this  subject  engaged  his  thoughts.  lie  says: 

Under  pretense  of  protecting  tlieir  citizens  these  nations  seized  upon 
Mexico  as  a foot-hold  for  establishing  a European  monarchy  upon  our  con- 
tinent, thus  threatening  our  peace  at  home.  I,  myself,  regarded  this  as 
a direct  act  of  war  against  the  United  States  by  the  powers  engaged, 
and  supposed  as  a matter  of  course  that  the  United  States  would  treat  it 
as  such  when  their  hands  were  free  to  strike.* 

Maximilian,  having  chosen  his  cabinet  from  among  the  Con- 
servatives, gave  himself  to  the  consolidation  of  his  empire. 
Gut  no  man  ever  undertook  to  found  an  empire  amid  such  dif- 
ficulties. Hor  was  this  due  to  the  fact  that  a state  of  war  sur- 
rounded him,  carried  on  by  troops  that  were  not  under  his 
control ; nor  was  the  chief  obstacle  the  lack  of  funds  for  neces- 
sary expenses,  nor  in  the  conviction  that  the  nation  failed  to 
come  to  his  standard.  All  these  and  other  discouragements 
loomed  up  before  him,  but  the  chief  trouble  he  found  in  the 
heart  and  purpose  of  xirchbishop  Lubastida  in  Mexico  and  the 
pontiff  in  Rome. 

The  archduke  had  been  promised  during  his  visit  to  the 
Vatican  that  he  should  receive  the  constant  benediction  of  the 
holy  father,  and  that  a nuncio  would  soon  be  sent  who  would 
be  his  confidential  adviser.  Month  after  month  went  by,  and 
no  nuncio  came,  though  Maximilian’s  embassador  at  Rome  con- 
stantly urged  the  emperor’s  desires  and  expectations.  He  was  left 
to  the  guidance  of  the  hierarchy  in  Mexico  (as  was  no  doubt 
intended).  They  made  their  demands,  backed  up  the  allocution 
of  the  holy  father  for  the  reversal  of  all  that  the  nation  had 
done  in  the  interest  of  self-government.  This  mediaeval  docu- 

* Personal  Memoirs  of  U.  S.  Grant , vol.  ii,  p.  545. 


13 


178 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


nient  had  been  ignored  by  the  Republican  leaders,  but  Maximil- 
ian was  now  expected  to  carry  out  its  entire  provisions. 

Chevalier,  as  a French  Romanist,  was  amazed  to  find  this 
allocution  demanding  of  Mexico  what  the  pope  would  not  dare 
require  of  France  or  of  any  other  European  country,  as  they  had 
all  in  succession  done  exactly  as  Mexico  had  done.  It  seemed 
to  him  that  the  pope  was  speaking  with  “a  double  voice”  in 
thus  condemning  Mexico  for  what  he  allowed  unrebuked  in 
larger  countries.  What  this  distinguished  writer  expresses  of 
his  astonishment  in  finding  the  papacy  taking  this  stand  in 
the  New  World,  and  attempting  to  found  a monarchy  on  doc- 
trines rejected  by  the  intelligence  and  conscience  of  all  the  old 
States  of  Christendom,  so  as  to  force  into  acceptance  a type  of 
political  Romanism  three  hundred  years  behind  date,  gives  the 
true  interpretation  to  the  events  now  opening  before  us.  It 
explains  why  Maximilian  failed,  and  how  deliberately  wicked 
were  those  who  sent  him  to  this  continent  to  do  such  work, 
that  they  might  spread  by  force  their  system  of  absolutism  over 
lands  already  enlightened  and  free! 

Maximilian  soon  realized  the  injustice  of  the  demands  of  the 
allocution,  and  refused  to  carryout  its  decrees  concerning  relig- 
ious intolerance,  the  recall  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  restoration  of 
clerical  estates  sold  under  former  laws.  To  reverse  this  would 
cause  a greater  revolution  than  the  one  which  had  brought  it 
about,  the  number  of  titles  having  multiplied  into  the  thou- 
sands, and  the  nation  would  not  justify  the  attempt.  His  cabi- 
net stood  with  him  in  this  resolution.  Finally,  by  decree,  on 
December  27,  1864-,  he  ordered  the  continuation  of  the  sales  of 
the  former  ecclesiastical  property.  It  now  became  the  turn  of 
the  clericals  to  become  alarmed,  and  they  eagerly  looked  for 
the  nuncio  to  head  off  the  liberal  tendencies  of  their  emperor. 
In  this  matter  and  the  consequences  which  resulted  it  was  neces- 
sary to  have  evidence  ready  for  every  statement,  as  so  many 
contradictory  representations  were  made.  The  writer  realized 
this  need  so  imperatively  that  he  returned  to  Mexico  and  spent 
several  months  looking  for  reliable  information,  and  was  fortu- 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


179 


nate  in  finding  wliat  was  required.  When  the  empire  collapsed 
its  archives  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  republican  government, 
and  were  made  available.  The  Official  Daily  Journal , with 
voluminous  correspondence,  pamphlets,  and  boohs,  explained 
what  could  not  be  otherwise  understood.  Some  of  these  vol- 
umes contain  the  very  information  necessary  at  this  point,  and 
especially  the  one  entitled  La  Corte  de  Roma  y el  Emperador 
Maximiliano.  It  furnishes  the  documents  which  passed  be- 
tween the  two  courts,  and,  besides,  contains  confidential  letters 
written  by  Maximilian  and  Carlota,  which  shed  full  light  upon 
the  sad  situation  and  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
unfortunate  emperor  to  compel  him  to  do  the  will  of  the  pope 
and  his  curia ; how  Archbishop  Labastida  and  the  nuncio 
used  their  influence,  almost  to  the  point  of  torture,  till  at  last, 
maddened  by  the  persistent  goading,  Maximilian  threw  off  their 
hold  and  broke  with  them,  but  too  late  either  to  save  his  em- 
pire or  life,  or  the  reason  of  the  empress ! 

We  first  present  the  leading  portion  of  the  pope’s  letter,  or 
protest,  to  Maximilian,  dated  October  18,  18G4,  which  was  ex- 
pected to  spur  him  to  the  duty  before  him.  It  reads : 

Sire  : 'When  in  the  month  of  April  last,  before  assuming  the  reins  of  the 
new  empire  of  Mexico,  your  majesty  arrived  at  this  capital  in  order  to 
worship  at  the  tomb  of  the  holy  apostles  and  to  receive  our  apostolic  ben- 
ediction, we  informed  you  of  the  deep  sorrow  which  filled  our  soul  by 
reason  of  the  lamentable  state  into  which  the  social  disorders  during  the 
past  few  years  have  reduced  all  that  concerns  religion  in  the  Mexican 
nation. 

Before  that  time  more  than  once  we  had  made  known  our  complaints 
in  public  and  solemn  acts,  protesting  against  the  iniquitous  law  called 
“The  Law  of  Reform,”  which  attacked  the  most  inviolable  rights  of  the 
Church  and  outraged  the  authority  of  its  pastors,  against  the  seizure  of  the 
ecclesiastical  property,  the  dissipation  of  the  sacred  patrimony,  and  the 
unjust  suppression  of  the  religious  orders. 

For  these  reasons  your  majesty  must  have  well  understood  how  happy 
we  were  to  see — thanks  to  the  establishment  of  a new  empire — the  dawn  of 
pacific  and  prosperous  days  for  the  Church  in  Mexico ; a joy  that  was  in- 
creased when  we  saw  called  to  the  throne  a prince  of  a Catholic  family, 
and  one  who  has  given  so  many  proofs  of  religious  zeal  and  piety.  Equally 


180 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


intense  was  the  joy  of  the  worthy  Mexican  bishops  who  had  the  happi- 
ness of  being  the  first  to  pay  their  sincere  homage  to  the  sovereign-elect 
of  their  country,  and  of  hearing  from  his  own  lips  the  most  complete  as- 
surances of  his  firm  resolution  to  redress  the  wrongs  done  to  the  Church 
and  to  reorganize  the  disturbed  elements  of  civil  and  religious  adminis- 
tration. . . . 

Under  such  auspices  we  have  been  wmiting  day  by  day  the  acts  of  the 
new  empire,  persuaded  that  the  Church,  outraged  with  so  much  impunity 
by  the  revolution,  would  receive  prompt  and  just  redress,  whether  by 
the  revocation  of  the  laws  which  had  reduced  it  to  such  a state  of  oppres- 
sion and  servitude,  or  by  the  promulgation  of  others  adapted  to  the  sup- 
pression of  the  disastrous  effects  of  an  injurious  administration.  . . . 

Ah,  sire,  in  the  name  of  that  faith  and  piety  which  are  the  ornaments  of 
your  august  family;,  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  whose  supreme  chief  and 
pastor  God  has  constituted  us,  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  who  has 
chosen  you  to  rule  over  so  Catholic  a nation  with  the  sole  purpose  of  heal- 
ing her  ills,  and  of  restoring  the  honor  of  his  holy  religion,  we  earnestly 
conjure  you  to  put  your  hands  to  the  work,  and  laying  aside  every  human 
consideration,  and  guided  solely  by  an  enlightened  wisdom  and  your 
Christian  feelings,  dry  up  the  tears  of  so  interesting  a portion  of  the  Catho- 
lic family,  and  by  such  worthy  conduct  merit  the  blessings  of  Jesus  Christ, 
the  prince  of  pastors. 

With  this  purpose,  and  in  compliance  with  your  own  wishes,  we  send 
you  our  representative.  . . . 

We  have  instructed  him  to  ask  at  once  from  your  majesty,  and  in  our 
name,  the  revocation  of  the  unjust  law’s  which  for  so  long  a time  have  op- 
pressed the  Church. 

Your  majesty  is  well  aware  that,  in  order  effectively  to  repair  the 
evils  occasioned  by  the  revolution,  and  to  bring  back  as  soon  as  possible 
happy  days  for  the  Church,  -the  Catholic  religion  must,  above  all  things, 
continue  to  be  the  glory  and  the  mainstay  of  the  Mexican  nation,  to  the 
exclusion  of  every  other  dissenting  worship;  that  the  bishops  must  be  per- 
fectly free  in  the  exercise  of  their  pastoral  ministry;  that  the  religious  or- 
ders should  be  re-established  or  reorganized,  that  no  person  may  obtain 
the  faculty  of  teaching  false  and  subversive  tenets ; that  instruction, 
whether  public  or  private,  should  be  directed  and  watched  over  by  the 
ecclesiastical  authority;  and  that,  in  short,  the  chains  may  be  broken 
which  up  to  the  present  time  have  held  the  Church  in  a state  of  depend- 
ence and  subject  to  the  arbitrary  rule  of  civil  government.  . . . And, 
besides,  you  will  give  a striking  example  to  the  other  governments  of 
the  republics  in  America,  in  which  similar  very  lamentable  vicissi- 
tudes have  tried  the  Church;  and,  lastly,  you  will  labor  effectually 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


181 


to  consolidate  your  throne,  to  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  your  imperial 
family. 

Confidently  hoping  to  see  these  most  ardent  desires  of  our  heart,  we 
send  to  your  majesty  and  to  your  august  spouse  our  apostolic  bene- 
diction. 

Given  at  Rome,  in  our  Apostolic  Palace  of  the  Vatican,  18th  Oct.,  1864. 

Pius  IX.* 

The  nuncio,  Monseigneur  Meglia,  bearing  the  above  letter 
duly  arrived  and  was  received  with  all  the  honors  usually  ac- 
corded to  a messenger  from  the  “ holy  see,”  and  the  anxious 
emperor  hoped  with  his  aid  to  arrive  at  some  satisfactory  ar- 
rangement notwithstanding  the  dubious  character  of  the  pope’s 
communication. 

On  the  day  after  the  nuncio’s  arrival  an  interview  was  ac- 
corded, but  Maximilian  was  surprised  to  find  him  quite  non- 
committal. It  soon  became  manifest  that  his  policy  was  one 
of  passive  resistance.  lie  allowed  Maximilian  to  do  the  talk- 
ing, and  when  requested  to  represent  the  pope’s  views  of  the 
situation  and  of  how  the  various  difficulties  were  to  be  met  and 
overcome,  he  would  fall  back  on  his  phrase  that  he  “ had 
no  instructions,”  the  pope’s  epistle  was  enough,  and  marked  the 
duty  expected  of  Maximilian.  ]STo  matter  what  were  the  bar- 
riers in  the  way  of  reversing  the  acts  of  the  nation  which  the 
emperor  pointed  out,  this  was  the  invariable  answer.  The 
terms  of  the  pontiff  were  not  to  he  discounted  ; it  was  these  or 
nothing.  Maximilian  soon  realized  that  this  policy  of  the  nun- 
cio was  disrespectful  and  embarrassing  to  the  last  degree.  So, 
hoping  to  develop  some  concession,  he  took  these  two  proposi- 
tions from  his  programme  and  handed  them  to  the  nuncio  for 
his  consideration : 

First.  The  Mexican  government  tolerates  all  forms  of  worship  which 
were  formerly  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  the  country,  but  concedes  its 
especial  protection  to  the  Catholic,  Apostolic  and  Roman,  as  the  religion 
of  the  State. 

* History  of  the  French  Intervention  in  Mexico , by  E.  Lefevre,  official  documents 
taken  from  the  archives  of  Maximilian,  vol.  ii,  p.  16,  etc.  Brussels  and  London. 
1869.  Appleton's  Annual  Cyclopedia , 1865,  p.  749,  etc. 


182 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Second.  The  public  treasury  shall  provide  for  the  expenses  of  public 
worship,  and  shall  pay  its  ministers  in  the  same  way  and  in  the  same  pro- 
portion and  under  the  same  title  as  the  other  servants  of  the  state. 

The  next  morning  the  nuncio  sent  to  Senor  Escudero,  the 
minister  of  justice,  his  conclusions  upon  them.  We  need  only- 
quote  that  on  liberty  of  worship  ; he  says  : 

Touching  some  of  the  points  of  this  proposition,  I have  disapproved  the 
first,  on  the  tolerance  of  worship  (other  than  Catholic),  as  contrary  to  the 
doctrines  of  the  Church , and  the  desire  of  the  Mexican  nation,  which  is  all 
Catholic.* 

Just  at  this  time  Marshal  Bazaine  arrived  in  Mexico,  and  on 
understanding  the  situation  at  once  took  sides  with  the  emperor 
and  against  the  demands  of  the  nuncio  and  hierarchy  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  nation’s  right  and  peace.  Maximilian  seems  to 
have  exhausted  alibis  patience  in  trying  to  bring  this  haughty 
ecclesiastic  to  a reasonable  course,  but  in  vain.  The  members 
of  his  ministry  then  tried,  but  they  too  failed.  Last  of  all,  the 
empress  resolved  to  see  what  her  negotiation  with  him  could 
do  to  effect  a settlement  which  the  nation  might  be  led  to  en- 
dure. Yet,  after  subjecting  herself  to  his  lordly  manner,  she 
too  had  to  give  up  the  effort.  The  emperor’s  advisers  urged 
him  to  send  an  embassy,  accompanied  by  two  special  councilors, 
to  place  the  difficulties  before  the  pope,  in  hope  of  a better  under- 
standing. The  result  showed  that  this  effort  was  of  no  avail  to 
turn  the  Roman  curia  from  their  purpose  to  force  Maximilian 
to  act  according  to  the  lines  laid  down  in  the  allocution. 

One  more  effort  was  made  by  the  ministry  to  bring  the 
nuncio  to  some  reasonable  ground,  but  it  was  equally  unsuccess- 
ful. We  present  the  closing  paragraph  of  his  reply,  where  our 
readers  will  be  amazed  to  read  the  new  and  pompous  title  he 
confers  upon  the  pontiff  (italics  ours) : 

I take  the  liberty  to  request  that  you  will  beg  his  majesty,  who  is  de- 
votedly attached  to  the  holy  father,  to  abstain  from  taking  any  steps 
contrary  to  the  Church  and  its  laws,  that  he  may  not  add  to  the  sorrow  of 

* La  Corte  de  Roma  y el  Emperador  Maximiliano,  p.  52. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


183 


a pontiff  so  good,  and  who  has  suffered  so  much,  and  that  lie  await  the 
oracle  of  His  Beatitude , W'hich  can  only  redound  to  the  glory  of  religion 
and  to  the  true  welfare  of  his  majesty  the  emperor.* 

Tired  out  with  the  long  delay  and  resistance  of  the  nuncio, 
Maximilian  resolved  to  act  for  himself  and  the  nation,  and 
proclaim  a constitutional  system  for  his  empire,  as  the  only 
chance  of  its  establishment.  So  on  the  27th  of  December, 
1864,  he  wrote  to  his  secretary  of  state : 

In  order  to  overcome  the  difficulties  which  have  arisen  regarding  the 
so-called  “ Laws  of  Reform,”  we  have  purposed  to  adopt  a means  which, 
while  it  shall  satisfy  the  just  demands  of  the  country,  shall  have  for  its 
object  the  re-establishment  for  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire  of  tran- 
quillity of  mind  and  peace  of  conscience.  To  this  end  we  endeavored 
when  in  Rome  to  open  negotiations  with  the  holy  father  as  the  universal 
chief  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

The  apostolic  nuncio  has  come  to  Mexico,  but,  to  our  great  surprise, 
has  declared  that  he  is  not  provided  with  instructions  to  negotiate.  The 
difficult  situation,  prolonged  now  for  six  months,  no  longer  admits  of 
delay.  It  must  soon  be  brought  to  a conclusion.  Consequently  we  charge 
you  to  propose  to  us  immediately  measures  whose  object  shall  be: 

Justice  to  all  without  respect  to  persons. 

The  legitimate  interests  created  by  the  laws  of  reform  to  be  guaranteed 
without  hinderance  to  the  measures  necessary  to  be  taken  to  repair  the  in- 
justice and  excuses  to  which  said  laws  have  given  occasion. 

The  support  of  divine  worship  and  the  safeguard  of  religion  to-  be  pro- 
vided for. 

And,  lastly,  the  sacraments  and  the  other  functions  of  the  ecclesiastical 
ministry  to  be  exercised  throughout  the  empire  free  of  charge. 

In  order  to  this  you  will  submit  to  us  at  ouce  a plan  for  the  revision 
of  the  operation  regarding  mortmain  property  conveyed  to  the  clergy. 

Finally,  you  will  be  guided  by  the  most  ample  principles  of  religious 
toleration,  without  losing  from  sight  that  the  religion  of  the  State  is  the 
Catholic,  Apostolic  Roman.  Maximilian,  t 

This  outline  of  the  emperor’s  policy  startled  the  clerical  fac- 
tion, who  had  all  along  bitterly  fought  these  very  same'liberal 
ideas  when  put  forward  by  Juarez  and  the  Republican  party. 
The  bishops  sent  a protest,  bitterly  condemning  his  action. 

* La  Corte  de  Roma , p.  53.  •)•  Ibid. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


184 


Though  it  lies  before  us  we  can  only  quote  one  sentence  show- 
ing its  character.  They  say,  “With  regard  to  religious  toler- 
ance we  can  see  nothing  that  renders  it,  not  to  sav  urgent,  but 
even  excusable.” 

Cardinal  Antonelli  again  wrote  in  the  same  strain,  warning 
Maximilian  not  to  fail  to  recognize  his  “ true  interests  and  the 
real  purpose  of  the  mission  ” which  God  had  confided  to  him 
by  obedience  to  the  course  marked  out  for  him  by  the  pontiff. 

The  manifesto  of  the  bishops  drew  forth  a reply  from  Maxi- 
milian that  fell  like  a tliunder-bolt  in  their  camp.  Boldly 
does  he  dare  before  the  nation  to  tell  them  that  their  previous 
assertion  of  never  having  occupied  themselves  in  politics  is  u?i- 
true,  that  they  have  resisted  the  State,  producing  revolutions 
and  securing  for  themselves  temporal  possessions  to  the  neglect 
and  injury  of  their  flocks.  Even  Juarez  could  hardly  have 
lectured  these  guilt}*  prelates  more  harshly  than  does  this  im- 
perial manifesto.  lie  says: 

You  state  that  the  Mexican  Church  has  never  taken  part  in  political 
events.  Would  to  God  it  had  been  so!  But  unhappy  proofs  exist  which 
demonstrate  clearly  that  even  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church  have  flung 
themselves  into  the  revolutions,  and  that  a portion  of  the  clergy  have  ex- 
hibited a very  active  resistance  against  the  State.  Confess,  my  well- 
esteemed  prelates,  that  the  Mexican  Church,  by  a lamentable  fatality,  has 
mingled  too  much  ia  politics  and  in  affairs  of  temporal  possessions,  neg- 
lecting, in  consequence,  the  Catholic  instructions  of  its  flocks.  Yes;  the 
Mexican  people  are  pious  and  good,  but  they  are  not  yet,  for  the  most 
part,  Catholic,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  holy  gospels,  and  it  is  not  their 
fault.  They  need  to  be  instructed,  to  receive  the  sacraments  as  the  Gos- 
pel ordains,  gratuitously.  But  Mexico  will  be  Catholic,  I assure  you. 
Suspect,  if  you  will,  my  Catholicism;  Europe  has  long  known  my  senti- 
ments; the  holy  father  knows  my  thought.  The  Churches  of  Germany 
and  of  Jerusalem,  that  are  to  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico  as  tome,  bear  wit- 
ness for  me  on  that  point.  But,  just  and  good  Catholic  as  I am,  I will  be 
also  a just  and  liberal  prince.  Receive  the  expression  of  my  affection. 

• Maximilian.* 

Maximilian  was  left  by  this  with  a very  limited  clerical  sup- 
port. They  put  him  in  a position  where  no  man  with  a con- 
* Christian  World,  voL  xvi,  1S65,  p.  158. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


185 


science  could  succeed,  and  then  fell  away  because  lie  could  not 
do  what  they  demanded.  What  was  said  at  Rome  is  reported 
by  the  well-informed  editor  of  these  confidential  letters : 

We  know  by  the  mouth  of  persons  to  whom  Pope  Pius  IX.  said  it,  not 
long  since,  that  he  considered  the  Mexican  empire  as  a thing  that  could 
not  last  long.  He  said:  “Maximilian  commits  many  errors  in  Mexico. 
He  cannot  hold  himself  up.  He  should  lean  solely  on  the  clergy  and  be 
governed  by  them  alone.  But  on  the  contrary  he  asks  things  which  cannot 
be  granted  to  him,  because  they  are  contrary  to  his  own  interests.”  * 

No  wonder  that,  tints  surrounded  with  uncertainty  and  gloom 
and  clerical  intolerance,  the  following  sad  and  confidential  letter 
to  a friend  was  wrung  from  the  heart  of  the  Empress  Carlota. 
It  was  written  early  in  January,  1865,  and  gives  the  inside 
view  of  matters.  She  writes : 

Your  kind  letter,  I repeat,  has  caused  me  a double  pleasure,  because  it 
is  at  once  a proof  of  your  remembrance  and  of  the  friendship  which  ever 
unites  us.  To  speak  frankly,  we  need  friendship  just  now,  because  the 
situation  is  far  from  improving  I do  not  know  if  you  are  aware  that  the 
holy  father,  who  has  a merry  disposition,  says  often  of  himself  that  he  is 
“ jettatore”  (playful).  So  it  is  a fact  that  since  his  envoy  set  foot  on  our 
soil  we  have  had  nothing  but  disappointments,  and  can  only  expect  soon 
to  have  many  more.  The  clergy,  wounded  to  deafly  by  the  letter  of  De- 
cember 27,  are  not  easily  appeased ; all  the  old  abuses  elude  the  efforts 
of  the  emperor  to  remedy.  We  have  here,  perchance,  not  fanaticism, 
but  such  a dull  and  painful  tenacity  that  I believe  it  impossible  for  the 
members  now  forming  the  clergy  ever  to  form  anew.  What  shall  be 
done  with  them?  That  is  the  question.  ...  It  is  a month  now  since  we 
entered  upon  a serious  crisis.  If  we  pass  through  it  victoriously  the 
future  of  the  Mexican  empire  is  assured ; if  not,  I know  not  what  may 
come  about.  For  the  first  six  months  every  one  pronounced  the  govern- 
ment perfect;  now,  touch  any  thing,  interfere  in  the  least,  and  you  are 
cursed.  . . . 

The  army  is  decreasing,  and  with  it  the  material  forces  of  the  govern- 
ment. What  is  needed  is  soldiers.  The  Austrians  and  Belgians  are  very 
well  in  time  of  calm,  but  let  the  tempest  come,  and  we  see  only  red  trou- 
sers (French).  I believe  it  is  going  to  be  very  difficult  for  us  to  pass 
through  the  first  vital  crisis  unless  the  country  is  more  extensively  occupied 


* La  Corte  de  Roma , p.  89. 


18G 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


than  at  present.  Every  thing  is  greatly  scattered,  and  it  seems  to  me  that 
instead  of  withdrawing  in  the  least,  it  is  necessary  to  increase.  . . . 

In  case  of  need  we  can  retire,  as  Juarez  did,  to  a distant  province,  or  re- 
turn to  the  place  from  whence  we  came;  but  France  must  triumph,  first, 
because  she  is  France,  and,  second,  because  her  honor  is  at  stake.* 

The  nuncio’s  iast  effort  was  to  address  a communication  to 
the  emperor  so  dictatorial  in  character  that  the  ministry  re- 
sented it  and  informed  the  nuncio  that  he  was  presuming  to 
interfere  witli  matters  which  had  not  been  submitted  to  him, 
which  the  government  reserved  for  its  own  action.  The  minis- 
ter of  justice  bravely  stated  to  him  : 

Those  who  allow  themselves  to  be  carried  away  by  an  extravagant  zeal 
and  push  the  papacy  beyond  its  limits  and  despoil  it  of  its  character 
forget  the  severe  lessons  of  history. 

And  against  the  nuncio’s  efforts  to  subjugate  the  emperor  to 
the  will  of  the  pope  they  say  : 

Maximilian,  a citizen  and  member  of  the  Christian  communion,  bows 
with  respect  and  submission  before  the  spiritual  authority  of  the  common 
father  of  the  faithful;  but  Maximilian,  the  emperor  and  representative 
of  the  Mexican  sovereignty,  does  not  recognize  any  power  on  earth  supe- 
rior to  his  own.  Consequently  I cannot  accept  the  thought  which  possi- 
bly may  have  escaped  your  excellency,  in  exalting  the  sovereignty  and  in- 
dependence of  the  Roman  pontiff,  to  the  effect  that  the  emperor  should 
obey  him  as  his  subject.  Allow  me  to  respectfully  suggest  to  you  that 
said  word  is  most  improper. 

The  emperor  and  the  pope  have  both  received  directly  from  God  their 
full  and  absolute  power,  each  within  his  respective  limits.  Between 
equals  there  can  be  no  subjection.  This  Bossuet  himself  also  says,  and  it 
is  a precept  taught  by  an  authority  superior  to  his,  that  of  the  divine 
code  of  Christianity. 

We  must  now  observe  what  Providence  had  been  doing 
outside  in  aid  of  the  cause  of  liberty  in  Mexico  by  restraining 
the  enemies  of  that  cause,  who  were  so  anxious  to  weaken  the 
influence  of  the  United  States,  so  as  to  hinder  her  efforts  to 
help  Mexico. 


* La  Curte  de  Roma , p.  24. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


187 


CHAPTER  VII. 

England  and  recognition — Beecher's  effort — Cotton-spinners  of  Lancashire — 
“Kicked  out  of  Rome  "—Papal  missive  to  “ Lincoln  & Co.” — Recognition  of 
Jeff  Davis  by  the  pontiff — Outline  of  policy — Interview  with  Juarez  sought 
by  Maximilian — Confidential  letter  of  the  emperor — False  proclamation  con- 
cerning Juarez — “The  Black  Decree” — Execution  of  Arteaga  and  Salazar — 
Letters — Libro  Rojo — Santa  Anna — Sudden  departure  of  the  empress — Inter- 
view with  the  pope — Incurable  insanity — French  troops  withdrawn — The 
emperor’s  attempted  departure — Interference  of  French  and  clericals — Sheri- 
dan at  Rio  Graude. 


The  sympathy  of  the  Confederate  States  with  the  French 
Intervention  was  a matter  of  anxiety  to  onr  government. 
That  sympathy  became  active  along  the  line  of  the  Rio 
Grande  when  it  resisted  the  republican  force  under  General 
Negrete  and  tried  to  intercept  the  hearers  of  dispatches  be- 
tween President  Juarez  and  his  minister  at  Washington,  thus 
acting  as  allies  of  the  French  emperor.  Jefferson  Davis  tells 
us  of  how  much  value  they  were  to  him  and  his  cause.  Na- 
poleon ardently  desired  to  recognize  the  Confederacy,  and 
urged  the  British  government  to  join  him  in  such  recognition. 
Mr.  Davis  says : 

Napoleon  was  anxious  to  go  beyond  this,  and  so  was  the  pope  of  Rome, 
and  they  only.  . . . Napoleon’s  efforts  looking  toward  the  breaking  of 
our  blockade  met  with  refusal  from  England,  the  country  whose  artisans 
were  the  chief  sufferers  by  the  cotton  famine.* 

How  hard  Mr.  Davis  tried  to  induce  the  Emperor  of  the 
French  to  authorize  the  construction  of  war-vessels  for  the 
Confederate  navy,  in  order  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States,  is  -well  known  to  the  readers  of  the  work  of  Mr. 
J.  Bigelow,  our  minister  to  France  in  1862-68.  f 

* Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government,  by  J.  Davis,  p.  618. 
f France  and  the  Confederate  Navy , by  J.  Bigelow. 


1S8 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Far  more  important  for  us  and  for  Mexico  was  the  position 
taken  by  England  in  the  question  of  recognition.  Had  she 
thrown  her  influence  against  us,  long  years  might  have  been 
added  to  the  sad  struggle,  or  the  North,  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
might  have  allowed  the  South  to  go.  This  might  not  have 
ended  the  contest  or  saved  republicanism  in  Mexico,  but  it 
might  have  compelled  us,  as  Motley  wrote, 

To  build  a Chinese  wall  of  custom-houses  and  forts  across  the  widest  part 
of  the  American  continent,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  keep 
an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand  men  perpetually  on  foot,  and  a navy 
to  match,  in  order  to  watch  the  nation  on  the  other  side  of  that  wall  and 
fight  it  every  half-dozen  years  or  so,  together  with  its  European  allies. 
The  present  war,  even  if  it  lasts  ten  years  longer,  is  cheaper  in  blood  and 
money  than  the  adoption  of  such  a system.* 

There  were  special  difficulties  in  the  way  of  England's  com- 
plete understanding  of  our  cause.  The  tory  class  was  jealous  of 
our  democratic  views  and  of  our  growing  power,  and  was  will- 
ing to  see  us  weakened  and  divided.  In  regard  to  the  position 
actually  taken  by  the  English  government  it  is  satisfactory  to 
have  the  assurance  which  has  lately  appeared  over  the  signature 
of  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone.  He  writes : 

As  a member  of  the  cabinet  of  Lord  Palmerston,  and  now  nearly  its 
sole  surviving  member,  I can  state  that  it  never  at  any  time  dealt  witli 
the  subject  of  recognizing  the  Southern  States  in  your  great  civil  war,  ex- 
cepting when  it  learned  the  proposition  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III., 
and  declined  to  entertain  that  proposition  without  qualification,  delay,  or 
dissent.  . . . You  will.  I am  sure,  be  glad  to  learn  that  there  is  no  founda- 
tion for  a charge  which,  had  it  been  true,  might  have  aided  in  keeping 
alive  angry  sentiments  happily  gone  by. 

This  is  decisive,  coming,  as  it  does,  from  the  highest  au- 
thority. 

Among  the  leading  journals  of  England,  also,  there  were 
some  which  could  rise  above  the  superficial  aspect  of  matters 
and  do  justice  to  the  United  States  in  their  anticipation  of  the 
inevitable  results,  and  this,  too,  as  early  as  1863.  The  London 

* Correspondence  of  J.  L.  Motley,  vol.  ii,  p.  77. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


189 


Morning  Advertiser  closed  one  of  its  able  articles  in  the  fol- 
lowing strain : 

It  strikes  us  there  is  no  doubt  whatever  that,  in  due  season,  Napoleon 
will  have  to  meet  the  United  States,  for  they  will  again  be  united,  in  the 
field  of  mortal  conflict,  to  defend  his  right  to  interpose  in  a continent 
severed  from  his  own  empire  by  rolling  oceans.  It  will  be  to  no  purpose 
to  plead  that  a consul  was  insulted,  or  that  a French  merchant  was  mal- 
treated. These  are  things  for  which  it  is  easy  to  provide  a remedy.  Such 
things  furnish  no  reasonable  ground  for  the  transfer  of  an  army  and  the 
invasion  of  a country.  In  the  event  of  such  a war,  which  we  take  to  be 
absolutely  certain,  Napoleon  will  find  that  his  present  glory  is  purchased 
with  a fearful  reversion.  It  will  be  found  that  the  United  States  is  at 
once  training  both  troops  and  generals,  and  that,  should  the  day  arrive 
when  they  resolve  to  hurl  the  French  into  the  Pacific,  and  to  undo  their 
work  in  Mexico,  it  will  be  found  that  they  are  once  more  confronted,  in 
effect,  with  the  steel  of  England — that  of  England’s  sons — and  it  will  then 
behoove  the  emperor,  should  he  not  have  changed  his  lodgings  at  the  Tuil- 
eries  long  before,  to  mind  what  he  is  about. 

The  North  was  not  alert  in  placing  its  cause  before  Europe ; 
the  agents  of  the  Confederacy  were  more  than  a year  in  advance, 
manufacturing  opinion  favorable  to  the  Confederacy,  before 
our  government  realized  the  importance  of  having  our  cause 
rightly  itnderstood  there.  Our  friends  were  at  first  denied  a 
hearing  in  many  leading  cities.  The  biography  of  Henry  Ward 
Beecher  is  interesting  on  this  theme.  He,  among  others,  went 
to  England  determined  to  be  heard,  that  the  British  public 
might  be  undeceived.  After  careful  study  he  decided  that  the 
friends  of  the  North  were  to  be  found  among  the  middle  class 
and  the  laboring  people,  with  a few  of  the  upper  classes,  the 
queen  and  prince  consort,  the  Quakers,  and  religious  folk 
generally. 

In  some  of  the  meetings  which  he  was  to  address,  in  Man- 
chester and  Liverpool  especially,  the  mob  would  howl  so  that 
it  was  almost  impossible  to  speak.  When  a lull  occurred  Mr. 
Beecher  would  throw  in  a few  words,  the  beginning  of  some 
incident  or  story,  till  finally  the  pauses  became  longer  as  their 
attention  was  gained,  and  the  very  disturbers  were  soon  found 


190 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


applauding  the  sentiments  lie  uttered,  llis  biographer  gives  us 
an  account  of  what  proved  to  be  the  greatest  of  his  triumphs  in 
changing,  within  two  hours,  prejudiced  and  mistaken  foes  of 
the  dSTortli  into  its  cordial  friends  and  well-wishers. 

This  event  occurred  at  Manchester  on  the  9th  of  October, 
18G3,  in  the  Free  Trade  Hall,  an  immense  room  capable  of  hold- 
ing from  five  to  six  thousand  people.  It  was  full.  The  great 
crowd  at  last  consented  to  be  quiet  and  hear  Mr.  Beecher  for 
his  cause.  As  he  went  on  he  realized  that  he  was  gaining  all 
the  time  on  their  good-will. 

Toward  the  close  of  liis  address  a telegram  was  passed  up  to  the  chair- 
mau  of  the  meeting,  who  read  it,  and  then  rose  and  said  a word  to  Mr. 
Beecher,  who  paused,  and  the  chairman  then  said  to  the  audience,  “I  hold 
in  my  hand,  just  received,  a telegram  from  London  stating  that  her 
majesty  has  to-night  caused  the  ‘ Broad  Arrow  ’ to  be  placed  on  the  rams 
in  Mr.  Laird’s  ship  yard  at  Birkenhead.”  This  meant  a stoppage  of  those 
ships  which  were  being  built  by  Messrs.  Laird  for  Confederate  cruis- 
ers. The  effect  was  startling.  The  whole  audience  rose  to  its  feet  and 
cheered  and  waved  their  hats,  while  women  waved  their  handkerchiefs 
and  wept.  A howling  mob  was  transformed  into  a friendly  crowd,  while 
hundreds  hurried  to  the  platform  to  shake  hands  with  the  eloquent  de- 
fender of  the  North.* 

The  last  page  ever  written  by  Mr.  Beecber  was  on  this  sub- 
ject. lie  had  been  requested  by  The  Century  Magazine  to 
prepare  an  article  on  his  English  tour  in  1863.  On  the  morn- 
ing after  his  death  the  unfinished  article  was  found  in  his  desk, 
the  closing  words  of  which  were : 

A more  pathetic  example  of  the  heroism  of  the  poor  was  never  exhibited 
than  in  the  case  of  the  Lancashire  weavers.  They  saw  their  industries 
wasting,  their  bread  grew  scarce,  even  their  poverty  became  poorer,  nor 
was  there  any  sign  upon  the  horizon  that  this  cloud  would  soon  pass  away, 
and  yet  they  held  fast  in  their  integrity;  and,  believing  the  cause  of  the 
North  was  the  cause  of  the  day-laborer  the  world  over,  they  patiently 
bore  famine  and  distress  with  fortitude  until  the  day  dawned.  No  other 
men  among  all  English-speaking  people  gave  a testimony  of  the  love  of 
liberty  so  heroic  and  so  pathetic  as  the  weavers  of  Lancashire. 

* Biography  of  H.  W.  Beecher , p.  410. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


191 


Early  in  the  year  1S63  these  working-men  of  Manchester 
sent  Mr.  Lincoln  a letter,  to  which  he  gave  a grateful  and 
cordial  reply.  They,  although  greatly  suffering  in  consequence 
of  the  war,  sent  him  their  sympathy ; and  in  his  reply  he 
said  to  them : 

It  has  been  often  and  studiously  represented  that  the  attempt-  to  over- 
throw this  government,  which  was  built  upon  the  foundation  of  human 
rights,  and  to  substitute  for  it  one  which  should  rest  exclusively  upon  the 
basis  of  human  slavery,  was  likely  to  obtain  the  favor  of  Europe.  Through 
the  action  of  our  disloyal  citizens  the  working-men  of  Europe  have  been 
subjected  to  severe  trial  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  their  sanction  to  that 
attempt. 

Under  these  circumstances  I cannot  but  regard  your  decisive  utterances 
upon  the  question  as  an  instance  of  sublime  Christian  heroism,  which  has 
not  been  surpassed  in  any  age  or  in  any  country.  I do  not  doubt  that 
the  sentiments  you  have  expressed  will  be  sustained  by  your  great  nation; 
and  on  the  other  hand  1 have  no  hesitation  in  assuring  you  that  they  will 
excite  admiration,  esteem,  and  the  most  reciprocal  feelings  of  friendship 
among  the  American  j>cople.* 

The  attitude  of  the  papacy  during  our  civil  war  was  a source 
of  anxiety  to  our  government  and  to  thoughtful  men.  Indi- 
vidual exceptions  there  were,  undoubtedly,  but  the  general 
trend  of  the  Roman  Church  was  unfriendly.  As  if  by  a subtle 
instinct  the  lowest  member  discerned  that  he  could  have  no  in- 
terest in  preventing  the  power  of  this  nation  from  being  crip- 
pled, or  its  prestige  as  tlie  great  Protestant  republic  destroyed. 
Their  vote  was  generally  thrown  against  the  war,  as  the  enemies 
of  our  country  at  home  and  abroad  desired.  For  a contrast 
look  at  the  various  Protestant  sects  of  our  land,  and  see  how 
loyally  they  rallied  to  the  help  of  our  government  to  the  last  hour 
of  the  conflict.  There  is  a reason  for  this  marked  distinction  ; 
our  downfall  would  have  been  the  failure  of  Protestantism  at 
its  culminating  point.  It  is  a curious  thing  to  compare  the 
stern  refusal  of  the  Romish  authorities  in  Mexico  to  permit 
the  Protestant  soldiers  of  the  Intervention  to  have  the  use 
of  a place  of  worship  in  which  to  hold  divine  service  in  the 
* Holland's  Lift  of  Lincoln,  p.  419. 


192 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


city  of  Mexico  with  what  so  recently  had  happened  in  Rome. 
Since  1850  Americans  in  the  “ Eternal  City  ” had  been  in  the 
habit  of  meeting  for  a simple  religious  service  on  the  Lord's 
day  in  a private  house.  Major-General  Cass,  our  embassador 
to  Rome,  and  Mr.  King,  our  consul,  supported  the  service.  Even 
singing  was  sometimes  omitted  to  avoid  giving  the  intolerants 
a motive  to  complain.  But  it  became  known  that  the  service 
was  held,  and  a demand  was  made  for  its  suppression.  The  in- 
fluence of  our  embassador  with  the  papal  government  postponed 
this  for  a time.  Rev.  G.  II.  Hastings  was  pastor  of  the  little 
congregation.  When  word  reached  this  country  that  such  a 
service  was  held  in  Rome  the  bigoted  Roman  Catholic  papers, 
instead  of  advising  that  the  service  should  have  the  same  liberty 
so  fully  granted  to  their  Church  in  the  United  States,  flamed  up 
and  professed  to  be  horrified  at  the  idea  of  a Protestant  service 
in  Rome ! The  editor  of  the  Freeman's  Journal , the  organ  of 
Archbishop  Hughes  in  Xew  York,  wrote  an  article  misrepre- 
senting the  service,  which  was  in  English,  for  English-speaking 
people  exclusively,  and  then  adds:  “Mr.  Hastings  can  do 
nothing,  as  the  very  first  convert  he  should  make  he  would  be 
kicked  out  of  Rome,  though  Mr.  Cass  should  bundle  up  his 
traps  and  follow  him.”*  This  written  under  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  of  our  glorious  freedom ! “ Kicked  out  of  Rome  ! ” As 
though  liberty  of  conscience  was  not  as  dear  in  Rome  as  in 
Xew  York  or  London!  Yet  if  Cardinal  Wiseman  converted 
an  Englishman,  who  talked  of  “kicking”  him  out  of  London? 
or  Archbishop  Hughes  out  of  Xew  York  if  he  converted  an 
American?  Yet  in  this  spirit  of  intolerance  Pius  IX.  ordered 
the  suppression  of  the  little  Protestant  service  ! The  “pious” 
pope  of  the  nineteenth  century  proved  less  tolerant  than  the 
infamous  Xero  of  the  first.  The  emperor  of  pagan  Rome 
allowed  Paid  to  preach  undisturbed  in  his  “ hired  house  ” for 
years,  and  “to  receive  all  who  came  unto  him,”  preaching  and 
teaching  with  all  confidence,  “ no  man  forbidding  him.”  Even 
the  personal  troops  of  the  emperor  were  the  objects  of  his 
* Christian  World , vol.  ii,  p.  203. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


193 


ministry — “the  whole  pretorian  guard”  (Phil,  i,  3,  Rev.  Yer.) 
and  “ saints  in  Caesar’s  household  ” sent  their  salutation  to  Chris- 
tians every-wlicre.  No  wonder  that  God  so  soon  after  ended 
this  worse  than  pagan  bigotry  by  wresting  from  the  papal 
grasp  the  power  which  it  so  misused.  Mr.  Hastings  had  the 
right  to  re-open  his  services,  and  Victor  Emmanuel  provided  that 
no  mail  should  “kick  him  out  of  Rome”  for  making  a convert, 
but  would  have  rather  rejoiced  had  he  made  ten  thousand  in 
the  city ! 

Ere  this  happened  General  Cass,  returning  home,  was  elected 
to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  from  Michigan.  The  ques- 
tion of  Romish  intolerance  toward  the  living  and  the  dead 
came  up,  and  he  made  a grand  speech  on  the  right  of  Ameri- 
cans to  freedom  of  religious  worship  and  Christian  burial  wher- 
ever they  may  be,  and  the  question  was  referred  to  the  Commit- 
tee on  Foreign  Relations.  A few  weeks  later,  when  Congress 
was  taking  the  vote  on  supply,  some  one  moved  that  the  lega- 
tion at  Rome  be  left  without  an  appropriation,  which  ended  it, 
and  thus  another  of  the  temporal  dignities  of  Pius  IX.  passed 
away.  This  “sovereign,”  occupying  such  a precarious  throne, 
was  desperately  anxious  to  exert  his  influence  in  our  conflict, 
that  he  might  “ ride  on  the  whirlwind  and  direct  the  storm” 
according  to  his  own  interests.  The  measure  lie  tried  first  was 
by  directing  a pastoral  to  his  archbishops  of  New  York  and 
New  Orleans,  authorizing  them  in  his  name  to  convey  his 
wishes  as  “ the  administrator  of  the  vicegerent  work  of  Him 
who  is  the  Author  of  Peace  ” to  our  “ chief  rulers  and  people.” 
"With  their  subordinate  bishops  as  commissioners  of  the  pontiff 
of  Christendom  they  were  to  undertake  to  settle  our  national 
troubles  by  the  utterance  of  platitudes  from  one  who  was  not 
invited  to  interfere  at  such  a time,  when  the  appeal  had  been 
made  to  the  Lord  God  of  Hosts,  to  give  the  victory  to  the  side 
which  he  espoused.  There  was  a well-known  cause  for  the 
war,  but  the  pope  did  not  touch  it  nor  state  the  remedy — to 
break  every  yoke  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free!”  He  did 
not  send  his  commissioners  with  that  message  to  Jefferson 

c”> 


104 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Davis  and  so  end  the  war  by  extinguishing  its  cause,  if  they 
would  but  obey  him.  No,  the  papal  commissioners  were  to 
expostulate  with  Washington  and  the  Northern  people,  not 
with  Richmond  and  the  South. 

Remembering  that  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Congress  are 
pointed  at,  let  us  note  a few  sentences  from  this  papal  pastoral : 

Apply  all  your  study  and  exertion,  with  the  people  and  their  chief  rulers, 
to  restore  forthwith  the  desired  tranquillity  and  peace. 

Neither  omit  to  admonish  and  exhort  the  people  and  their  supreme  rulers 
even  in  our  name. 

We  are  confident  that  they  would  comply  with  our  paternal  admonitions. 

We  have  no  hesitation,  venerable  brothers,  but  that,  calling  to  your  aid 
the  services  of  your  associate  bishops,  you  would  abundantly  satisfy  these 
our  wishes,  and  by  your  wise  and  prudent  efforts  bring  a matter  of  such 
moment  to  a happy  termination.* 

How  flattering  must  have  been  the  self-conceit  that  could  im- 
agine that  the  “name,”  “authority,”  and  “ paternal  admonitions” 
of  this  curious  old  man  could  “restore  forthwith  the  desired 
tranquillity  and  peace!”  Think  of  how  Stanton  and  Seward 
would  have  listened  to  such  au  admonition  to  “bring  a matter 
of  such  moment  to  a happy  termination ! ” Or  imagine  the 
president’s  face  if  he  had  listened  to  these  commissioners  of 
Pius  IX.!  What  a refreshing  “admonition”  would  have  been 
sent  back  “in  the  name  of”  Abraham  Lincoln,  importing  that 
Italian  priests  should  mind  their  own  affairs  and  rectify  their 
own  great  wrongs  against  civil  and  religious  liberty,  with  some 
allusions  to  the  unchristian  treatment  of  Mr.  Hastings  at  Rome, 
in  the  closing  of  the  American  chapel,  with  the  ending  of  the 
legation  at  Rome  thrown  in  as  a clincher! 

The  archbishops  did  not  deliver  this  message  to  those  to 
whom  it  was  nominally  addressed,  but  it  was  given  out  to  those 
who  are  not  mentioned,  and  wrought  its  purpose  by  drying  up 
the  patriotism  of  many  who  took  their  politics  as  well  as  their 
religion  from  Rome,  and  had,  it  is  feared,  its  effect  in  the  draft 
riots  in  New  York,  and  their  attendant  horrors  a few  months 

* Christian  World , vol.  xiv,  p.  357. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


195 


later.  Americans  are  not  likely  to  forget  Archbishop  Hughes’s 
address  to  the  lawless  crowd  while  those  ruins  were  still 
smoking. 

Instead  of  taking  warning  by  the  issue  of  this  intermeddling, 
the  pontiff  adopted  a more  open  measure  to  aid  the  side  he 
favored.  Deeply  disappointed  that  Napoleon  could  not  be  in- 
duced to  go  forward  alone  and  recognize  the  Confederacy, 
Jefferson  Davis  had  been  urging  the  pope  to  take  the  initiative 
under  the  idea  that  the  Catholic  powers  would  follow  his  lead, 
as  they  had  done  in  generations  past.  It  is  evident  from  the 
letter  that  we  are  about  to  present  that  Davis  was  informed  of 
the  communications  sent  to  the  archbishops,  by  copies  sent  to 
himself.  On  the  23d  of  September  Davis  wrote  direct  to  the 
pope,  humbly  thanking  him  for  interfering  on  tlieir  side.  It 
was  sent  by  the  hand  of  his  agent,  Colonel  A.  D.  Mann,  of  Vir- 
ginia, who  in  a dispatch  to  the  Confederate  secretary  of  state 
gives  an  account  of  the  interview  with  Pius  IX.  Colonel  Mann 
informs  his  chief  that  the  pope,  in  referring  to  “the  rulers  of 
the  other  peoples  of  America,”  spoke  of  them  as  “ Lincoln  & 
Co.,”  *and  then  furnished  his  recognition  and  reply,  as  follows : 

LETTER  OP  PIUS  IX.  TO  JEFFERSON  DAVIS. 

Illustrious  and  Honorable  President:  We  have  just  received 
with  all  suitable  welcome  the  persons  sent  by  you  to  place  in  our  hands 
your  letter  dated  23d  of  September  last.  Not  slight  was  the  pleasure  we 
experienced  when  we  learned,  from  these  persons  and  the  letter,  with  what 
feelings  of  joy  and  gratitude  you  were  animated,  illustrious  and  honorable 
president,  as  soon  as  you  were  informed  of  our  letters  to  our  venerable 
brothers,  John,  Archbishop  of  New  York,  and  John,  Archbishop  of  New 
Orleans,  dated  the  18th  of  October  of  last  year,  and  in  which  we  have 
with  all  our  strength  excited  and  exhorted  those  venerable  brothers  that 
in  their  episcopal  piety  and  solicitude  they  should  endeavor  with  the 
most  ardent  zeal,  and  in  our  name,  to  bring  about  the  end  of  the  fatal 
civil  war  which  has  broken  out  in  those  countries,  in  order  that  the  Amer- 
ican people  may  obtain  peace  and  concord  and  dwell  charitably  together. 
It  is  particularly  agreeable  to  us  to  see  that  you,  illustrious  and  honorable 
president,  and  your  people  are  animated  with  the  same  desire  of  peace  and 

* The  Century  Magazine , May,  1891. 


196 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


tranquillity  which  we  have  in  our  letters  inculcated  upon  our  venerable 
brothers.  May  it  please  God  at  the  same  time  to  make  the  other  peoples 
of  America  and  their  rulers,  reflecting  seriously  how  terrible  is  civil  war, 
and  what  calamities  it  engenders,  listen  to  the  inspirations  of  a calmer 
spirit  and  adopt  resolutely  the  part  of  peace.  As  for  us,  we  shall  not 
cease  to  offer  up  the  most  fervent  prayers  to  God  Almighty  that  he  may 
pour  out  upon  all  the  people  of  America  the  spirit  of  peace  and  charity, 
and  that  he  will  stop  the  great  evils  which  afflict  them.  We  at  the  same 
time  beseech  the  God  of  mercy  and  pity  to  shed  abroad  upon  you  the  light 
of  his  grace  and  attach  you  to  us  by  a perfect  friendship. 

Given  at  Rome  at  St.  Peter’s  the  3d  day  of  December,  1863,  of  our 
Pontificate  18.  Pius  IX.  * 

Who  that  reads  the  above  letter  and  his  pastoral  to  his  bishops 
can  doubt  that  the  writer  had  already  taken  his  side  in  the  dis- 
pute ? His  influence  was  thrown  in  favor  of  the  South  and 
made  official  by  his  recognition  of  the  slave-holding  Confed- 
eracy and  its  illustrious  and  honorable  president ! The  pope 
was  the  only  sovereign  power  that  did  recognize  it.  Expecting 
that  the  Catholic  nations  would  follow  his  lead,  he  looked  around 
to  see  France  join  his  position,  but  she  did  not,  nor  Spain  or 
Austria.  Having  no  navy  to  give  effect  to  his  recognition,  he 
had  the  mortification  of  knowing  that  his  act  was  practically 
worth  nothing  to  the  South,  while  it  revealed  his  real  preference 
and  position  to  the  North  and  to  the  world  at  large. 

On  the  8th  of  December,  1864:,  the  pope  issued  the  encyclical 
and  syllabus  (before  referred  to)  addressed  to  all  “ patriarchs, 
primates,  archbishops,  and  bishops  in  connection  with  the 
apostolic  see  throughout  the  world.”  They  reiterate  his  de- 
nunciations of  the  errors  and  heresies  of  modern  civilization, 
and  in  virtue  of  his  “apostolic  authority”  reprobate  and  con- 
demn eighty  “prominent  errors,”  the  holding  of  which  (accord- 
ing to  Pius  IX.)  cut  off  every  one  maintaining  any  of  them 
from  Heaven’s  grace  or  hope  of  mercy.  The  errors  enumerated 
are  not  all  that  men  hold  or  commit,  but  are  those  which  assail 
principles  which  the  papacy  regards  as  dangerous  to  itself  and 
the  claims  of  its  domination  over  mankind.  The  enlightened 

* Appleton's  Annual  Cyclopedia , 1863,  vol.  iii,  p.  830. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


197 


reader,  when  he  examines  this  list,  will  be  amazed  to  find  that 
some  of  these  “ errors,”  so  bitterly  denounced,  are  cherished 
items  of  his  religious  and  political  creed,  held  by  millions  of 
the  most  intelligent  men  and  women  in  this  world,  for  the 
maintenance  of  which  they  would  yield  up  life  ; such  as  “ the 
right  of  private  judgment,”  “ religious  liberty,”  “ freedom  of 
worship”  for  all,  and  our  “public  school  system.”  There  are 
some  other  “ errors  ” mentioned,  “ errors  ” which  Protestants 
would  denounce  as  firmly  as  he  does,  such  as  infidel  socialism, 
divorce,  or  denial  of  divine  rule  in  human  affairs ; but,  unlike 
him,  we  would  not  condemn  nor  persecute  men  for  their  opin- 
ions, but  leave  them  to  the  just  judgment  of  God. 

These  fanatical  documents  may  be  found  in  full  in  The 
Papacy  and  the  Civil  Power , Thompson,  Harpers,  p.  721, 
and  also  in  Rome  and  the  Newest  Fashions  in  Religion , 
W.  E.  Gladstone,  Harpers,  p.  109. 

To  give  a general  idea  of  the  character  of  this  encyclical, 
we  copy  here,  from  an  able  summary  which  appeared  at  the 
time,  some  of  its  leading  points,  where  the  pope  condemns  in 
the  most  unequivocal  manner  the  foundation  principles  upon 
which  our  government  rests,  and  which  Mexico  and  the  South 
American  States  had  imitated,  and  against  which  he  calls  up 
the  millions  of  his  followers  in  this  land  to  unite  for  their 
overthrow : 

1.  The  Catholic  Church  ought  freely  to  exercise  until  the  end  of  time  a 
“ salutary  force,  not  only  with  regard  to  each  individual  man,  hut  with  re- 
gard to  nations,  peoples,  and  their  rulers.” 

2.  The  best  condition  of  society  is  that  in  which  the  power  of  the  laity 
is  compelled  to  inflict  the  penalties  of  law  upon  violators  of  the  Catholic 
religion. 

3.  The  opinion  that  ‘ ‘ liberty  of  conscience  and  of  w'orship  is  the  right 
of  every  man,”  is  not  only  “ an  erroneous  opinion,  very  hurtful  to  the  safety 
of  the  Catholic  Church  and  of  souls,”  but  is  also  “ delirium.” 

4.  Liberty  of  speech  and  the  press  is  “the  liberty  of  perdition.” 

5.  The  judgments  of  the  holy  see,  even  when  they  do  not  speak  of 
points  of  faith  and  morals,  claim  acquiescence  and  obedience,  under  pain 
of  sin  and  loss  of  the  Catholic  profession. 


198 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


6.  It  is  false  to  say  “that  every  man  is  free  to  embrace  and  profess  the 
religion  he  shall  believe  true,”  or  that  those  who  “embrace  and  profess 
any  religion  may  obtain  eternal  salvation.” 

7.  The  “ Church  has  the  power  of  availing  herself  of  force , or  of  direct 
or  indirect  temporal  power.” 

8.  In  a legal  conflict  “ between  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  powers”  the 
ecclesiastical  “ought  to  prevail.” 

9.  It  is  a false  and  pernicious  doctrine  that  “public  schools  should  be 
open  without  distinction  to  all  children  of  the  people  and  free  from  all 
ecclesiastical  authority.” 

10.  It  is  false  to  say  that  the  “ principle  of  non-intervention  must  be 
proclaimed  and  observed.” 

11.  It  “ is  necessary  in  the  •present  day  that  the  Catholic  religion  shall 
be  held  as  the  only  religion  of  the  State,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other 
modes  of  worship.”  * 

Protestants  in  general  regarded  the  appearance  of  this  re- 
markable document  from  the  Vatican  as  a matter  for  thanks- 
giving. The  liberalism  of  our  times  had  led  many  people  to 
suppose  that  Romanism  had  really  altered  for  the  better,  and 
that  while  many  of  its  writers  still  kept  up  occasionally  the 
role  of  intolerance  the  papacy  itself  had  abandoned  its  denun- 
ciations of  the  evangelical  faith  and  its  followers.'  But  the 
appearance  of  this  portentous  paper  and  the  signature  at  the 
end  settled  that  fond  notion  for  all  the  future.  Kind-hearted, 
tolerant  people  awoke  from  their  dream  and  felt  pained  to  be 
obliged  to  admit  that  here  was  evidence  to  which  they  could  no 
longer  close  their  eyes,  furnishing  a complete  refutation  of  all 
apologies  that  had  been  made  in  times  past  respecting  that 
semi-religious  political  power,  the  Roman  hierarchy. 

Young  Italy  indignantly  burned  the  document  in  the  cities 
and  villages,  the  press  almost  universally  condemned  it.  Many 
ridiculed  it  as  “ post-dated  by  about  three  hundred  years,”  and 
asserted  that  its  author  must  have  imagined  himself  living  in 
the  fifteenth  century.  Notwithstanding  the  liberal  concordat 
that  gives  France  special  protection,  Louis  Napoleon  was  more 
indignant  than  any  other  ruler,  as  it  helped  to  spoil  his  own 
* The  Christian  Advocate , New  York,  1865. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


199 


work  in  Mexico  and  arrested  its  progress.  lie  took  measures 
to  make  the  pope  realize  his  annoyance.  So  the  convention 
between  him  and  Victor  Emmanuel  was  made  closer  in  regard  to 
withdrawing  his  troops  from  Rome,  and  leaving  the  pope  to  the 
care  of  his  own  people.  More  important  still,  an  imperial  de- 
cree appointed  Prince  Jerome  Bonaparte  vice-president  of  the 
privy  council,  and,  in  case  of  the  emperor’s  death,  regent  of  the 
empire,  tints  changing  the  regency  from  the  Empress  Eugenie 
(who  was  regarded  as  wholly  at  the  pope’s  service  through 
her  confessor)  and  conferring  it  upon  one  who  had  ever  been 
opposed  to  French  patronage  of  the  papacy,  and  who,  as  son-in- 
law  to  Victor  Emmanuel,  could  be  counted  upon  to  favor  the 
unity  of  Italy.  This  act  was  a terrible  blow  to  the  pope.  This 
attempt  of  his  to  overthrow  the  leading,  priceless  privileges  of 
modern  civilization  proved  too  much  for  even  Roman  Catholic 
nations,  while  free  Protestant  countries  viewed  it  with  con- 
tempt. There  was  the  true  ring  of  freedom  in  the  speeches 
made  in  the  parliaments  of  Italy,  France,  and  other  nations, 
rejecting  the  papal  demand.  The  same  was  true  of  the  legisla- 
tures of  South  America,  and  Mr.  Bingham’s  grand  utterance  in 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  will  be  long  remembered. 
We  quote  a few  sentences: 

The  syllabus  is  an  attempt  to  fetter  the  freedom  of  conscience;  it  is  an 
attempt  to  fetter  the  freedom  of  speech;  it  is  an  attempt  to  strike  down  the 
rising  antagonism  against  every  despotism  on  the  face  of  the  earth  in  the 
form  of  representative  government,  foremost  among  which  is  America,  the 
child  and  hope  of  the  earth’s  old  age.  . . . Do  not  the  gentlemen  know 
that  the  foremost  of  all  the  men  reared  in  the  faith  of  the  Church  of 
Rome  . . . uttered  the  word  while  under  the  ban  of  Charles  Y. , Leo  X., 
and  Henry  VIII.,  which  speaks  to-day  all  over  Christendom?  I refer  to  the 
Augustine  monk  who  found  out  for  himself  and  repeated  to  mankind  the 
great  central  fact  which  to-day  possesses  the  enlightened  mind  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  that  no  mitered  head  may,  in  “the  grace  of  God,”  or  of  di- 
vine right,  interpose  his  dark  shadow  between  man  and  his  Maker.  Under 
the  omnipotent  power  of  that  utterance  every  tyrant,  whether  in  Rome  or 
out  of  it,  holds  to-day  the  reins  of  power  with  a tremulous  and  unsteady 
hand,  and  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  the  very  throne  of  his  power 


200 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


sliall  turn  to  dust  and  ashes  before  the  consuming  breath  of  the  enlight- 
ened public  opinion  of  the  civilized  world,  which  declares  for  free  govern- 
ment, free  churches,  free  schools,  free  Bibles,  and  free  men.* 

Tims  was  God  opening  a door  of  hope  to  Mexico  even  by  the 
jealousies  and  self-seeking  of  their  common  enemy,  and  at  the 
same  time  preparing  the  way  for  their  overthrow  and  for  her 
own  deliverance. 

This  papal  effort  was  a failure  as  far  as  even  Maximilian  was 
concerned.  Following  the  example  of  the  other  Roman  Cath- 
olic governments  in  Europe,  we  find  him  and  his  cabinet  forbid- 
ding the  publication  of  the  encyclical  or  any  papal  documents 
without  imperial  sanction  previously  obtained.  This  involved 
another  collision  with  the  clergy.  The  situation  in  the  United 
States,  where  the  North  was  gaining  victories  and  power,  and 
the  attitude  of  the  French  Parliament  and  press  had  now  begun 
to  add  seriously  to  Maximilian’s  anxieties.  Favre  and  Thiers 
were  friends  of  Mexican  freedom,  and  resisted  the  emperor’s 
policy  as  far  as  they  dare,  while  the  following  extract  from  one 
of  the  leading  French  papers  will  show  the  public  feeling: 

It  is  a sad  thing  to  say,  but  we  fear  for  our  cash-boxes  that  peace  may 
be  made  iu  the  United  States.  The  largest  thorn  we  have  in  our  foot  is, 
incontestably,  the  Mexican  affair,  which  trammels  our  finances  and  causes 
lively  apprehension  for  the  future.  The  equilibrium  of  our  budget  will 
feel  for  a long  time,  we  think,  the  Mexican  expedition. 

Maximilian  had  been  trying  to  attract  some  of  the  Mexican 
Republicans  to  his  cause,  but  they  quietly  repelled  his  advances. 
He  now  again  took  up  the  idea,  which  he  had  broached  the  year 
before  to  Baron  de  Pont,  of  Brussels,  that  an  interview  with 
President  Juarez,  if  it  could  possibly  be  brought  about,  would 
greatly  facilitate  “ in  smoothing  the  difficulties  and  enlightening 
him  (Juarez)  on  the  views  of  the  archduke  for  the  good  of  the 
country  he  is  called  to  rule  over!”  This  ridiculous  proposal 
Maximilian  now  carried  out,  guaranteeing  to  “ Senor  Juarez” 
a safe  conduct  to  any  locality  he  might  designate  where  the 

* Christian  World , vol.  xxi,  p.  219. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


201 


meeting  could  take  place,  and  was  even  foolisli  enough  to  inti- 
mate motives  of  personal  aggrandizement  to  induce  the  presi- 
dent to  consent  to  such  a consultation  ! This  incorruptible 
ruler  answered  the  letter  of  Maximilian  with  dignity,  as  the 
republican  chief  of  his  nation.  We  quote  its  closing  pas- 
sages : 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  accede  to  this  call;  my  official  occupation 
will  not  admit  of  it.  But  if  in  the  exercise  of  my  public  functions  I could 
accept  such  an  invitation,  the  public  faith,  the  word  and  honor  of  an 
agent  of  Napoleon,  the  perjured,  would  not  be  sufficient — of  a man  whose 
safety  reposes  in  the  hands  of  Mexican  traitors,  and  of  a man  who  at  this 
moment  represents  the  cause  of  one  of  the  parties  who  signed  the  treaty 
of  Soledad.  . . . 

I had  previously  noted  when  the  traitors  of  my  country  presented 
themselves  as  commissioners  at  Miramar  with  the  view  of  tendering 
to  you  the  crown  of  Mexico — sustained  only  by  the  treacherous  pro- 
ceedings of  ten  towns  of  the  nation — that  you  had  not  seen  in  all  these 
proceedings  any  thing  more  than  a ridiculous  farce  unworthy  totally 
of  being  seriously  considered  by  an  honorable  and  intelligent  man. 
You  replied  to  the-e  frauds  by  demanding  the  will  of  the  nation,  freely 
expressed,  as  the  result  of  its  unanimous  vote.  Why,  therefore,  should 
I not  be  surprised  to  see  you  come  upon  the  Mexican  soil  when  no 
measures  have  been  adopted  concerning  the  conditions  exacted  ? Why 
should  I now  not  be  astonished  when  I find  you  accepting  the  deceits 
of  the  traitors,  adopting  their  language,  decorating  and  placing  in  your 
service  bandits  like  Marquez  and  Herran,  and  surrounding  yourself  with 
that  low  class  of  Mexican  people  ? I have,  frankly  speaking,  been  greatly 
deceived. 

You  tell  me  that  peace  will  result  from  the  conference  we  may  have, 
and  with  it  the  happiness  of  the  Mexican  people,  and  that  the  empire  will 
hereafter,  by  placing  me  in  an  important  position,  have  the  benefit  to  Ire 
derived  from  my  knowledge  and  the  support  of  my  patriotism.  It  is 
true,  sir,  contemporaneous  history  registers  the  names  of  great  traitors 
who  have  proved  false  to  their  oaths,  their  promises,  and  their  words, 
who  have  betrayed  their  former  history  and  every  thing  that  is  sacred  to 
the  man  of  honor;  that  in  all  their  betrayals  of  all  human  relations  the 
traitor  has  been  guided  by  the  infamous  ambition  of  rule  and  the  vile  de- 
sires of  pandering  to  his  own  passions  and  vices ; but  the  present  incum- 
bent in  the  presidency  of  the  republic,  who  rose  from  the  obscure  masses  of 
the  people,  shall  bow  poor  and  full  of  misery,  if  in  the  arcana  of  Providence 
it  is  decreed  that  he  shall  so  succumb,  but  complying  with  his  oaths,  and 


202 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


thus  meeting  the  hopes  of  the  nation  over  which  he  presides,  he  will  thus 
satisfy  the  inspirations  of  his  conscience.* 

What  a lesson  of  uprightness  and  honor  is  here  presented 
before  a proud  descendant  of  Charles  Y.  by  a humble  repub- 
lican of  the  Aztec  race?  This  letter  was  published  in  the 
various  state  journals  of  the  governments  of  South  America, 
and  became  the  subject  of  warm  eulogies  in  their  congresses. 

In  a proclamation  of  great  courage  the  President  of  Mexico 
once  more  rallied  the  nation  to  put  forth  its  best  efforts  to  com- 
plete the  work  of  their  deliverance,  closing  with  the  words: 

We  have  generous  co-laborers  within  and  without  the  republic  who 
with  their  pens,  their  influence,  and  their  money  are  aiding  us,  and  they 
offer  up  earnest  prayers  for  the  salvation  of  our  country.  Redouble,  then, 
your  efforts. 

Mr.  Seward,  conscious  of  the  firmer  ground  occupied  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  on  the  10th  of  December, 
1SG5,  sent  the  following  to  our  embassador  at  Paris : 

It  is  the  president’s  purpose  that  France  should  be  respectfully  in- 
formed upon  two  points,  namely  : 

1st.  That  the  United  States  earnestly  desire  to  continue  and  to  cultivate 
sincere  friendship  with  France. 

2d.  Tiiat  this  policy  would  be  brought  into  jeopardy  unless  France 
could  deem  it  consistent  with  her  interest  and  honor  to  desist  from 
the  prosecution  of  armed  intervention  in  Mexico  to  overthrow  the  repub- 
lican government  existing  there  and  to  establish  upon  its  ruins  the  foreign 
monarchy  which  has  been  attempted  in  the  capital  of  the  country.  . . . 
We  should  think  it  wrong,  as  well  as  unwise,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  to  attempt  to  subvert  by  force  monarchical  governments  in  Europe, 
for  the  purpose  of  replacing  them  with  republican  institutions.  It  seems 
to  us  equally  objectionable  that  European  States  should  forcibly  interfere 
in  States  situated  on  this  continent  to  overthrow  republican  institutions 
and  replace  them  with  monarchies  or  empires. 

Having  thus  frankly  stated  our  position,  I leave  the  question  for  the 
consideration  of  France,  sincerely  hoping  that  that  great  nation  may  find 
it  compatible  with  its  best  interests  and  high  honor  to  withdraw  from  its 
aggressive  attitude  in  Mexico  within  some  convenient  and  reasonable 

* Official  Journal  of  the  Mexican  Government , Chihuahua,  July  29,  1865. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


203 


time,  and  thus  leave  that  people  of  the  country  to  the  free  enjoyment 
of  the  system  of  republican  government  they  have  established  for  them- 
selves, and  of  their  adhesion  to  which  they  have  given  what  seems  to  the 
United  States  to  be  decisive  and  conclusive  as  well  as  touching  proofs.* 

There  was  some  cunning  maneuvering  to  extract  a promise 
from  our  government  that  his  work  in  Mexico  should  be  re- 
spected after  the  withdrawal  of  his  forces  (which  was  not  con- 
ceded) before  Napoleon  fixed  the  date  for  the  evacuation  of 
Mexico  by  his  troops.  The  deplorable  condition  of  the  Mexican 
empire  was  already  revealed  by  Maximilian  himself  in  the  fol- 
lowing confidential  letter  to  a friend  : 

Chapultepec,  June , 1865. 

It  is  needful  to  confess  frankly  that  our  military  situation  is  as  lad 
as  it  can  be.  Guanajuato  and  Guadalajara  are  threatened.  The  city  of 
Morelia  is  surrounded  by  enemies.  Acapulco  is  lost,  and  provides,  by  its 
excellent  position,  an  ever-open  road  to  feed  the  war  and  supply  the 
enemy  with  men  and  arms.  There  is  no  news  from  the  North,  so  that 
the  situation  is,  I suspect,  very  bad,  worse  than  it  was  last  autumn. 

Precious  time  has  been  lost,  the  public  treasury  is  ruined,  confidence  is 
disturbed,  and  all  because  they  have  been  made  to  believe  in  Paris  that 
the  war  has  been  gloriously  concluded  and  immense  territories,  vaster  than 
France  itself,  have  been  tranquillized.  A large  number  of  troops,  believ- 
ing these  absolutely  false  rumors,  have  withdrawn,  thinking  that  by 
so  doing  they  would  overcome  opposition.  An  insufficient  number  of 
soldiers  remains.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  been  obliged  to  spend 
enormous  sums  on  the  bad  auxiliary  troops,  and  so  this  poor  country  has 
to  pay  French  troops  and  hordes  of  natives  troops  who  only  cause  disas- 
ter; and  in  recompense  for  these  huge  pecuniary  sacrifices  we  see  the 
principal  cities  of  the  country,  the  centers  of  wTealth,  threatened  by  daring 
soldiers  who  are  generally  known  as  and  called  “ thieves ,”  but  who  mani- 
fest a remarkable  military  talent  and  take  immediate  advantage  of  the 
many  weaknesses  of  our  position.  ... 

Speaking  of  Morelia  reminds  me  of  the  promises  made  to  me  last  year. 
They  talked  then,  as  now,  about  the  rainy  season,  and  said  every  thing 
would  be  over  in  the  winter.  A thousand  promises  were  made  to  the 
unhappy  towns,  and  though  a whole  year  lias  gone  by  we  find  ourselves 
in  just  as  deplorable  a position  as  then.  Maximilian.! 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States,  1865,  p.  451. 
f La  Corte  de  Roma,  p.  27. 


204 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


The  contrast  between  the  sad  revelations  of  this  letter  and 
the  roseate  reports  being  published  by  clerical  journals  and 
such  authors  as  Domenech,  Flint,  Elton,  and  others  is  most 
striking!  The  French  troops  openly  boasted  that  they  “ were 
trampling  the  Monroe  doctrine  of  the  Washington  government 
into  the  mud  of  Mexico  under  their  horses’  hoofs  ! ” They  did 
not  report  the  increased  number  of  towns  where  patriotic  meet- 
ings were  being  held,  nor  that  resources  of  trained  men  and 
munitions  of  war  were  being  added  to  the  republican  army,  nor 
that  they  themselves  were  being  slowly  driven  back  toward  the 
capital.  Nor  did  they  report  the  facts  that  proved  indisputa- 
bly that,  apart  from  the  clerical  party  and  compromised  traitors, 
monarchy  had  no  following  in  Mexico,  and  that  its  only  pros- 
pect for  a standing  was  in  foreign  soldiers  and  foreign  money. 
Take  a simple  incident  in  illustration.  Chihuahua,  the  largest 
city  of  north-west  Mexico,  was  two  or  three  times  captured  by 
the  French,  to  prevent  Juarez  from  having  his  government 
there.  When  military  necessity  obliged  them  to  give  it  up  it 
was  at  once  re-occupied  by  a republican  force  and  the  president 
and  his  cabinet  returned.  On  one  occasion  during  the  French 
occupation  Seilor  J.  Escobar,  who  had  filled  various  responsi- 
ble offices  and  had  been  secretary  of  legation  at  Washington  (in 
18G1-G3),  attempted  with  others  to  celebrate  the  16th  of  Sep- 
tember in  honor  of  Hidalgo.  He  was  arrested,  imprisoned,  and 
made  to  sweep  the  streets  with  the  common  prisoners  of  the  city. 
But  the  ladies  and  children  turned  out  en  masse  and  strewed 
flowers  along  his  way  as  he  performed  his  humiliating  task. 

Just  at  this  time  there  was  developed  that  feature  of  vacilla- 
tion in  Maximilian’s  character  which  resulted  in  acts  so  relent- 
less and  cruel  that  the  world  was  horrified  when  the  facts  came 
out,  and  which  have  left  his  name  covered  with  an  infamy 
which  will  last  as  long  as  the  French  Intervention  is  remem- 
bered. Whether  he  made  up  his  mind  to  pursue  this  terroriz- 
ing course  of  his  own  volition,  or  whether  he  was  urged  to  it 
by  the  advice  of  other  wicked  spirits  around  him  (such  as  Mira- 
mon  and  Marquez),  has  not  been  made  clear.  But  he  assumed 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


205 


the  terrible  responsibility,  and  so  far  as  the  human  eye  can  now 
see  the  “ sin  lieth  at  his  door”  alone.  God  and  man  hold  him 
accountable.  Finding  that  he  could  not  overcome  the  republican 
forces  by  fair  fight,  he  concluded  to  deny  them  every  right  of  war 
or  belligerency,  and  advertised  them  as  brigands  to  whom  no 
mercy  should  be  shown  when  captured.  lie  was  weak  enough 
to  suppose  that  decrees  to  this  effect  would  paralyze  their  patri- 
otism as  they  fought  for  their  country’s  freedom  against  the  rule 
of  a foreigner.  His  first  move  to  accomplish  this  purpose  was 
to  deny  that  they  had  a flag  or  a government  to  follow.  There- 
fore, on  the  2d  of  October,  1865,  he  issued  a decree  to  the  nation 
asserting  positively  that  President  Juarez  had  been  driven  out 
of  Mexico  and  taken  shelter  in  the  United  States ; that  this 
fact  left  them  without  a leader  and  turned  them  into  bandits, 
whose  assassination  was  therefore  lawful  and  imperative  in  the 
interest  of  order  as  well  as  of  the  imperial  government ! 

This  decree  was  & falsehood.  President  Juarez  never  left  the 
territory  of  Mexico  for  an  hour  while  carrying  on  his  govern- 
ment. lie  was  then  at  Paso  del  ISTorte,  and  remained  there  till 
the  17th  of  the  following  June,  when  he  and  his  cabinet  re- 
moved to  Chihuahua,  two  hundred  and  forty  miles  nearer  to  the 
capital. 

Next  morning  (October  3)  Maximilian  issued  another  decree, 
known  ever  since  and  will  be  known  in  the  future  of  Mexican 
history  as  “ the  Black  Decree.”  It  was  drawn  with  great  artful- 
ness, so  as  to  catch  not  merely  the  officers  and  men  of  the  re- 
publican army,  but  also  all  who  sympathized  with  them,  or  who 
afforded  them  the  least  help  or  comfort  or  information  in  the 
conflict.  MTe  here  present,  almost  in  full,  the  text  of  this  in- 
human decree  : 

We,  Maximilian,  Emperor  of  Mexico,  by  the  advice  of  our  council  of 
ministers  and  of  our  council  of  state,  do  decree  as  follows: 

Article  I. — All  persons  belonging  to  armed  bands  or  societies  not  legally 
authorized,  whether  of  a political  nature  or  not,  whatever  be  the  number 
of  those  forming  the  band,  or  its  organization,  character,  or  denomination, 
shall  be  tried  by  a court-martial,  and,  if  found  guilty,  if  only  of  the  act  of 


206 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


belonging  to  such  a band,  they  shall  be  condemned  to  capital  punishment, 
which  shall  be  executed  within  the  twenty-four  hours  next  ensuing  after 
the  declaration  of  the  sentence. 

Article  II. — Persons  belonging  to  the  band  described  in  the  foregoing 
article,  when  caught  using  arms,  shall  be  tried  by  the  commandants  of  the 
force  making  the  capture,  who,  within  twenty-four  hours  after  such  ap- 
prehension, shall  cause  the  offense  to  be  verbally  investigated,  hearing  the 
offender  in  his  own  defense.  A record  of  such  investigation  shall  be 
written  down,  terminating  with  the  sentence,  which  shall  be  capital 
punishment  should  the  offender  be  found  guilty,  if  even  solely  of  the  fact 
of  belonging  to  the  band.  The  commanding  officer  shall  cause  the  sen- 
tence to  be  executed  within  twenty-four  hours,  allowing  the  culprit  to  re- 
ceive spiritual  consolation,  and  after  execution  of  the  sentence  the  said 
officer  shall  forward  a record  of  the  proceedings  to  the  minister  of  war. 

Article XIII. — The  sentences  of  death  rendered  for  the  crimes  described 
in  this  decree  shall  be  executed  within  the  periods  stated,  and  no  petitions 
for  pardon  will  be  received. 

Article  XV. — The  government  reserves  the  right  to  declare  when  the 
provisions  of  this  decree  shall  cease. 

Given  at  the  palace  in  Mexico,  October  3,  1865.  Maximilian. 

To  show  how  this  barbarous  decree  worked  we  will  refer  to 
the  first  case  that  occurred  under  it.  Only  ten  days  after  the 
signing  of  this  decree  the  fortunes  of  war  in  the  State  of  Miclio- 
acan  threw  into  the  power  of  Colonel  R.  Mendez  several  hun- 
dred republican  troops.  Among  these  were  officers  of  the 
highest  rank,  such  as  Generals  Arteaga  and  Salazar,  six  colonels, 
and  a number  of  subordinate  officers.  They  were  surprised  and 
taken  prisoners  in  the  town  of  Santa  Anna  Amatlan.  They  all 
belonged  to  the  regular  army  and  were  gentlemen  of  education 
and  profession,  and  had  fought  for  the  independence  of  their 
country  from  the  time  that  the  French  entered  Mexico.  Ar- 
teaga, wrho  had  been  twice  Governor  of  the  State  of  Queretaro, 
had  reached  the  highest  rank  in  the  military  service  and  was  in 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Center.  He  was  a patriot  without 
blemish,  and  enjoyed  among  friends  and  foes  the  highest  repu- 
tation for  honor  and  humanity.  They  were  informed  of  the 
decree  signed  ten  days  before,  and  told  that  within  twenty-four 
hours  they  would  be  executed  ! 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


207 


But  even  Mendez,  one  of  the  most  heartless  of  traitors,  as 
his  record  shows,  seems  to  have  shrunk  for  the  moment  from 
thus  immolating  fellow-countrymen  like  these,  lie  postponed 
the  execution  and  wrote  at  once  to  Mexico  to  inquire  from  the 
emperor  if  this  was  really  the  purport  of  the  decree,  and 
whether  he  would  be  justified  in  sacrificing  them  according  to 
its  terms.  Appended  to  this  dispatch  was  a note  by  the  officer 
next  in  command  to  Mendez,  C.  D.  Barres,  as  follows.  Speak- 
ing of  the  surprise  in  which  the  party  were  captured,  he  says  : 

This  achievement,  one  of  the  most  glorious  of  the  campaign,  does  the 
greatest  honor  to  Colonel  Mendez  and  simplifies  the  task  of  pacificating 
Michoacan.  Arteaga,  without  being  a skillful  general,  is  an  honest  and 
sincere  man,  who  has  distinguished  himself  more  than  once  in  his  career 
by  traits  of  humanity.  Justice  to  the  conquered. 

This  honorable  indorsement  appended  to  the  dispatch  of 
Mendez  went  before  Maximilian  and  his  military  advisers  for 
their  action. 

During  the  seven  days  that  elapsed  before  the  reply  could 
reach  Mendez  every  effort  was  made  by  French,  Belgian,  and 
Austrian  soldiers  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  and  humanely 
treated  and  exchanged  by  the  forces  commanded  by  Arteaga. 
Two  hundred  and  fourteen  of  them,  then  within  reach,  signed 
a protest  against  the  execution,  and  another  communication  by 
them  was  sent  in  haste  to  Maximilian.  All  in  vain.  On  the 
21st  the  reply  arrived,  a mandate  from  Maximilian  through  the 
imperial  minister  of  war,  that  “ they  were  all  to  he  shot , and 
directing  Mendez  in  this  and  all  subsequent  occasions  to  exe- 
cute the  provisions  of  the  decree  to  the  very  letter  ! ” There 
exists  to-day  the  most  abundant  evidence  of  these  atrocities ; 
not  merely  the  official  documents  of  the  diplomatic  correspond- 
ence, which  in  themselves  are  ample,  and  other  volumes  writ- 
ten by  these  authors  from  personal  knowledge,  but  also  a 
special  and  illustrated  record,  prepared  by  leading  patriots  of 
Mexico.  It  is  full  of  pathos,  written  in  a calm,  judicial  spirit, 
which  we  will  now  present  to  our  readers.  The  volume  is 


208 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


very  large  and  richly  illustrated,  and  bears  the  title  of  El  Libro 
Rojo.  Translated  it  means  “ The  Red  Booh,”  but  from  the 
deeds  recorded  it  might  well  be  entitled  “ The  Book  of  Blood.” 
Its  thirty-three  sketches  include  some  of  the  acts  of  the  Inqui- 
sition in  Mexico,  and  with  a few  exceptions  relate  the  torture 
and  imprisonment  inflicted  on  the  victims  of  Spanish  and 
Romish  cruelty  as  well  as  those  inflicted  by  the  traitors  to  their 
country  on  its  faithful  patriots.  The  descriptions  are  written 
by  leading  public  men  of  Mexico  and  are  signed  by  the  authors. 
The  pictures  of  the  later  scenes  are  portraits  of  the  sufferers, 
and  add  greatly  to  the  interest  of  the  book,  which  is  very  costly 
and  now  difficult  to  obtain.  It  is  Mexico’s  voice  in  protest 
against  the  cruelties  perpetrated  on  martyrs  of  her  liberties. 
In  compiling  the  account  of  the  first  terrible  result  of  “ the 
Black  Decree”  of  October  3,  we  have  availed  ourselves,  in 
addition  to  what  appears  in  the  official  correspondence  and  this 
Libro  Rojo , of  the  information  gathered  by  Colonel  Evans,  who 
accompanied  Mr.  Seward  through  Mexico  two  years  after  the 
death  of  Maximilian  and  the  restoration  of  the  republic.  The 
reception  of  Mr.  Seward  by  the  grateful  Mexican  people,  for 
the  noble  stand  he  took  from  the  first  in  their  behalf,  was  of 
the  heartiest  character.  Ilis  traveling  companion  was  desirous 
of  writing  up  the  actual  facts  of  the  death  of  Generals  Arteaga 
and  Salazar,  and  had,  at  head-quarters,  so  near  the  time,  the 
fullest  opportunity  for  accomplishing  his  purpose. 

On  the  evening  of  the  21st  of  October,  when  the  decision 
arrived  from  the  capital,  the  two  generals  were  notified  that 
they  were  to  die  the  next  morning.  The  information  was  re- 
ceived with  serenity.  They  occupied  themselves  with  writing 
to  their  families  and  arranging  their  worldly  affairs. 

A kind-hearted  priest,  the  curate  of  the  place,  by  the  name 
of  Ortiz,  who  may  have  sympathized  with  their  cause — as  a few 
of  his  class  did — came  and  spent  the  last  night  with  them,  and 
grateful  mention  is  made  of  the  consolation  they  derived  from 
this  good  man’s  exhortations  and  prayers  during  its  hours.  He 
also  took  charge  of  the  letters  written  by  the  prisoners  to  their 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


209 


mothers,  with  some  little  gifts,  and  had  them  safely  delivered. 
Certainly  the  world  is  richer  that  these  two  letters  were  pre- 
served, to  be  read  and  admired  by  those  who  honor  true 
nobility  and  unflinching  courage  in  the  trying  hour.  Ilow 
tender  is  the  dying  remembrance  of  the  brave  man  for  the 
young  sister,  who  seems  to  have  derived  her  sobriquet  of  “ the 
little  Yankee”  from  the  way  in  which  she  stood  up  for. the 
United  States  as  her  idea  of  a true  republic! 

The  following  is  General  Arteaga’s  letter  : 

o o 

Uruafan,  Oct.  20,  1865. 

My  Adored  Mother:  I was  taken,  prisoner  on  the  13th  instant  by  the 
imperial  troops,  and  to-morrow  I am  to  be  shot.  I pray  you,  mamma,  to 
pardon  me  for  all  the  suffering  I have  caused  you  during  the  time  I have 
followed  the  profession  of  arms,  against  your  will.  Mamma,  in  spite  of 
all  my  efforts  to  aid  you,  the  only  means  I had  I sent  you  in  April  last; 
but  God  is  with  you,  and  he  will  not  suffer  you  to  perish,  nor  my  sister 
Trinidad,  the  little  Yankee. 

Mamma,  I leave  nothing  but  a spotless  name,  for  I have  never  taken 
any  thing  that  did  not  belong  to  me,  and  I trust  God  will  pardon  all  my 
sins  and  take  me  into  his  glory. 

I die  a Christian,  and  bid  you  all  adieu — you,  Dolores,  and  all  the 
family,  as  your  very  obedient  son,  Jose  M.  Arteaga. 

The  letter  of  his  fellow-sufferer  was  equally  worthy : 

Uruapan,  Oct.  20,  1865. 

Adored  Mother:  It  is  seven  o’clock  at  night,  and  General  Arteaga, 
Colonel  Villa  Gomez,  with  three  other  chiefs  and  myself  have  just  been 
condemned.  My  conscience  is  quiet.  I go  down  to  the  tomb  at  thirty- 
three  years  of  age,  without  a stain  on  my  military  career  or  a blot  on  my 
name.  Weep  not,  but  be  comforted,  for  the  only  crime  your  son  has 
committed  is  the  defense  of  a holy  cause — the  independence  of  his  coun- 
try. For  this  I am  to  be  shot.  I have  no  money,  for  I have  saved  noth- 
ing. I leave  you  without  a fortune,  but  God  will  aid  you  and  my  chil- 
dren, who  are  proud  to  bear  my  name. 

Direct  my  children  and  my  brothers  to  the  path  of  honor,  for  the 
scaffold  cannot  stain  loyal  names.  Adieu,  my  dear  mother.  . . . My 
blessings  for  all  my  friends,  and  receive  the  last  farewell  of  your  obedient 
and  faithful  son,  who  loves  you  much.  Carlos  Salazar. 

Postscript. — If  affairs  should  change  hereafter — and  it  is  possible  they 
may— 1 wish  my  ashes  to  repose  by  the  side  of  my  children,  in  your  town. 

15 


210 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


Things  did  change  in  truth.  When  the  cause  for  which  they 
died  triumphed  the  remains  of  these  martyrs  were  brought  to 
the  capital  and  interred  near  President  Juarez,  within  the 
sacred  precincts  where  Mexico  honors  her  illustrious  dead. 

Xo  relaxation  of  this  awful  decree  was  allowed.  The  assas- 
sinations went  on  to  the  very  last.  A well-authenticated  case, 
within  three  days  of  Maximilian’s  capture  at  Queretaro,  is  given. 
A young  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Mercado,  son  of  one  of  the 
leading  families  of  Queretaro,  was  taken  by  the  imperialist  force 
and  was  executed  within  the  twenty-four  hours,  as  prescribed 
by  the  decree.  Xo  chance  for  mercy,  nor  for  the  rectification 
of  mistakes,  where  only  a verbal  examination  was  allowed,  and 
where  the  officer  in  charge  was  forbidden  to  forward  any  peti- 
tion for  pardon!  What  fastens  the  responsibility  for  these 
assassinations  upon  Maximilian  still  more  definitely  was  his 
act  when,  seven  weeks  after  the  deaths  of  Arteaga  and  Salazar, 
he  rewarded  Mendez  in  the  following  order,  which  appears  in 
the  Official  Journal  of  December  9,  1SG5 : “Colonel  Mendez, 
the  captor  of  Arteaga,  etc.,  has  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
general  on  account  of  his  recent  services  in  Michoaean.”  * 

At  this  very  time — 'November,  18G5 — Marshal  Bazaine  was 
humanely  exchanging  prisoners  at  Mexico  city  with  General 
Riva  Palacios.  Xo  wonder  that  he  and  Maximilian  quarreled, 
and  that  he  hated  Marquez  and  the  church  party.  As  com- 
mander-in-chief Bazaine  concedes  the  rights  of  belligerents  to 
the  forces  of  the  republican  army,  and  calls  their  leader  “gen- 
eral,” and  even  compliments  their  humanity  to  the  French  pris- 
oners in  their  power.  His  language  to  the  republican  general 
is  a sufficient  reply  to  Maximilian’s  cruel  decree.  lie  wrote  : 

I am  pleased  at  the  sentiments  of  humanity  that  have  animated  you  in 
this  affair.  ...  I will  not  close  this  letter  without  thanking  you  for  your 
kindness  and  attentions  toward  the  prisoners. 


* El  Libro  Rojo.  V.  Riva  Palacios  y Manuel  Payno.  Mexico,  1870.  Diplomatic 
Correspondence  of  the  United  States , 1866,  p.  460,  etc.  Our  Sister  Republic , by 
Colonel  Evans,  p.  324.  Hartford,  Conn.,  1870. 


- 


MONOGRAM  OF  MAXIMILIAN, 

With  Medallions  of  his  favorite  Generals 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


211 


Here  we  present  a monogram  which  appeared  at  this  time  as 
an  attempt  to  popularize  the  empire.  How  far  Maximilian 
was  responsible  for  its  publication  does  not  appear.  But  the 
bad  taste  expressed  in  it  is  unaccountable.  The  emperor  and 
empress  are  seen  in  the  central  medallion,  their  armorial  bearings 
are  above  them,  and  on  either  side  are  their  favorite  generals, 
Hiram  on,  Mejia,  and  Marquez — men  infamous  for  their  cruel- 
ties, and  who  were  held  in  abhorrence,  with  good  reason,  in  tens 
of  thousands  of  homes  in  Mexico.  Two  of  these  men  shared 
the  fate  of  the  emperor,  and  the  other  fled  his  country,  too 
guilty  to  be  forgiven.  The  lower  portrait  is  Marquez,  the 
one  on  the  left  Miramon,  and  on  the  right  Mejia.  These  are 
the  generals  who  attempted  to  build  up  the  empire  by  the  cru- 
elties of  “ the  Black  Decree.”  The  last  place  where  we  should 
look  for  such  faces  in  conjunction  with  Maximilian  and  fair 
Carlota  would  be  under  the  motto  of  the  empire,  “ Equity 
and  Justice” — a motto  which  they  so  utterly  failed  to  evidence 
in  this  period  of  their  unworthy  career. 

The  year  1866  opened  in  gloom  for  the  French  Intervention. 
Napoleon’s  course  in  regard  to  discontinuing  the  monthly  grant 
for  the  support  of  the  troops,  his  dissatisfaction  with  the  prog- 
ress made,  joined  to  solicitude  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  United 
States  government,  with  their  war  closing,  and  the  immense 
resources  now  free  under  their  command,  were  sad  facts  for 
the  young  couple  that  occupied  the  imperial  throne.  Then,  in 
addition,  Santa  Anna  was  prowling  round,  like  a beast  of  prey, 
anxious  to  enter  Mexico  and  start  an  interest  of  his  own.  For 
this  purpose  he  issued  a proclamation  to  the  nation,  dated 
“ Elizabethport,  N.  J.,  June  5.”  He  had  the  hypocrisy  to 
offer  his  services  on  the  21st  of  May  to  the  republican 
government,  which  were  promptly  declined,  because,  as  the 
reply  runs : 

As  an  officer  he  has  been  disloyal  to  all  the  governments  that  have  em- 
ployed him ; that  as  the  head  of  the  government  he  has  been  disloyal  to 
all  the  parties  who  have  aided  him  to  power,  and  that  as  a Mexican  he 
has  been  lately  disloyal  to  the  cause  of  his  country. 


212 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


lie  then  had  the  audacity  to  address  our  own  government  on 
the  10th  of  August,  asking  “ support  ” in  his  enterprise  and 
promising  ‘‘gratitude  to  our  government  with  a liberal  hand” 
if  thus  assisted!  He  was  promptly  repelled  by  a note  from 
Mr.  Seward.  His  countrymen  in  New  York,  learning  of  his 
attempts,  in  their  organization,  “ The  Mexican  Club,”  at  once 
drew  up  a public  protest  against  him  and  his  plans  as  “ the 
man  who  was  always  the  foe  of  freedom,  and  who,  abusing  all 
honor,  begged  for  Mexico  the  shameful  foreign  yoke  she  now 
wears.”  To  commemorate  this  man’s  rejection  Maximilian  (to 
whom  two  years  before  he  had  actually  offered  his  services)  on 
the  12th  of  July  issued  a decree  ordering  the  confiscation  of  all 
Santa  Anna’s  property  in  Mexico.  Ordinary  mortals  would 
have  been  extinguished  after  such  a tornado  of  repulses.  But 
Santa  Anna  was  not  an  ordinary  mortal,  and  he  was  yet  to 
make  one  more  dash  for  the  destruction  of  his  country’s  free- 
dom before  abandoning  public  life  forever. 

How  desperate  the  state  of  the  empire  must  have  become  by 
the  1st  of  July  may  be  imagined  by  the  sudden  departure  of 
the  empress  for  Europe  in  the  ordinary  mail  steamer  of  that 
month.  Her  presence  was  very  essential  to  her  husband.  In- 
deed, she  was  regarded  as  the  prop  of  the  whole  enterprise, 
from  her  superior  mental  ability,  for  Maximilian  was  con- 
fessedly weak  and  unreliable;  yet  this  gifted  woman  resolved 
to  face  alone  the  risks  of  such  a journey,  including  the  danger 
to  her  life  from  the  yellow  fever  at  Vera  Cruz  (which  rages 
worst  in  July),  and  to  leave  her  husband  alone  and  exposed 
in  her  desperate  efEort  to  save  their- empire.  What  she  could 
hope  to  accomplish,  which  could  not  be  done  by  correspond- 
ence, by  her  personal  presence  in  Paris  and  Rome,  may  be 
inferred  by  glancing  at  the  leading  items  of  the  situation. 
Foremost  of  all  was  the  expressed  intention  of  Napoleon  to 
withdraw  his  troops,  in  view  of  the  pressure  from  the  United 
States.  Of  the  small  force  that  would  remain  to  Maximilian, 
the  republican  troops,  she  feared,  and  rightly,  would  soon  give 
a good  account.  Worse,  if  possible,  than  the  loss  of  the  French 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


213 


force  was  tlie  warning  from  Napoleon  that  the  monthly  re- 
mittance for  expenses  must  soon  cease,  in  view  of  his  own 
increasing  military  wants  and  the  clamor  of  the  French  parlia- 
ment and  press  against  further  outlay  in  a hungry  enterprise 
which  swallowed  up  such  enormous  sums,  and  yet  yielded  no 
return  in  either  gain  or  glory.  The  course  of  Bazaine,  also,  in 
refusing  to  recognize  Maximilian  as  his  master  in  his  military 
measures — for  the  marshal  had  a contempt  for  the  Mexican 
emperors  judgment,  and  was  wont  to  ignore  him  and  decide 
what  was  to  be  done  in  view  of  his  instructions  from  Napo- 
leon— was  keenly  felt  by  Maximilian,  as  commander-in-chief 
of  his  empire,  all  the  more  as  the  French  were  losing  ground 
and  many  of  the  important  cities  had  been  recaptured  by  the 
republican  forces.  Add  to  this  the  unrelenting  pressure  of  the 
church  party  to  force  Maximilian  to  act  in  the  line  of  the 
papal  allocution,  even  to  the  point  of  reimbursing  the  Church 
for  her  losses  by  republican  confiscation — and  this,  too,  at  a time 
when  he  was  uncertain  from  whence  the  support  of  his  own 
household  was  to  come — and  we  have  more  than  enough  to  ac- 
count for  the  desperation  that  led  Carlota  to  cross  the  sea  to 
endeavor  to  relieve  their  distressing  situation.  She  was  deter- 
mined to  find  out  if  her  husband  was  really  emperor,  or  merely 
a French  agent,  and  she  flattered  herself  that  she  could  sway 
Napoleon  to  her  views  of  the  case.  Alas  ! that  “ imperturbable 
reserve”  and  “ambiguity”  for  which  the  “sphinx  of  the 
Tuileries”  was  already  known  proved  too  much  even  for  the 
accomplished  daughter  of  that  Nestor  of  kings,  Leopold.  The 
case  was  even  worse  for  her  than  when  she  left  Mexico,  for  on 
her  way  across  the  ocean  she  may  have  imagined  that  Austria 
had  chastised  Prussian  insolence  and  would  be  therefore  tri- 
umphant ! What  a terrible  revelation  must  the  fact  of  the 
case  have  been  when  she  landed  and  /Sadowa’s  result  was  told 
to  her  astonished  ears ! Austria’s  power  dashed  to  pieces, 
Napoleon  so  involved  that  he  was  preoccupied  with  affairs  with 
which,  in  their  gravity  to  himself,  the  Mexican  enterprise  was 
a mere  military  excursion!  The  attention  of  French  statesmen 


214 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


could  not  be  attracted  to  the  Mexican  empire  save  to  wisli 
that  tlieir  emperor  had  never  originated  it.  The  conviction 
was  now  forced  upon  her  that  help  from  France  was  out  of  the 
question,  and  that  if  their  empire  could  not  stand  when  the 
French  troops  were  recalled  and  French  money  ceased  to  flow 
to  it,  then  it  would  be  hardly  worth  while  for  her  to  make 
another  journey  across  the  Atlantic!  The  short  answers  re- 
ceived from  Napoleon  could  not  have  been  a total  surprise  to 
her,  nor  his  evident  desire  that  she  should  leave  Paris,  while 
he  addressed  himself  to  the  question  of  withdrawing  from 
Mexican  affairs  with  as  little  loss  to  his  prestige  as  possible. 

There  was  only  one  thing  for  the  distressed  empress  to  do, 
and  that  was  to  place  herself  and  their  cause  in  the  hands  of  the 
pope,  from  whom  she  fully  expected  sympathy  and  such  help 
as  he  could  give.  But  here  begins  the  dark  cloud  which  so  soon 
enveloped  her  mental  powers.  Maximilian’s  failure  to  carry 
out  the  stern  policy  of  the  pontiff  in  regard  to  reversing  the  ac- 
tion of  the  Republicans,  and,  worse  still,  in  having  himself,  under 
the  pressure  of  the  nation's  necessities,  ordered  the  renewal  of 
the  sale  of  the  church  property,  had  enraged  the  curia,  so  that 
the  pope  at  first  could  hardly  be  civil  to  the  empress,  and  it  is 
said  that  he  condemned  her  husband’s  conduct  in  very  strong 
language.  The  deed  for  which  he  had  excommunicated  Victor 
Emmanuel  could  not  be  overlooked  in  Maximilian. 

Of  the  sad  events  of  the  days  since  Carlota’s  arrival  in  Eu- 
rope the  following  letter  was  a melancholy  report  for  Maximil- 
ian. It  was  written  by  his  embassador  at  Rome  oh  the  18th  of 
October,  1866 : 

Sire:  I proceed  to  inform  your  majesty  of  the  particulars  of  the  un- 
fortunate and  unexpected  events  of  the  last  few  days. 

IVe  could  imagine  many  calamities  to  Mexico,  but  it  certainly  never 
entered  our  minds,  when  we  were  admiring  the  courage  and  heroic  valor 
of  her  majesty  the  empress  at  leaving  your  majesty,  enduring  the  dangers 
and  fatigues  of  the  bad  roads  to  Yera  Cruz,  in  the  rainy  season,  in  the 
midst  of  yellow  fever,  crossing  the  ocean  and  coming  as  a great  negotia- 
trix  to  demand  rights  for  Mexico  and  the  execution  of  treaties,  that  she 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


215 


would  be  so  ungraciously  received  iu  Paris  as  to  affect  her  majesty’s  mind 
so  seriously. 

The  effects  of  her  reception  in  Paris  were  so  strong  that  she  had  to  stop 
in  Botzen,  on  the  way  to  Rome,  where  she  imagined  herself  surrounded  by 
Napoleon’s  spies  and  traitors,  who  had  poisoned  her.  On  the  2Gth  her 
majesty  rested  iu  Rome,  and  the  next  day  we  called  to  see  his  holiness. 
This  interview  was  solitary,  as  your  majesty  knows  is  the  custom  with 
sovereigns,  and  lasted  one  hour  and  eighteen  minutes. 

At  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning,  on  the  1st  iiist.,  her  majesty  the  em- 
press went  out,  and  I waited  for  her  till  three.  At  five  and  a quarter  I 
got  a note  from  Cardinal  Antonelli,  telling  me  to  come  to  the  Vatican 
immediately. 

I met  Cardinal  Antonelli  much  afflicted  because  her  majesty  the  em- 
press said  she  would  not  return  to  the  hotel  until  Count  del  Valle,  her 
lady  of  the  wardrobe,  and  Dr.  Benslaveck,  who,  she  said,  had  poisoned 
her,  had  left  the  house.  She  wanted  to  stay  in  the  Vatican  all  night,  for 
fear  of  the  persons  mentioned,  but  I persuaded  her  to  return  to  the  hotel 
by  7 P.  M.  On  entering  her  room  she  perceived  the  keys  were  not 
in  the  door.  In  fact,  the  doctor  had  taken  them  away  secretly,  as  he  aft- 
erward acknowledged,  to  lock  her  majesty  in  her  chamber,  in  case  of  a 
violent  attack.  Missing  the  keys,  she  went  straight  back  to  the  Vatican, 
and  locked  herself  and  Madame  del  Barrio  in  the  room  under  the  pope’s, 
where  she  passed  the  night.  . . . 

I have  lately  heard  that  the  idea  of  poison  originated  in  Paris.  While 
visiting  the  Tuileries  lemonade  was  given  to  her  majesty,  and  when  she 
got  back  to  the  Grand  Hotel  she  said  that  they  had  poisoned  her. 

I am  sorry  to  learn  at  this  moment  that  her  majesty  the  empress  even 
suspects  the  Count  of  Flanders,  and  will  not  see  him.  I regret  to  send 
you  such  sorrowful  news,  but  it  is  my  determination  to  let  your  majesty 
know  every  thing,  as  that  is  true  frankness  and  loyalty  and  the  true  way 
to  serve  you.* 

It  may  be  that  the  embassador  makes  more  of  the  facts  against 
Xapoleon  than  is  fair,  and  less  against  Rome.  We  have  a letter 
that  throws  great  blame  on  the  pontiff,  but  it  is  so  bitter  against 
him  that  we  withhold  it.  Two  facts,  however,  remain  for  con- 
sideration. In  the  first  place,  Carlota’s  chief  hope  was  with 
the  pope.  She  hoped  he  would  relax  the  demands  made  on 
the  Emperor  Maximilian,  which  wre  know  he  did  not  do,  and, 
secondly,  that  after  her  interview  with  the  pope  her  malady 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1867,  part  iii,  p.  385. 


210 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


assumed  a greater  intensity.  The  poor  mind  completely  lost  its 
balance.  Long  after  her  husband  was  dead  she  insisted  that 
he  lived,  was  triumphant  in  Mexico,  and  would  soon  cotne  for 
her.  She  was  taken  to  her  home  at  Miramar,  where  she  has 
since  lived  in  solitude  and  desolation. 

The  pending  departure  of  the  French  troops  would  leave  only 
the  “ Foreign  Legion,”  composed  of  Belgic  and  Austrian  vol- 
unteers, with  such  levies  as  the  church  party  might  raise,  and 
these  were  utterly  inadequate  to  meet  the  republican  troops. 
Maximilian  proceeded  to  invite  foreign  volunteers,  under  large 
bounty  and  extra  pay,  from  Cuba,  Austria,  and  Egypt.  Napoleon 
had  initiated  the  effort  of  this  latter  class;  a battalion  of  them, 
four  hundred  and  forty-seven  strong,  was  already  in  Mexico. 
Maximilian  desired  a large  increase  of  this  Egyptian  force,  as 
they  were  bold  and  ferocious  fighters.  Juarez  appealed  to 
our  government  to  put  a stop  to  such  ail  outrage,  and  Mr. 
Seward  ordered  our  representative  in  Egypt  “ to  protest  against 
any  more  Nubian  Negroes  being  supplied  for  Mexico,  to  sub- 
vert established  political  institutions  or  disturb  society  on  the 
American  continent.”  It  was  bad  enough  to  invite  Austrians 
and  Cuban  negroes,  but  to  have  Nubians,  and  probably  savages 
from  the  Soudan,  to  murder  American  republicans  was  worthy 
of  the  traitor  to  freedom  who  originated  it  and  wished  to  carry 
it  on  when  his  own  soldiers  were  recalled.  The  protest  of  our 
government  terminated  the  effort  for  volunteers  from  any  quar- 
ter, and  left  Maximilian  to  be  sustained  by  the  foreign  legion 
and  such  adherents  of  the  clerical  party  as  would  fight  for  him. 

On  the  surrender  of  Lee,  Maximilian  attempted  to  strengthen 
his  position  by  offering  great  inducements  to  the  leaders  of  the 
South  to  colonize  in  Mexico.  Colonel  M.  F.  Maury  (formerly 
of  the  United  States  navy)  was  appointed  “ Imperial  Commis- 
sioner of  Colonization.”  The  idea  took  amazingly  with  some 
of  the  Confederates.  It  is  amusing  to  read  now  the  names  of 
those  who  shook  off  the  dust  of  their  feet  against  the  United 
States — men  like  Generals  Sterling  Price,  John  O.  Shelby, 
and  Governor  Isham  G.  Harris,  of  Tennessee,  Judge  Perkins, 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


217 


Generals  Hardman  and  Terry,  of  Texas,  and  many  others.  It 
is  entertaining  to  see  by  their  letters,  published  in  the  Diplo- 
matic Correspondence,  what  facile  converts  to  monarchy  they 
made,  and  how  they  land  “ his  majesty  the  emperor,”  a “ much- 
admired  and  praised  monarch,”  and  all  that  sort  of  thing!  This 
is  mingled  with  denunciations  of  the  United  States,  and  even 
contrasts  drawn  in  favor  of  the  order  prevailing  in  the  land 
where  their  “new  and  delightful  homes  ” were  situated  ! About 
two  hundred  such  men  availed  themselves  of  the  magnificent 
offers  of  land  in  some  of  the  choicest  spots  of  Mexico,  and 
might  have  prospered,  but  their  rough  treatment  of  the  Indian 
laborers  soon  produced  a revolt  which  ended  in  the  overthrow 
of  this  scheme  and  the  return  of  nearly  all  to  the  once  despised 
territory  of  the  United  States.*  By  October,  I860,  Maximilian 
became  apprehensive  of  coming  disaster.  II is  solitary  condi- 
tion, combined  with  the  failure  of  French  aid,  led  him  suddenly 
to  resolve  to  leave  the  country  before  the  French  could  inter- 
fere. Some  of  his  effects  were  sent  down  to  Orizava,  and,  prob- 
ably under  color  of  having  a change  of  climate  for  a while,  he 
soon  followed.  From  Orizava  he  opened  communications  with 
the  commander  of  the  Austrian  war-ship  Dandolo  at  Vera 
Cruz,  informing  him  that  he  would  leave  Orizava  at  half  past 
twelve  on  the  night  of  October  31,  and  warning  him  to  have 
his  frigate  ready  by  five  o’clock  the  following  afternoon,  at 
which  time  he  would  arrive  and  embark  at  once.  As  soon  as 
day  dawned  the  captain  went  to  the  house  of  the  French  com 
mander,  Peyrau,  and  in  confidence  communicated  the  message 
he  had  received.  The  Frenchman  was  amazed,  and,  suspecting 
something  wrong,  immediately  telegraphed  the  news  up  coun- 
try to  Marshal  Bazaine,  who  was  equally  surprised.  Bazaine  at 
once  telegraphed  his  orders  to  Orizava  and  Vera  Cruz  that  the 
emperor  and  his  luggage  were  to  be  detained,  and  also  informed 
Maximilian  that  he  had  discovered  what  he  was  attempting, 
but  that  unless  he  abdicated  in  due  form  he  would  not  let  him 
embark.  Indeed,  Hapoleon,  despairing  of  success  under  the  cir- 
* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States , 1866-67,  p.  202. 


213 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


cumstances,  had  already  sent  General  Castlenau  to  advdse  Maxi- 
milian to  abdicate,  which  he  declined  to  do. 

For  some  time  past  the  French  had  had  their  suspicions  that 
Maximilian  was  intending  to  deceive  them,  and  Bazaine  had 
been  instructed  how  to  act  in  such  a case.  They  would  not' 
hinder  him  from  leaving  if  he  chose  to  do  so,  but  it  must  he  on 
the  condition  of  abdication.  The  position  taken  was,  “ Maxi- 
milian abdicating,  French  engagements  are  at  an  end ; but 
Maximilian  going  off  without  abdicating  and  renouncing  the 
throne,  and  declaring,  as  they  say  was  his  intention,  all  ‘ his 
griefs  against  the  French,’  which  then  rested  in  a very  bad 
position,  immense  ridicule  would  have  fallen  on  them  from 
which  abdication  would  save  them.”  * Into  what  a ridiculous 
situation  would  Maximilian’s  quiet  escape  have  turned  the  en- 
tire situation  had  the  French  and  the  cburch  party  waked  up 
next  morning  and  been  informed  that  their  “ emperor  ” had 
fled  and  was  then  a couple  of  hundred  miles  off  upon  the  broad 
Atlantic  ! The  meeting  between  Maximilian  and  Bazaine  was 
a stormy  affair  and  ended  in  open  rupture.  The  clericals, 
alarmed  by  the  prospect  of  the  complete  failure  of  their  plans, 
now  came  forward  with  offers  of  money  and  men  if  the  em- 
peror would  only  renew  the  struggle.  To  his  council,  who  had 
been  hastily  summoned  to  Orizava,  Maximilian  propounded  the 
question  whether  it  would  not  be  advisable  for  him  to  abdicate  ? 
This  raised  intense  excitement  among  the  adherents  of  the  em- 
pire. What  occurred  at  the  council,  in  view  of  the  terrible  re- 
sults, shall  be  stated  by  one  who  stood  on  the  side  of  Maximilian 
and  the  Intervention,  and  who  had  no  partiality  for  the  republi- 
can cause.  This  was  Captain  Elton,  of  the  French  army.  The 
reader  will  not  fail  to  note  what  he  says  of  the  character  of  the 
two  clerical  generals,  now  advanced  to  power,  and  the  irre- 
sponsibility with  which  they  were  clothed.  lie  says  : 

The  council,  influenced  by  their  own  dangerous  position,  and  backed 
up  by  the  church  party,  who  were  beginning  to  see  that  unless  they  could 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States,  1866.  p.  392.  Historia  de  la 
Intervencion,  por.  E.  Lefeyre,  vol.  ii,  p.  349. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


219 


succeed  in  propping  up  the  tottering  foundations  of  the  empire  their 
rights,  property,  and  privileges  must  inevitably  go  by  the  board,  opened 
their  eyes  at  last  to  the  absolute  necessity  of  immediate  action.  They 
found  themselves  on  the  point  of  falling  from  the  frying-pan  into  the  fire 
— from  the  hands  of  an  emperor  inclined  to  conciliate  them,  and  who  only 
desired  to  establish  some  sort  of  order  and  morality  among  their  ranks, 
into  the  power  of  the  Liberals,  who  decidedly  would  make  the  very  fact  of 
their  having  invited  Maximilian  into  the  country  an  excuse  for  ill  treat- 
ment and  the  legal  plunder  of  what  property  still  remained  to  them. 
Foreseeing  all  this,  they  made  the  first  overtures  of  conciliation  and  offers 
of  substantial  aid  to  the  imperial  government,  the  bishops,  as  a commence- 
ment and  guarantee  of  their  good  faith,  giving  thirty  millions  of  piasters 
toward  the  establishment  of  the  army.  They  declared  it  necessary  for  the 
preservation  of  order  that  the  present  government  should  be  sustained, 
offering  to  Maximilian  the  services  of  Miramon  and  Marquez,  the  two 
champions  of  the  church  party,  who,  good  soldiers  and  brave  men, 
though  not  overscrupulous  as  to  the  means  they  employed,  undertook  to 
raise  troops  and  lead  them  against  the  enemy,  provided  they  were  given  full 
powers  and  not  rendered  accountable  to  any  authority  for  illegal  acts. 

Finally  Maximilian  agreed  to  a compromise,  and  matters  stood  thus: 

The  services  of  Marquez  and  Miramon  were  accepted,  full  power  being 
delivered  to  them  to  raise  troops  by  whatever  means  they  chose  to  adopt ; 
every  assistance  in  the  way  of  supplies  of  arms  and  money  was  to  be  fur- 
nished them  from  all  available  resources,  and  authority  was  given  them 
to  raise  forced  loans  whenever  and  wherever  they  pleased,  in  order  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  their  armies.  On  their  side  Marquez  and  Miramon 
engaged  to  march  at  once  with  all  the  men  they  could  collect,  and  in  con- 
junction with  Mejia  endeavor  to  strike  an  effective  blow  and  recapture 
the  towns  and  territory  lost  to  the  empire  by  the  French  evacuation. 

It  was  thus  by  a curious  combination  of  circumstances  that  the  emperor 
again  found  himself  trusting  for  support  to  this  still  powerful  clerical 
party.  From  this  moment  the  aspect  of  matters  underwent  a violent 
change,  for  suddenly  his  army  sprang  into  new  life,  money  was  plentiful, 
and  the  two  most  able  generals  in  Mexico  declared  for  his  side.* 

Tlie  report  of  this  fearful  and  irresponsible  power  thus  con- 
ceded to  these  two  generals  to  stamp  out  the  republicanism  of 
Mexico,  together  with  their  well-known  character  as  compro- 
mised traitors,  and  the  power  of  the  Black  Decree  of  October  3, 

* With  the  French  in  Mexico,  by  J.  F.  Elton,  pp.  177-181.  London,  Chapman  k 
Hall,  1867. 


220 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


to  be  wielded  in  full  at  their  will,  soon  spread  over  Mexico 
and  carried  anxiety  and  distress  in  all  directions.  It  revived, 
too,  the  recollection  of  the  horror  caused  by  the  assassination  of 
Generals  Arteaga  and  Salazar  and  their  associates,  and  of  many 
others  since.  But  the  combination  did  not  work  just  as  the 
church  party  and  their  agents  expected.  On  the  contrary,  a 
fearful  revulsion  set  in,  and  men  grew  desperate  in  their  resolve 
to  overthrow  these  murderous  agents  of  Maximilian  and  save 
their  country.  The  homes  filled  with  mourning  under  that 
black  flag  that  floated  so  freely  now  were  not  commending  the 
imperial  cause  to  the  men  and  women  of  Mexico. 

General  Grant  had  a broad  view  of  the  events  transpiring  in 
Mexico,  and  a few  lines  written  by  him  will  show  his  opinion 
of  the  crime  perpetrated  by  Louis  Napoleon  against  Mexico 
and  the  United  States.'  lie  writes  : 

The  governing  people  of  Mexico  (the  Imperialists)  continued  to  the 
close  of  the  war  to  throw  obstacles  in  our  way.  After  the  surrender  of 
Lee,  therefore,  entertaining  the  opinion  here  expressed,  I sent  Sheridan 
with  a corps  to  the  Rio  Grande,  to  have  him  where  he  might  aid  Juarez, 
. . . much  to  the  consternation  of  the  (French)  troops  in  the  quarter  of 
Mexico  bordering  upon  that  stream.  This  soon  led  to  the  request  from 
France  that  we  should  withdraw  our  troops  and  to  negotiations  for  the 
withdrawal  of  theirs.  Finally  Bazaine  was  withdrawn  from  Mexico  by 
order  of  the  French  government.  From  that  day  the  empire  began  to  totter. 
Mexico  was  then  able  to  maintain  her  independence  without  aid  from  us. 
. . . To  erect  a monarchy  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Mexican  republic  was 
the  scheme  of  one  man,  an  imitator  without  genius  or  merit.  lie  had 
succeeded  in  stealing  the  government  of  his  country,  and  made  a change  in 
its  form  against  the  wishes  and  instinct  of  his  people.  He  tried  to  play 
the  part  of  the  first  Napoleon  without  the  ability  to  sustain  that  role.  He 
sought  by  new  conquests  to  add  to  his  empire  and  his  glory ; but  the 
signal  failure  of  his  scheme  of  conquest  was  the  precursor  of  his  own  over- 
throw. . . . The  beginning  of  his  downfall  was  when  he  landed  troops 
on  this  continent.  Failing  here,  the  prestige  of  his  name — all  the  pres- 
tige he  ever  had — was  gone.  He  must  achieve  a success  or  fall.  He  tried 
to  strike  down  his  neighbor,  Prussia,  and  fell.  The  third  Napoleon  could 
have  no  claims  to  having  done  a good  or  a just  act.* 

* Personal  Memoirs  of  U S.  Grant , vol.  ii,  p.  545. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


221 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Collapse  of  the  empire — Siege  of  Queretaro — -Efforts  to  escape — Capture  of  Maxi- 
milian— Court-martial — Charges — Defense — Sentence — Appeals  for  pardon — 
Why  declined — Princess  Salm-Salm — Plan  of  escape — Falsehood  and  bribery 
— Interview  with  Juarez — The  execution — Unjust  charges  against'  Colonel 
Lopez — “ Selling  Maximilian  for  $30,000  ” — Escobedo's  letter — Taking  of 
Mexico  city— Merciful  treatment  of  prisoners — Santa  Anna’s  last  game — 
Disposal  of  the  body  of  the  archduke — Admission  of  Maximilian’s  lawyers. 

Mr.  Seward’s  firm  stand  compelled  Napoleon  to  name  the 
date  for  the  evacuation  of  Mexico  as  the  11th  of  March,  1867. 
Ilis  subsequent  effort  to  defer  tins  until  November  was  met 
with  a firm  refusal.  In  a brief  dispatch  Napoleon’s  embas- 
sador was  informed  that  our  government  would  expect  a satis- 
factory answer,  pending  which  a “ military  force  of  observa- 
tion ” would  “ await  the  president’s  directions.”  This  was  per- 
fectly understood  at  Paris.  The  whereabouts  of  Sheridan  were 
known  to  Napoleon.  Therefore  the  French  army  withdrew  at 
the  appointed  time,  the  republican  forces  following  closely  and 
occupying  the  cities  which  they  had  held  for  the  empire. 

Some  of  our  people,  who  were  not  acquainted  with  the  cru- 
elties now  daily  perpetrated  in  Mexico  by  these  wretches,  were 
inclined  to  regard  Mr.  Seward’s  present  pungent  messages  as 
rather  risky  and  dictatorial.  But  our  government  was  fully  in- 
formed by  Senor  Romero,  and  was  aware  that  the  protection 
of  the  French  should  be  withdrawn  in  order,  among  other  rea- 
sons, that  these  frightful  assassinations  might  end.  Even  at  the 
risk  of  war,  the  United  States  must  at  this  point  help  Mexico. 
By  the  1st  of  May  only  a single  line  remained  in  the  power  of 
the  empire,  the  other  parts  of  the  country  being  occupied  by  the 
republican  forces.  The  city  of  Mexico  and  Queretaro,  with  the 
towns  between,  were  still  held  by  the  Imperialists,  but  the  in- 
tervening towns  were  soon  taken  by  the  advancing  Liberal  army. 


222 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


The  capital  was  defended  by  the  traitor  Marquez,  while  Maxi- 
milian, with  his  foreign  legion,  occupied  Queretaro.  The  last 
outside  conflict  was  near  Zacatecas,  where  Miramon  was  de- 
feated by  General  Escobedo.  Miramon  returned  and  joined 
Maximilian  at  Queretaro.  General  Escobedo  laid  siege  to  that 
city  with  an  army  of  about  twenty-five  thousand  men,  while 
General  Porfirio  Diaz  surrounded  the  capital  with  a sufficient 
force.  Escape  from  either  city  was  practically  impossible,  and 
famine  soon  began  its  horrors  in  each,  place. 

Amid  the  difficulties  existing  in  the  way  of  obtaining  reliable 
information  at  this  most  important  point  it  seems  very  fortu- 
nate that,  in  entering  upon  the  final  scenes  of  the  Intervention, 
we  are  not  left  to  rely  upon  fragmentary  or  unreliable  state- 
ments, but  that  full  evidence  in  regard  to  the  capture,  trial, 
and  execution  of  Maximilian  became  available  to  us.  There  lie 
before  us  as  we  write  a dozen  volumes  on  the  subject,  six  of 
which  were  written  in  the  interests  of  Maximilian  and  the  In- 
tervention by  competent  authors  who  were  with  him  and  who 
did  their  best  for  their  subject.  These  authors  are:  Dr.  Basch, 
the  emperor’s  physician ; Alberto  ITans,  one  of  his  prominent 
officers;  Count  de  Keratry,  his  friend;  the  Princess  Salm-Salm, 
wife  of  a member  of  his  staff,  who  was  devotedly  attached  to 
the  interests  of  the  empire,  and  the  two  lawyers  who  defended 
him  at  his  trial,  M.  Piva  Palacios  and  M.  de  la  Torre.  On  the 
other  side  we  have  the  republican  cause  defended  in  the  volumes 
of  E.  Lefevre,  II.  Frias  y Soto,  the  report  of  the  attorney-gen- 
eral and  the  secretary  of  the  court-martial,  by  Lorenzo  Elizaga, 
and  Pafael  M.  de  la  Torre,  in  the  Libro  Rojo.  Two  of  these 
are  chiefly  occupied  in  traversing  the  statements  of  the  de- 
fenders of  the  empire  and  pointing  out  their  inaccuracies.  Ad- 
ditional facts  have  been  gleaned  from  the  works  of  Schroeder 
and  Colonel  Evans,  from  the  Diplomatic  Co rresponden ce,  and 
from  the  newspaper  La  Sornbra  de  Arteaga , of  Queretaro, 
which  published  a full  account  of  the  trial  as  it  progressed. 

We  condense  the  information  regarding  the  eventful  night 
of  the  14th  of  May.  Maximilian  had  become  convinced  that 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


223 


further  resistance  was  hopeless.  A report  received  that  day 
from  his  generals,  Miramon,  Mejia,  and  Castillo,  on  the  situa- 
tion had  greatly  excited  him  and  led  him  to  doubt  the  fidelity 
of  these  officers,  and  to  fear  that  they  were  disposed  to  save 
themselves  by  abandoning  him  in  the  emergency  if  an  oppor- 
tunity occurred.  lie  concluded  he  would  do  well  to  save  him- 
self, leaving  them  to  their  fate.  To  this  end  he  selected  Colonel 
Miguel  Lopez,  once  a republican  officer,  but  who  had  during 
the  empire  been  in  his  service  in  command  of  the  regiment  of 
the  empress,  and  had  served  him  faithfully.  Maximilian  took 
him  into  his  confidence,  directing  him  secretly  to  open  commu- 
nications with  General  Escobedo,  the  com m ander- in-chief  of  the 
republican  army.  This  Lopez  did,  from  La  Cruz,  the  part  of 
the  works  which  he  defended,  and  was  admitted  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  republican  army  during  that  night.  He  de- 
livered his  message,  which  was  that  Maximilian,  despairing  of 
the  situation,  was  ready  to  surrender  at  once  if  his  own  life  was 
guaranteed  and  Escobedo  would  grant  him  leave  to  pass  out, 
escorted  by  fifty  horsemen  only,  to  make  his  way  to  the  coast, 
and  so  leave  Mexico,  offering  the  most  solemn  assurances  never 
to  return.  General  Escobedo  could  not  accede  to  such  a propo- 
sition. Maximilian  must  surrender  unconditionally,  leaving 
the  government  to  judge  of  his  case.  Ilis  willingness  to  avoid 
further  bloodshed  was,  however,  appreciated  by  General  Esco- 
bedo, who,  having  learned  from  the  admissions  of  Colonel  Lopez 
the  desperate  condition  of  the  besieged,  took  measures  at  once 
for  a final  assault  upon  the  city  in  order  to  force  surrender. 

Lopez  returned  to  Maximilian  with  the  news  of  General 
Escobedo’s  firm  refusal,  which  greatly  depressed  the  emperor. 
That  he  could  have  entertained  the  hope  of  such  a concession, 
under  such  circumstances,  is  another  evidence  of  his  weakness 
of  mind.  But  he  had  judgment  to  realize,  after  reflection,  that 
he  had  seriously  compromised  his  dignity  and  his  honor  by  a 
proposition  which  contemplated  the  forsaking  of  those  who  had 
followed  his  fortunes  and  risked  their  lives  in  his  service.  It 
was,  however,  kindred  in  character  to  his  attempt  in  the  pre- 


224 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


vious  }Tear  to  escape  by  the  Dandolo  from  Vera  Cruz,  and  to 
leave  the  French  to  face  the  results  of  his  desertion  of  their 
cause. 

The  next  morning  before  daylight  the  final  assault  was  made, 
one  column  entering  without  resistance  at  the  post  held  by 
Lopez,  who  assured  his  command  that  further  resistance  was 
useless,  and  they  therefore  quietly  surrendered.  In  the  confu- 
sion Maximilian  mounted  a horse  and  tried  to  escape,  but  was 
surrounded  and  captured  at  the  Cerro  de  las  Campanas.  Gen- 
eral Corona  soon  came  up  and  guarded  Maximilian  until  the 
arrival  of  General  Escobedo.*  One  account  states  that  Maxi- 
milian drew  his  sword  with  formality  and  said,  “I  am  Maxi- 
milian, Emperor  of  Mexico,  and  I surrender  to  you,”  offering 
the  sword.  On  which  Escobedo  replied,  “Ho,  Maximilian,  you 
are  not  Emperor  of  Mexico,  and  never  were,  nor  could  you  be 
against  the  will  of  its  people.”  He  intimated  to  his  chief  of 
staff  to  receive  the  proffered  sword,  to  be  sent  to  President 
Juarez,  and  directed  that  Maximilian  should  be  taken  to  suit- 
aide  quarters  and  carefully  guarded.  The  archduke  (we  shall 
henceforth  call  him)  was  apprehensive  that  he  would  be  in- 
sulted, and  even  appealed  to  General  E cobedo  that  he  “should 
be  treated  with  the  consideration  due  to  a prisoner  of  war;” 
to  which  Escobedo  replied,  “ That  you  may  trust  to  me.” 
Later  in  the  day  Maximilian  asked  for  a private  conversation 
with  General  Escobedo,  and  renewed  the  request  which  Colonel 
Lopez  had  already  negotiated  in  vain.  The  short  reply,  “ I am 
not  permitted  to  concede  what  you  request,”  ended  the  matter. 

A telegram  was  at  once  sent  to  President  Juarez,  informing 
him  of  the  capture  of  the  city  and  that  the  archduke,  Miramon, 
Mejia,  with  fifteen  other  generals  and  over  eight  thousand  men, 
were  made  prisoners.  Ilead-quarters  were  soon  crowded  by 
those  who  had  been  cruelly  bereaved  and  injured  by  the  Im- 
perialists, who  demanded  the  fullest  penalty  upon  them  for  the 
crimes  they  had  committed.  General  Escobedo  asked  for  in- 

* Official  Documents  from  the  Private  Archives  of  Maximilian,  by  E.  Lefevre, 
vol.  ii,  p.  390.  Brussels  and  London,  1869. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


225 


structions  from  the  supreme  government.  The  president  had 
come  from  Chihuahua  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  which  was  within 
a comparatively  short  distance  from  Queretaro  and  connected 
by  telegraph.  He  directed  that  a court-martial  should  try  the 
three  chief  offenders,  that  every  tiling  should  be  done  legally, 
and  that  full  publicity  should  be  allowed.  A competent  lawyer 
of  Queretero,  Senor  J.  M.  Yasquez,  was  retained  on  behalf  of 
Maximilian,  and  on  the  expression  of  his  desire  for  additional 
counsel  he  was  allowed  to  name  three  of  the  leading  lawyers 
of  the  capital,  Senores  E.  M.  Ortega,  M.  Riva  Palacios,  and 
R.  M.  de  la  Torre,  who  were  at  once  sent  for,  and  in  company 
with  the  Prussian  embassador,  Baron  Magnus,  and  other  gen- 
tlemen were  permitted  to  pass  out  of  the  besieged  capital  by 
General  Diaz,  and  forwarded  under  a safe  conduct  to  Queretaro. 
Maximilian  was  well  and  ably  served,  and  at  the  close  expressed 
his  gratitude  for  their  efforts  to  each  of  those  lawyers.  Seven 
officers  constituted  the  court-martial,  the  president  being  Colonel 
Platon  Sanchez,  with  Colonel  M.  Aspiroz  as  attorney-general. 

After  consultation,  having  approved  the  line  of  defense,  the 
lawyers  agreed  that  two  should  remain  to  conduct  the  case,  and 
the  other  two  should  go  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  to  he  near  the  gov- 
ernment to  use  all  the  means  available  there  in  the  interest  of 
the  archduke.  Maximilian  claimed  that  the  court-martial  was 
incompetent  to  try  him,  and  that  another  month  of  time  was 
necessary  for  a full  defense.  He  declined  to  appear  in  court, 
and  was  not  compelled  to  do  so.  His  generals,  Miramon  and 
Mejia,  were  there,  but  his  seat  between  them  remained  vacant. 
Morning  and  evening  his  lawyers  reported  proceedings  and  re- 
ceived instructions.  lie  addressed  a lone;  and  rather  ramblin'; 
statement  to  the  commanding  general,  in  which  he  argued  his 
views  for  a change  of  tribunal,  the  withdrawal  of  the  present 
charges,  and  the  formulation  of  others  to  be  held  before  a 
“ tribunal  of  the  federation,”  and  made  use  of  the  case  of  Jeffer- 
son Davis  to  indicate  the  course  which  should  be  pursued  toward 
himself,  though  he  was  unable  to  find  facts  to  institute  a paral- 
Ld  between  them.  It  was  replied  that  Davis  did  not  cross  the 
10 


226 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


ocean  as  a foreigner  at  the  head,  of  a large  army  to  overthrow 
the  government  of  a country  and  establish  a monarchy  on  its 
ruins,  and  this  without  a declaration  of  war,  and  then,  when 
fair  lighting  could  not  accomplish  his  purpose,  raise  the  black 
flag,  and,  by  the  authority  of  a mere  decree,  send  those  who 
fell  into  the  hands  of  his  agents  to  death  within  twenty-four 
hours,  without  tribunal  or  appeal  for  mercy,  and  not  even  allow 
their  names  to  be  reported  till  after  their  execution  had  taken 
place ! The  parallel  could  not  apply. 

It  seems  that  he  supposed  himself  to  be  in  better  case  than 
that  of  Jefferson  Davis,  as  the  following  curious  extract  may 
show  that  he  claims  exemption  from  punishment  on  the  ground 
“ that  the  death  penalty  can  be  imposed  upon  the  traitor  to  the 
country  in  foreign  war,  but  it  is  clear  that  Maximilian,  not  be- 
ing a native  of  Mexico,  but  of  Austria,  the  charge  of  traitor  to 
the  country  cannot  be  made  against  him ; therefore  he  is  in  the 
case,  not  as  an  exception,  but  of  the  general  rule.”  He  con- 
cludes his  rambling  statement  in  this  curious  style : 

Having  time  for  no  more,  I conclude  by  requesting,  first,  that  you  declare 
yourselves  incompetent,  and,  second,  that  you  command  all  proceedings 
being  instigated  against  me  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  January  25,  1862, 
to  be  withdrawn ; third,  that  the  ordinary  council  of  war  created  by  that 
law  be  not  appointed  nor  installed,  as  I do  not  recognize  but  do  deny  its 
competence,  declining  now  its  jurisdiction  under  any  form  ; fourth,  and 
last,  that  reports  be  made  to  the  proper  persons  for  ultimate  effect;  and, 
finally,  I will  say  that,  in  accordance  with  the  frankness  of  my  character,  I 
should  not  conceal  from  you  that  a copy  of  this  letter  is  in  the  possession 
of  the  consul  of  Hamburg  to  be  transmitted,  when  possible,  to  the  diplo- 
matic corps  of  my  court.  (Signed)  Maximilian.* 

The  archduke  misunderstood  his  surroundings.  lie  expected 
rough  treatment,  which  did  not  come.  On  the  contrary,  he  was 
treated  courteously  and  reasonably  provided  for  as  to  all  per- 
sonal comforts.  Sufficient  time  was  allowed  for  preparation 
before  the  trial  began ; all  legal  forms  were  duly  observed  as 

* Memorandum  sobre  el  proceso  Del  Arquiduque  Fernando  Maximiliano  de  Austria. 
by  M.  R.  Palacios  and  R.  M.  de  la  Torre,  part  ii,  p.  3.  Mexico,  1867. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


227 


the  procedure  developed  in  his  case ; he  was  free  from  all 
annoyance,  and  was  fairly  and  even  deferentially  treated.  So 
that,  with  his  views,  he  was  liable  to  imagine  that  his  personal 
safety  was  not  much  compromised.  In  fact,  Maximilian  had  a 
contempt  for  what  Mr.  Lincoln  called  “ the  common  people,” 
and  was  disposed  to  believe  occasionally  that  this  “democracy” 
would  not  dare  to  lay  its  hand  upon  his  life.  Somewhat  harsher 
treatment,  it  might  be,  than  Jeff  Davis  received  might  be  dealt 
in  his  case.  lie  might  be  expelled  from  Mexico,  but  no  worse 
was  at  first  feared  by  him.  His  “ rank  ” and  royal  blood  would 
surely  protect  him.  This  fond  notion  clung  to  him  to  within 
forty-eight  hours  of  his  death,  as  we  shall  see,  and  then  only 
the  earnest  assurances  of  the  two  generals  who  were  to  die  with 
him  could  convince  him  that  his  life  was  in  danger ! 

These  are  the  chief  counts  of  indictment  on  which  he  was 
tried : 

1.  The  first  charge  against  Maximilian  consists  in  having 
lent  himself  to  serve  as  an  instrument  to  the  intervention  of 
the  French  in  the  political  affairs  of  Mexico. 

2.  The  title  of  emperor  with  which  he  came  to  support  the 
aims  of  the  French  Intervention.  The  illegality  of  this  title 
makes  him  a usurper  of  the  rights  of  a sovereign  people. 

i.  That  of  having  disposed,  with  the  violence  of  armed  force, 
of  the  interests,  rights,  and  life  of  the  Mexicans. 

5.  The  kind  of  war  which  he  made  upon  the  republic,  to- 
gether with  the  French ; the  responsibilities  which  he  con- 
tracted on  account  of  the  excesses  committed  by  the  French 
army  in  the  name  of  the  emperor. 

G.  In  having  himself  made  war  with  foreigners,  subjects  of 
powers  who  were  not  in  war  with  the  republic.  . 

8.  The  publishing  of  a decree  on  October  2,  1865,  in  which 
he  falsely  asserted  that  the  republican  government  had  aban- 
doned the  national  territory,  from  which  falsehood  he  deduced 
that  the  republican  forces  had  no  known  flag,  that  they  were 
bands  of  robbers,  and  should  be  treated  in  accord  with  the  de- 
cree he  issued  on  October  3. 


22S 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


9.  In  having  continued  the  war  after  the  French  army  had 
withdrawn  from  Mexico ; with  the  aggravating  circumstances 
of  having  surrounded  himself  with  men  who  had  made  them- 
selves famous  for  their  crimes  in  the  civil  war  of  Mexico,  and 
of  having  continued  to  employ  means  of  violence,  death,  and 
destruction  until  he  fell,  surrendered  at  discretion  in  this 
town.* 

The  claim  for  a change  of  tribunal  was  not  allowed.  The 
procedure  was  being  impartially  applied  to  the  two  generals 
indicted  with  him,  and  conld  not  be  altered  in  favor  of  him 
who  was  the  chief  of  the  rebellion  against  the  constitutional 
government  of  the  country.  The  trial  lasted  two  whole  days. 
All  that  his  able  lawyers  could  do,  under  the  circumstances,  for 
his  defense  was  done,  but  in  vain.  They  could  not  lift  the 
weight  of  guilt  against  the  nation  which  pressed  upon  him. 
They  tried  mercifully  to  insinuate  that  “ the  Black  Decree  ” of 
the  3d  of  October  was  intended  merely  to  be  used  in  terrorem , 
to  frighten  men  into  submission  to  the  empire,  but  not  to  be 
made  effective  or  to  last  too  long.  When  the  evidence  of  this 
was  demanded  it  could  not  be  furnished.  The  very  contrary 
was  proved  by  evidence  found  in  the  prince’s  archives,  giving 
the  names  of  leading  Mexicans  who  had  perished  under  his 
decree,  even  up  to  recent  dates,  as  in  the  case  of  young  Mer- 
cado. The  decree  was  never  suspended  and  never  disavowed. 
The  families  of  these  victims  were  demanding  stern  justice  on 
the  man  whose  warrant  sent  them  to  swift  and  illegal  execution, 
and  also  upon  the  gnilty  wretches  who  were  the  willing  instru- 
ments of  this  sanguinary  decree — Marquez,  who  at  Orizava 
stipulated  that  he  should  be  clothed  with  irresponsible  power ; 
Mendez,  who  was  rewarded  with  higher  rank  after  the  assassina- 
tion of  Generals  Arteaga  and  Salazar  ; and  Miramon,  whose  cru- 
elty was  continued  to  the  very  last  of  his  power,  and  many 
others.  The  nation,  in  sympathy  with  the  bereaved  families, 
maintained  that  these  men  were  murderers,  and  demanded  how 

* Causa  de  Fernando  Maximiliano  de  Hapsburgo,  Attorney-General  Aspiroz, 
p.  289.  Mexico,  1868. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


229 


much  better  was  the  prince  who  gave  them  the  authority  and 
rewarded  their  acts. 

Some  facts  brought  out  in  the  trial  were  regarded  as  grave 
crimes  against  the  republic,  as  even  the  formulated  charges. 
The  regency  was  one  of  these.  When  leaving  the  capital  to 
take  command  at  Queretaro,  on  the  7th  of  March,  in  view  of 
the  contingencies  of  war  and  his  liability  to  death,  Maximilian 
drew  up  a decree  of  regency.  Though  the  French  army  had 
withdrawn  from  him,  though  he  had  seen  the  whole  republic 
(save  two  cities)  rise  up  against  him,  and  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  legations  of  Spain,  France,  Prussia,  Belgium,  Italy, 
Austria,  and  England  at  the  capital  had  united  in  an  earnest 
protest  against  continuing  the  hopeless  struggle,  and  against 
the  rule  of  the  reckless  men  Maximilian  had  put  in  power,  he 
determined  to  arrange  for  a continuation  of  this  bloodshed  ! 
He  actually  provided  that  in  the  event  of  his  death  a regency 
should  come  into  power,  naming  as  its  members  Senores  Lares, 
Lacunza,  and  General  Marquez,  with  two  vice-regents  to  fill 
vacancies.  This  regency  was  to  carry  on  the  war  and  the  gov- 
ernment until  a Congress  was  assembled.  As  this  could  not  be 
called  until  the  war  was  over  he  thus  aimed  to  prolong  this 
arbitrary  power  even  when  he  was  in  the  grave ! * The  horror 
of  the  nation  on  the  discovery  that  he  intended  to  continue  thus 
the  cruel  struggle  was  greatly  intensified  by  the  fact  that  the 
universally  hated  traitor  Marquez  was  to  be  elevated  to  the  posi- 
tion of  ruler  over  the  people  he  had  so  bitterly  wronged.  The 
“ Decree  of  Regency5'  was  published  in  La  Sombra  cle  Arteaga 
at  Queretaro,  during  the  progress  of  the  trial,  and  no  doubt 
aided  in  his  condemnation. 

“ The  Inviolability  of  the  Constitution  of  Mexico,”  an  article 
accepted  by  the  nation  in  February,  1S57,  filled  a very  decisive 
position  in  this  trial.  The  language  runs  thus  : 

Article  128.  This  Constitution  shall  not  lose  its  force  and  vigor  even  if 
its  observance  be  interrupted  by  any  rebellion.  In  case  that,  by  means  of 


* Documentos  Oficiales,  E.  Lefevre,  vol.  ii,  p.  446. 


230 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


such  an  event,  a government  shall  have  been  established  contrary  to  the 
principles  which  it  sanctions,  immediately  upon  the  people  recovering 
their  liberty  its  observance  shall  be  re-established,  and  according  to  its 
provisions  and  the  laws  which  have  been  framed  in  virtue  of  it  they  shall 
be  judged,  as  well  those  who  have  figured  in  the  government  emanating 
from  the  rebellion  as  those  who  have  co-operated  with  it. 

The  law  of  January  25,  1862,  was  for  the  defense  of  this 
article  of  the  Constitution,  and  it  was  shown  on  the  trial  that 
Maximilian  was  entirely  without  excuse.  He  knew  all  this  be- 
fore he  left  his  home  for  Mexico,  President  Juarez  having 
warned  him  to  this  effect.  Here  is  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Lerdo, 
secretary  of  state,  to  the  two  lawyers  who,  in  an  interview, 
hoped  to  break  the  force  of  the  application  of  this  heavy 
charge  against  their  client : 

Having  so  reasoned  with  Mr.  Lerdo,  he  replied  that  the  law  of  January 
25,  18G2,  was  a pre-existent  law,  and  that  its  several  dispositions  must 
have  been  perfectly  understood  by  the  archduke  before  coming  to  Mexico. 
He  also  stated  that  an  agent  of  the  constitutional  government,  Senor  Don 
J.  Teran,  a gentleman  well  known  for  liis  intelligence  and  integrity, 
went  to  Miramar  and  demonstrated  to  the  archduke  the  dangers  of  the 
enterprise  of  founding  a monarchy : that  there  was  no  basis  in  Mexican 
society  upon  which  to  set  up  such  a project,  as  Mexico  had  become  too 
thoroughly  republican  in  manner;  that  democracy  had  become  profoundly 
rooted  in  the  New  World  and  was  thoroughly  wedded  to  republican  insti- 
tutions; that  those  who  might  uphold  an  empire  were  not  those  who 
had  a secure  following  in  the  country,  nor  could  they  ever  command  suffi- 
cient elements  to  make  it  popular ; that  it  would  lose  its  prestige  from  the 
fact  of  the  necessity  of  an  intervention  (French)  to  uphold  it,  and  would 
fall  flat  as  soon  as  that  support  was  withdrawn.* 

On  ascertaining  that  his  brother  was  to  be  put  upon  his  trial, 
and  hoping  to  help  the  solution  of  the  case  somewhat  in  his 
favor,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  communicated,  through  the 
United  States  government,  to  President  Juarez  that  he  was 
“ ready  at  once  to  reinstate  Maximilian  in  all  his  rights  of  suc- 
cession as  archduke  upon  his  release  and  renouncing  forever  all 

* Memorandum  sobre  el  proceso  Del  Arcliiduque , etc.,  por  M.  R.  Palacios  y R.  M. 
de  la  Torre,  p.  29. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


231 


projects  in  Mexico.”  In  addition  to  this,  bnt  with  a more  grave 
sense  of  the  prince’s  danger,  the  Queen  of  England  and  the 
Emperor  of  the  French  appealed  to  the  United  States  govern- 
ment “ to  use  any  legitimate  good  offices  within  its  power  to 
avert  the  execution  of  Prince  Maximilian.”  These  messages 
had  to  be  very  cautiously  and  deferentially  communicated,  for 
the  government  and  people  of  Mexico  were  then  in  no  mood  to 
tolerate  any  thing  that  looked  toward  outside  dictation  in  any 
shape  or  form,  in  the  duty  which  the  nation  in  that  hour  owed 
to  itself  and  its  future.  Mr.  Seward  carefully  and  delicately 
“ requested  Mr.  Pomero,  if  compatible  with  his  convictions  of 
duty,  to  make  these  sentiments  known  in  a private  and  confi- 
dential manner  to  the  republic  of  Mexico.” 

Sixteen  months  previous,  on  learning  of  the  execution  of 
Generals  Salazar  and  Arteaga,  Mr.  Seward  had  asked  that  the 
influence  of  the  French  government  might  be  thrown  against 
the  decree  of  the  3d  of  October,  and  the  merciless  manner  of 
its  application,  but  the  imperial  minister  declined  to  recognize 
any  responsibility  for  France  in  the  matter,  saying  that  “Max- 
imilian was  an  emperor  like  any  other,  and  that  France  had 
nothing  to  dictate  to  him  respecting  his  conduct.”* 

A similar  answer  might  have  been  returned  by  Mi-.  Seward, 
but  it  was  not  so  done.  The  offer  of  the  restoration  of  Maxi- 
milian to  his  rights  of  succession  did  not  reach  President  Juarez 
until  after  his  death,  but  was  of  no  moment  in  the  case. 

The  court-martial  commenced  at  eight  o’clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  13th  of  June,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  14th  the  verdict 
of  guilty  -was  pronounced  against  Maximilian,  Miramon,  and 
Mejia,  and  they  were  sentenced  to  be  shot  on  the  morning  of 
the  16th.  Three  days  were  added  to  this  by  President  Juarez. 
An  appeal  for  pardon  was  made  by  the  two  leading  lawyers  for 
Maximilian,  but  was  refused  in  these  terms  : 

This  application  for  pardon,  and  others  presented  with  the  like  object, 
having  been  examined  with  all  the  deliberation  which  the  gravity  of  the 

* Documentos  Oficiales  recogidos  en  la  Secretaria  Privada  de  J/ iximiliano , por 
J]  Lefevre,  p.  402. 


232 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


case  requires,  the  president  of  the  republic  has  been  pleased  to  determine 
that  he  cannot  accede  to  them,  because  the  weightiest  reasons  of  jus- 
tice and  the  necessity  of  assuring  the  peace  of  the  nation  are  opposed 
thereto. 

There  are  things  that  a powerful  and  trusted  president  may 
not  dare  to  do,  and  to  pardon  this  crime  against  a nation’s  life 
was  one  of  them.  He  and  his  cabinet  knew  better  than  their 
critics  the  limitations  of  mercy  in  the  case.  Theyr  realized  the 
deep  indignation,  on  account  of  the  acts  of  the  so-called  empire, 
which  the  developments  of  the  trial  had  produced  in  the  heart  of 
the  nation,  and  knew  the  danger  which  a failure  of  justice  might 
involve  to  the  future  of  the  republic.  Mr.  Otterburg,  then  our 
embassador  to  Mexico,  in  a dispatch  informed  Mr.  Seward  that 
the  government  was  aware  how  the  Conservative  party  had  been 
talking,  and  “ giving  evidence  of  a determination  never  during 
the  prince’s  life  to  cease  from  advocating  his  claims  to  the 
crown  of  Mexico  and  from  disturbing  the  quiet  of  the  country 
by  agitating  his  return.”* 

No  act  of  injustice  was  desired  or  contemplated  on  the  pop- 
ular side.  Reduced  to  the  last  analysis,  the  foreign  archduke 
had  shot  their  generals,  taken  in  arms  against  his  government ; 
had  they  not  the  right  to  shoot  him,  taken  in  arms  against 
theirs?  Their  first  emperor  (Iturbide)  had  pledged  his  honor, 
when  they  exiled  him  and  provided  him  with  an  ample  pen- 
sion, never  to  return  from  Europe  or  trouble  them  again ; but, 
under  encouragement  from  this  same  Conservative  party,  lie 
had  violated  his  word,  and  what  assurance  could  they  have  that 
their  second  emperor  would  not  violate  his  and  return  to  plunge 
the  nation  once  more  into  the  horrors  of  a civil  war? 

After  hearing  the  appeals  made  to  them  for  pardon  on  behalf 
of  the  archduke  it  was  decided  that  it  could  not  be  granted, 
and  the  reasons  were  given  by  the  supreme  government  of 
Mexico  in  justification  of  its  conclusion  that  the  sentence 
against  Maximilian  should  be  carried  out.  Senor  Lerdo,  the 
secretary  of  state,  in  reply  to  the  lawyers  of  Maximilian,  when 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States,  1867,  part  ii,  p.  434. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


233 


they  came  to  reiterate  their  appeal  for  pardon  for  their  client,, 
gave  this  decision  of  the  cabinet  in  the  following  language : 

The  pardon  of  Maximilian  might  be  very  detrimental  to  the  country, 
because,  owing  to  the  well-known  vacillating  nature  of  his  character, 
there  could  be  no  great  probability  that  he  would  abstain  from  another  at- 
tempt. Civil  war  can  and  should  end  with  the  reconciliation  of  the  par- 
ties; but  in  order  to  do  this  it  is  necessary  that  the  government  remove 
the  chief  disturbing  elements  that  might  lead  to  a probable  uprising.  In 
this  process  justice  fulfills  one  of  its  functions.  The  country  would  call 
us  to  an  account  for  an  indulgence  that  might  expose  it  to  the  dangers 
of  a renewed  agitation.  The  government  has  thought,  previously  and  at 
present,  with  the  greatest  caution,  upon  the  dangers  of  pardon  as  well  as 
upon  the  consequences  of  death;  and  if  it  denies  pardon,  be  assured, 
gentlemen,  that  it  believes  it  demanded  by  national  sentiment,  justice, 
public  welfare,  and  the  need  of  giving  peace  to  a country  which,  without 
this  new  element  of  monarchy,  had  had  sufficient  disturbance  for  the  last 
fifty  years.  Who  would  believe  that  men  of  revolutionary  intent,  to  whom 
the  progress  of  society,  its  advance,  its  institutions,  are  a sin  and  only 
serve  to  excite  them  to  revolt,  would  settle  down  to  quiet  ? Who  would 
assure  us  that  Maximilian  would  live  in  Miramar,  or  wherever  Providence 
might  take  him,  and  not  desire  to  return  to  a country  by  which  he  be- 
lieves himself  chosen  ? What  guarantees  could  the  sovereigns  of  Europe 
give  that  we  should  not  have  a fresh  invasion  to  sustain  the  empire  ? 
Europe  is  not  willing  to  see  in  the  Mexicans  men  worthy  to  form  a nation. 
It  holds  the  very  poorest  idea  of  us ; it  thinks  that  republican  institutions 
are  an  idle  dream  of  the  demagogues.  It  is  not  impossible  that  Maximilian 
might  be  induced  to  again  attempt  the  founding  of  an  empire.  The  fatal 
inspirations  which  animated  the  Intervention  might  be  revived,  and  the 
governments  of  Europe,  under  the  pretext  of  civilizing  us  (in  itself  a blow 
at  true  morality)  would  arm  newr  legions,  which,  though  composed  of  for- 
eigners, would  carry  the  Mexican  flag  in  order  to  establish  again  the  power 
of  him  whom  they  called  emperor.  Consequently  the  pardon  ■would  be  a 
misfortune  for  us,  and  to  the  disdain  and  dissatisfaction  with  -which  such 
a grant  would  be  viewed  we  would  have  to  add  the  stirring  up  of  hatred 
between  the  parties  and  the  cry  of  treason  upon  all  sides.  One  party 
would  constantly  turn  its  eyes  toward  Miramar,  and  a fresh  violation  of 
the  principles  of  public  justice  would  be  imminent.  Then  might  the  in- 
dependence of  Mexico  pass  through  greater  dangers  than  those  which  it 
has  recently  passed  through  at  so  great  a cost.  The  existence  of  Mexico 
as  an  independent  nation  must  not  be  left  to  the  will  of  the  governments 
of  Europe.  Our  reforms,  our  progress,  our  liberty  must  not  stop  at  the 


234 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


wish  of  any  foreign  sovereign  who  might  take  a notion  to  father  an  em- 
peror who  should  endeavor  to  regulate  the  amount  of  liberty  or  servitude 
he  thought  best  to  bestow  upon  us.  The  life  of  Maximilian  might  be  the 
excuse  for  an  attempt  at  a viceroyalty.  . . . The  return  of  Maximilian  to 
Europe  might  be  a weapon  for  the  calumniators  and  enemies  of  Mexico  to 
bring  about  a restoration  and  the  overthrow  of  the  institutions  of  the  coun- 
try. For  nearly  fifty  years  Mexico  has  pursued  a policy  of  pardon  and 
leniency,  and  the  fruits  of  that  policy  have  been  anarchy  among  ourselves 
and  loss  of  prestige  abroad.  Now,  or  never,  may  the  republic  consoli- 
date itself.* 

We  now  reach  a point  in  this  sad  history  which  for  Maximil- 
ian’s own  sake  we  heartily  wish  he  had  never  allowed  to  occur. 
We  refer  to  his  active  co-operation  with  some  of  those  friends 
whom  the  government  had  allowed  to  have  access  to  him  to 
promote  his  comfort,  and  whom  he  desired  to  use  in  order 
that  he  might  make  his  escape  and  avoid  execution.  Foremost 
of  these  was  the  Princess  Salm-Sahn,  wife  of  Maximilian’s  first 
aid-de-camp.  This  prince  was  a German,  a sort  of  “soldier  of 
fortune,”  who  had  taken  part  in  our  civil  war,  and  while  in 
the  United  States  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  this  lady,  a 
Roman  Catholic  of  Georgetown,  D.  C.  Though  an  American, 
she  seemed  to  take  wonderfully  to  the  theory  of  the  divine  right 
of  kings  and  its  kindred  doctrines.  After  their  marriage,  at  the 
close  of  our  war,  she  accompanied  her  husband  to  Mexico,  where 
he  went  to  offer  his  services  to  Maximilian.  On  the  capture 
of  the  archduke  she  attached  herself  to  him  to  look  after  his 
wants,  which  was  kindly  permitted  by  the  commanding  general, 
under  the  express  condition,  however,  that  she  was  not  to  take 
advantage  of  her  position  to  do  any  thing  illegal  in  regard  to 
the  prisoner.  But  her  book,  soon  afterward  published,  shows 
how  lightly  these  engagements  rested  upon  her  conscience. 
She  relates  all  her  efforts,  including  the  most  questionable  ones, 
where  untruthfulness  and  deceptive  measures  were  used  by  her, 
without  a blush,  and  even  glories  in  them  in  view  of  her  ob- 
ject, which  was  to  secure  the  archduke’s  escape  by  some  means 
■or  other. 

* Memorandum  sobre  d procesu , etc.,  Riva  Palacios  y dc  la  Torre,  p.  58. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


235 


Iier  first  effort  was  with,  the  president,  going  to  San  Luis 
Potosi  to  interview  him.  Here  she  evidently  did  her  best. 
But  David’s  desire  and  prayer  in  one  of  his  psalms,  “ Let 
integrity  and  uprightness  preserve  me,”  was  so  thoroughly 
embodied  in  Juarez’s  character  that  she  could  not  shake  his 
sense  of  duty.  She  returned  to  Queretaro  to  pursue  her  plan 
for  the  escape.  Every  tiling  depended  upon  a Mexican  officer, 
Colonel  Palacios,  who  had  charge  of  the  prisoners.  She  delayed 
her  visit  at  his  quarters  that  afternoon  till  it  became  dark,  and 
then,  professing  fear  to  go  home  alone,  requested  him  to  escort 
her,  which  he  did.  On  reaching  the  house  she  asked  him  to 
enter  and  be  seated.  She  adroitly  gained  his  confidence  by  talk- 
ing of  his  wife  and  newly  born  baby,  and  of  their  necessities 
in  the  future,  and  then  came  to  what  she  wanted  to  propose. 
She  first  made  him  swear  “ by  the  life  of  his  wife  and  babe  ” 
not  to  divulge  to  any  one  what  she  was  about  to  confide  to 
him,  even  if  he  rejected  her  proposition.  Little  suspecting  the 
character  of  the  affair,  he  gave  his  engagement  to  respect  her 
secret.  She  then  drew  from  her  pocket  two  drafts  on  the  im- 
perial family  in  Vienna  for  $100,000  each,  to  be  paid  to  him  and 
the  other  colonel  (Villanueva)  on  condition  that  the  archduke 
should  regain  his  liberty  by  their  means.  These  drafts  Maxi- 
milian had  prepared  and  signed,  and  had  given  the  princess  his 
signet  ring  to  be  handed  to  Colonel  Palacios,  to  be  returned  to 
the  archduke  at  once  by  the  colonel  as  a token  that  “all  was 
right.”  The  amazed  colonel  hesitated  as  he  held  the  drafts  in  his 
hand.  He  was  poor,  and  here  was  what  seemed  to  him  bound- 
less wealth  for  his  wife  and  child  in  all  their  future.  But  he 
hesitated.  The  princess  assured  him  it  was  for  his  country’s 
good  to  do  this  thing,  and  not  stain  her  record  with  the  blood  of 
the  archduke,  and,  besides,  he  “ would  not  be  asked  to  do  any 
thing  ; he  would  have  only  to  turn  his  back  and  close  his  eyes 
for  ten  minutes ; ” others,  who  would  be  ready  outside,  would 
arrange  for  the  rest  of  the  escape.  He  declared  himself  unable 
just  then  to  accept  the  drafts  or  the  ring.  He  would  reflect  upon 
the  matter  in  the  night  and  give  her  his  decision  in  the  morning. 

o o O 


23G 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


She  had  $5,000  in  gold  ready  for  the  escort,  who  stood  ready 
to  move  in  the  matter.  Greatly  to  her  disappointment,  the 
whole  atfair  must  be  left  over  until  the  next  night. 

The  distracted  colonel  went  to  bed,  but  not  to  sleep.  At 
midnight  he  rose,  went  to  head-quarters,  and  divulged  the  plan 
to  General  Escobedo.  At  daylight  the  next  morning  a carriage 
was  stationed  at  the  door  of  the  house  where  the  Princess  Sahn- 
Salm  was  staying.  Dr.  Basel  1 and  the  other  two  foreigners  in 
the  secret  had  been  roused  from  their  beds  and  sent  off  with  the 
assurance  that  if  they  returned  sooner  than  five  days  they  would 
be  shot.  The  lady  was  allowed  to  sleep  until  she  was  ready  to 
rise,  but  on  coming  down-stairs  she  was  ordered  to  enter  the 
carriage  to  be  driven  to  head-quarters.  The  account  of  the  inter- 
view is  as  follows : 

In  polite  but  sarcastic  tone,  General  Escobedo  observed  that  the  air 
in  Queretaro  did  not  seem  to  agree  with  me,  that  it  was,  indeed,  very 
bad.  I assured  him  that  I never  felt  better  in  all  my  life;  but  he 
insisted  that  I did  not  look  well  at  all ! He  had  a carriage  ready  and 
an  escort  to  take  me  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  where  I should  feel  much  better. 
I told  him  I had  no  desire  whatever  to  go  there,  but  thanked  him  for  his 
kindness. 

Seeing  that  she  was  not  willing  to  accept  the  opportunity  of 
withdrawing,  and  unable  to  endure  her  insincerity  any  longer, 
General  Escobedo  spoke  out  and  upbraided  her  dishonorable 
conduct  and  her  wicked  attempt  to  bribe  his  officers  and  bring 
him  into  an  embarrassing  position.  She  tried  to  defend  herself, 
and  insisted  on  remaining  in  Queretaro.  Orders  were  then 
given  for  her  departure. 

She  was  permitted  to  return  to  her  lodgings  and  pack  her 
valise  before  leaving,  and  an  officer  in  citizen’s  dress  was  detailed 
to  escort  her  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  Before  leaving  her  lodgings 
she  had  a scene  with  the  captain,  who  was  ordered  to  keep 
her  in  sight  until  she  left.  In  her  anger  she  drew  her  re- 
volver to  shoot  him  on  the  spot.  She  might  well  remark  after 
she  cooled  down  and  reflected  on  her  whole  conduct,-  as  she 
does  in  closing  the  account  : 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


237 


If  I consider  what  I attempted  to  do,  and  that  I was  by  no  means  yield- 
ing, I must  acknowledge  that  I was  treated  throughout  with  great  forbear- 
ance and  courtesy,  not  only  by  General  Escobedo,  but  also  by  Senor  Juarez 
and  his  secretary  and  all  Mexicans  with  whom  I came  in  contact.* 

Flight  and  bribery  and  falsehood,  all  sanctioned  or  concurred 
in  by  himself,  are  very  unworthy  associations  to  have  identified 
with  Maximilian’s  name  and  last  hours,  especially  when  we 
recall  the  high  standard  of  honor  by  which  he  wished  to  be 
known  and  remembered. 

On  her  arrival  in  San  Luis  Potosi  the  princess  resolved  to 
make  one  more  of  her  efforts  to  save  the  archduke’s  life.  Not- 
withstanding the  serious  way  in  which  she  was  compromised 
in  the  effort  for  Maximilian’s  escape,  the  president  consented 
to  give  her  the  interview  she  sought.  We  will  let  her  describe 
it  in  her  own  words.  She  writes : 

The  last  day  before  the  execution  had  come ; the  emperor  was  to  be  shot 
on  the  following  morning.  Though  I had  but  little  hope,  I was  resolved  to 
make  another  effort  and  to  appeal  once  more  to  the  heart  of  that  man  on 
whose  will  depended  the  life  of  the  emperor.  It  was  eight  o’clock  in  the 
evening  when  I went  to  see  Mr.  Juarez,  who  received  me  at  once.  He  looked 
pale  and  suffering  himself.  With  trembling  lips  I pleaded  for  the  life  of 
the  emperor,  or  at  least  for  delay.  The  president  said  that  he  could  not 
grant  it ; he  would  not  prolong  his  agony  any  longer ; the  emperor  must  die 
to-morrow. 

When  I heard  these  cruel  words  I became  frantic  with  grief.  Trembling 
in  every  limb  and  sobbing,  I fell  down  on  my  knees  and  pleaded  with 
words  which  came  from  my  heart,  but  which  I cannot  remember.  Mr. 
Juarez  tried  to  raise  me,  but  I held  his  knees  convulsively  and  said  I 
would  not  leave  him  before  he  had  granted  his  life.  I saw  the  president 
was  moved;  he,  as  well  as  Mr.  Iglesias,  had  tears  in  their  eyes,  but  he 
answered  me  with  a low  and  sad  voice,  “I  am  grieved,  madam,  to  see 
you  thus  on  your  knees  before  me ; but  if  all  the  kings  and  queens  of 
Europe  were  in  your  place  I could  not  spare  that  life.  It  is  not  I who  take 
it,  it  is  the  people  and  the  law,  and  if  I should  not  do  its  will  the  people 
would  take  it  and  mine  also.”  (P.  223.) 

Her  failure  led  her  to  regard  Maximilian  ever  after  as  “ my 
august  martyr.” 

* Ten  Years  of  My  Life , by  the  Princess  Salm-Salm,  pp.  211-220.  New  York, 
R.  Worthington,  1817. 


23S 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


Even  at  this  late  hour  Maximilian  was  still  clinging  to  his 
belief  that  the  Republicans  would  respect  his  rank  and  not 
dare  to  execute  him.  His  companions  tried  to  undeceive  him. 
They  were  confined  in  rooms  which  were  so  situated  that  by 
looking  diagonally  across  they  could  see  each  other’s  faces  as 
they  stood  at  their  windows.  Colonel  Evans  was  taken  to  the 
premises  by  a gentleman  who  was  present  when  the  following 
took  place.  lie  writes  : 

When  my  friend  entered  they  were  conversing.  Miramon  called  out  to 
Maximilian  : 

“Emperor!  I beg  you  to  prepare  for  death;  I tell  you  they  will  cer- 
tainly shoot  us ! ” 

Maximilian  replied  confidently,  “No;  they  dare  not  do  it;  they  may 
shoot  you,  possibly,  but  Don  Benito  Juarez  will  not  let  me  be  killed.  He 
will  send  me  either  to  the  United  States  or  to  Europe!  ” 

Miramon  replied,  “I  assure  you  that  you  are  deceiving  yourself ; they 
will  certainly  shoot  us  all  ! ” (P.  235.) 

This  assurance  decided  the  matter  in  his  mind ; he  accepted 
the  inevitable,  and  the  rest  of  the  time  was  devoted  mostly  to 
the  remaining  duties  in  a spirit  which  exhibited  the  better 
attributes  of  his  nature.  All  efforts  for  pardon  or  escape  had 
closed,  the  18th  of  June  had  come,  and  at  seven  o’clock  next 
morning  he  was  to  die.  lie  addressed  a telegram  to  the  presi- 
dent pleading  for  the  life  of  Miramon  and  Mejia,  and  that  “ he 
might  be  the  only  victim.”  He  then  addressed  a copy  of  the 
following  note  to  each  of  the  lawyers  who  had  defended  him  : 

My  Dear  Sir  : The  energetic  and.  valiant  defense  which  you  made  on 
my  behalf  demands  that  I assure  you  of  my  profoundest  gratitude  for 
your  noble  and  generous  service,  which  is  deeply  graven  upon  the  heart 
of  yours  affectionately,  Maximilian. 

And  this  letter  to  the  president : 

Queretaro,  June  19,  1867. 

Senor  Benito  Juarez  : Being  at  the  point  of  death,  in  consequence 
of  having  wished  to  make  the  experiment  whether  new  political  institu- 
tions would  put  an  end  to  the  bloody  civil  war  raging  for  so  many  years 
in  this  unhappy  country,  I will  give  up  my  life  gladly  if  by  its  sacrifice 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


239 


peace  and  prosperity  shall  come  to  my  new  country.  Profoundly  per- 
suaded that  nothing  permanent  can  be  founded  upon  a soil  soaked  with 
blood  and  torn  by  violent  commotions,  I implore  you  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  and  with  the  seriousness  becoming  my  position,  that  my  blood  be 
the  last  to  be  shed,  and  that  the  same  perseverance  (which  I was  glad  to 
recognize  and  fully  esteemed  in  the  midst  of  prosperity)  with  which  you 
have  defended  the  cause  that  has  triumphed  shall  consecrate  that  blood 
to  the  noble  task  of  reconciliation  and  of  founding  in  a permanent  and 
stable  manner  peace  and  tranquillity  for  this  unhappy  country.* 

(Signed)  Maximilian. 

It  will  not  be  wondered  at  that  some  sad  reflections  clouded 
his  closing  hours  that  morning,  and  that  he  was  unable  to  keep 
them  to  himself.  Here  he  was  left  to  die  in  a land  of  hostile 
strangers  without  a word  of  sympathy  from  either  those  to 
whom  he  stood  related  beyond  the  seas,  or  from  those  whose 
purposes  he  was  brought  here  to  work  out ; lured  to  his 
death  by  clericals  whom  he  had  tried  so  zealously  to  serve, 
but  who,  because  he  found  it  impossible  to  serve  them  in  the 
despotic  manner  and  extent  which  they  required,  had  here 
left  him  alone  and  friendless  to  face  all  the  consequences. 
Perhaps  harder  than  all  this  to  endure  was  the  bitter  remem- 
brance of  that  imperial  pair  at  Paris  who  had  first  fired  his 
ambition  to  attempt  the  impossible  task,  and  made  it  still  more 
impossible  by  withdrawing  the  help  on  which  they  led  him  to 
rely ; and,  last  but  not  least,  to  recall  for  the  closing  time 
on  earth  that  supreme  and  “infallible”  papal  power  whose 
will  he  wras  sent  here  to  accomplish  under  the  assurance  that 
“ the  blessing  and  protection  of  Heaven  ” would  rest  upon 
the  enterprise  to  which  he  was  consecrated,  and  perpetuity  be 
granted  to  the  dynasty  and  empire  which  he  came  here  to 
found  ! 

Dr.  Basch,  his  physician,  tells  us  how  bitterly  he  remembered 
Padre  Fisher,  who  had  done  so  much  to  induce  him  to  change 
his  mind  and  return  to  the  capital  to  renew  the  war  when  he 
was  already  at  Orizava  on  his  way  out  of  the  country,  and 
who  had  promised  to  proceed  at  once  to  Rome  and  complete  the 

* Memorandum  sobre  d proceso,  etc.,  p.  74. 


240 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


concordat  which  he  had  sketched,  and  whose  mild  requirements 
would,  Maximilian  was  assured,  have  satisfied  the  nation  and 
saved  the  empire ; and  jet,  swayed  by  other  influences,  proved 
false  and  returned  from  Rome  without  it.  Here  are  the  doc- 
tor’s words  as  to  how  Maximilian  regarded  this  man  in  these 
last  hours  in  that  prison  in  Queretaro  : 

“Father  Fisher,  with  his  concordat,  has  lied  and  lias  deceived  me.’’ 
These  words  of  the  emperor  are  the  most  implicit  condemnation  of  the 
conduct  of  the  father.* 

There  were  also  some  others  to  whom,  no  doubt,  some  of 
these  dying  thoughts  were  given.  Frias  y Soto  has  voiced 
this  remembrance,  and  we  quote  him,  merely  adding  in  expla- 
nation that  the  closing  name  refers  to  Eugenie,  the  French 
empress,  by  her  original  title.  She  was  understood  to  have 
promoted  zealously  the  origin  and  establishment  of  this  Cath- 
olic empire  in  Mexico.  The  author  says  : 

In  that  supreme  moment  of  the  life  of  one  sentenced  to  death  a century 
is  lived. 

Maximilian  must  have  thought  then,  with  that  instantaneous  vision 
that  can  hardly  be  conceived,  of  the  insane  woman  at  Miramar;  of  Napo- 
leon. feeling,  on  learning  of  this  execution,  terror  touching  his  heart  and 
the  red  wave  of  shame  covering  his  face,  . . . and  of  Rome  cleansing  with 
her  papal  mantle  the  drop  of  blood  that  would  spatter  from  the  scaffold 
at  Queretaro  on  the  infallible  tiara  of  the  pope-king. 

That  look  encompassed  all  the  drama  the  secret  thread  of  which  began 
to  be  woven  in  the  boudoir  of  “La  Montijo.”f 

At  seven  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  June,  1867, 
the  execution  of  Maximilian,  Miramon,  and  Mejia  took  place 
outside  the  walls  of  the  city,  at  a place  called  the  Cerro  de  las 
Campanas.  The  archduke  bore  himself  with  dignity  in  the 
terrible  ordeal.  AYe  give  a picture  of  the  spot  where  they 
suffered  and  the  little  memorial  erected  upon  it.  His  body 
was  carefully  embalmed  and  laid  away  for  future  disposition. 

* Recuerdas  de  Mexico , by  S.  Basch,  M.D.,  1870,  p.  74. 

f Notes  on  De  Keratnj's  Elevation  and  Fall  of  Maximilian,  by  Frias  y Soto,  1870, 
p.  370. 


CERRO  DE  LAS  CAMPANAS, 

Scene  of  the  execution  of  Maximilian,  June  10,  1867, 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


241 


It  is  now  our  dut}7  to  refer  at  this  point  to  the  case  of  a man 
who  through  all  these  intervening  years  has  borne  a heavy  and 
peculiar  cross  for  this  dead  prince — a man  whom  the  world 
meanwhile  had  branded  as  guilty  of  the  charge,  until  two  years 
since,  when  the  highest  authority  in  the  case  has  proved  him 
innocent  of  the  alleged  wrong.  The  reader  will  remember  the 
effort  made  by  Maximilian  to  gain  the  sanction  of  the  republi- 
can general  for  his  own  escape  before  the  capture  of  Queretaro. 
That  request  was,  of  course,  refused.  But  in  brooding  over 
the  situation  the  archduke  soon  realized  how  unworthy  was 
that  attempt,  and  how  fully  he  had  compromised  himself  with 
Ids  adherents  there  and  with  his  friends  in  Europe  should 
the  facts  become  known.  In  order  to  save  his  own  credit,  he 
resolved  upon  a course  that  was  to  load  down  an  officer  in 
his  service,  for  long  years  to  come,  under  the  terrible  charge 
of  “ treason  and  dishonor.”  The  world  has  widely  heard  of 
Colonel  Lopez  “ selling  his  imperial  master  and  his  cause  to 
the  Republicans  for  thirty  thousand  dollars,”  and  so  ending 
the  war  in  Mexico.  For  nearly  twenty-four  years  he  bore  the 
weight  of  this  burden,  conscious  all  the  time  that  he  did 
not  deserve  it,  but  was  merely  the  scape-goat  of  Maximilian’s 
vanity.  So  satisfied  were  even  good  men  that  he  richly  de- 
served this  opprobrium  that  when  he  died  a few  months  ago 
(April  26,  1891)  one  of  the  leading  Christian  journals  of  this 
country  headed  an  editorial  on  his  departure  with  the  words, 
“The  Mexican  Judas.”  It  now  is  evident  that  this  man’s 
mouth  was  closed  in  his  own  defense  from  a sense  of  honor 
by  which  the  archduke  had  bound  him  to  save  his  own  credit 
for  courage  and  chivalry.  People  simply  accepted  the  charge 
without  examination,  and  Lopez  bent  down  under  it ; and  so 
the  years  went  on  until  the  burden  became  intolerable.  That 
life  which  was  to  have  been,  by  the  stipulation  imposed  upon 
him,  the  limit  of  his  silence,  was  most  mysteriously  prolonged. 
At  last,  when  feeling  his  own  end  approaching,  and  not  being 
willing  to  go  into  the  dark  grave  of  a traitor,  he  made  his  appeal 

to  the  one  man  in  all  this  world  who  could  clear  his  character 
17 


242 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


by  an  honest  statement  of  the  facts,  to  do  him  this  justice  with- 
out further  delay. 

If  those  who  regarded  his  crime  with  such  detestation  and 
shrunk  from  him  had  reflected,  there  certainly  were  several 
things  that  might  have  led  them  to  be  more  cautious  in  their 
judgment,  and  to  give  him  the  benefit  of  the  doubts  they 
raised.  For  instance,  thirty  thousand  dollars  was  a great  sum 
of  money  in  the  year  1867  for  the  republican  government  or 
its  army  to  have  at  its  disposal  for  any  thing  but  the  strictest 
necessities,  and  much  more  to  be  able  to  spare  for  any  such 
purpose  as  this.  Even  if  the  cash  were  plentiful  and  available 
for  such  purpose  it  would  be  hard  to  prove  that  it  was  really 
necessary  for  the  object  to  be  gained.  Escobedo  and  his  army 
did  not  need  this  help  to  finish  their  work.  He  had  only  to  close 
his  hand,  aud  every  thing  and  every  body  in  Queretaro  was  held 
and  could  not  escape.  Why  purchase,  and  at  such  a price,  what 
was  his  when  he  chose  to  take  it  ? Then,  again,  Colonel  Lopez 
was  constantly  under  the  eye  of  his  countrymen  during  all  these 
intervening  years,  and  those  who  knew  him  intimately  asserted 
that  no  evidence  of  any  such  wealth  as  this  meant  was  ever 
exhibited  by  him  or  in  his  condition. 

In  the  spring  of  1889  Lopez  appealed  to  General  Escobedo, 
the  republican  commander  at  Queretaro,  with  whom  the  inter- 
view took  place  before  the  fall  of  that  city,  to  state  the  facts  of 
the  case.  General  Escobedo  compiled  his  report  in  answer  to 
the  request,  and  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  President  Diaz, 
who  ordered  its  publication  in  the  volume  Mexico  d travez 
de  los  Siglos , from  which  it  was  copied  into  one  of  the  journals 
of  the  capital,  on  the  13th  of  July,  1889.  We  present  the 
most  important  items  of  the  document,  so  that  the  reader  can 
judge.  The  real  proposition  of  Maximilian  we  have  already 
stated  on  page  223. 

Mr.  President  : The  imperialist  colonel,  Miguel  Ldpez,  published  in 
one  of  the  journals  of  this  city  a letter  addressed  to  me  asking  me  with  all 
sincerity  to  express  the  truth  regarding  those  events  (the  supposed  treason). 
The  reactionary  press  of  Mexico  takes  from  the  book  [referring  to  a work 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


243 


of  Victor  Daran,  lately  published  at  Rome,  reviving  the  scandal  against 
Lopez]  that  which  shall  most  affect  the  history  of  our  struggle  against  the 
so-called  empire.  They  are  working  hard,  with  a vehement  obstinacy,  to 
have  divulged  the  secret  part  of  that  affair  relating  to  the  supposed  trea- 
son of  Lopez  and  the  taking  of  the  town  of  Queretaro,  claiming  that, 
owing  to  the  direct  part  which  this  officer  was  to  take  in  it  by  betraying 
his  sovereign  and  selling  the  countersign  for  gold,  the  town  was  to  fall 
into  the  power  of  the  Mexican  army.  . . . 

I divulge  my  knowledge  of  the  affair  for  my  own  satisfaction,  preferring 
to  deposit  the  secret  with  the  supreme  government  of  the  republic  in  order 
that  this  historical  document  may  be  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the 
nation.  . . . 

The  imperialist  colonel,  Miguel  Lopez,  though  unfaithful  to  his  country, 
did  not  betray  the  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria,  nor  did  he  sell  his  office 
for  gold.  On  the  24th  of  May,  1867,  Colonel  Lopez  came  to  me,  asking 
permission  to  speak  with  me  in  private.  I agreed,  and  accordingly  sent 
away  my  adjutants,  and  remained  alone  with  him.  He  told  me  that  the 
emperor  had  requested  him  to  come  to  me  to  beg  me  to  keep  the  pro- 
foundest  silence  regarding  the  conference  he  (Lopez)  had  had  with  me  as 
the  emperor’s  agent  on  the  evening  of  the  14th,  because  the  emperor  wished 
to  save  his  prestige  and  reputation  in  Mexico  and  in  Europe,  which  would 
be  injured  if  the  terms  of  the  said  conference  and  its  results  were  made 
known.  I replied  to  the  envoy  of  the  archduke  that  it  would  be  totally 
indifferent  to  me  whether  or  no  I should  keep  the  reserve  as  requested ; 
that  neither  way  would  my  own  honor  or  that  of  my  cause  be  affected ; 
that  he  would  certainly  be  directly  affected  by  my  silence,  for  it  was  already 
well  known  that  he  was  being  accused  by  his  companions  of  disloyalty 
to  the  archduke,  whom  they  said  he  had  miserably  betrayed ; also,  that 
as  I was  in  doubt  as  to  the  legality  of  such  a request,  having  no  proofs  to 
believe  him,  I did  not  wish  to  effect  any  agreement  with  him,  deeming 
that  improper  and  unsuitable  for  me. 

Lopez  replied  that  he  cared  little  for  the  premature  judgment  passed 
upon  his  conduct ; that  he  would  keep  silence,  because  it  was  his  duty  to 
yield  in  all  things  to  the  desires  of  the  emperor,  to  whom  he  owed  very 
much,  and  to  whom  he  could  not  be  ungrateful.  He  added  that  he  was 
provided  with  a document  which  cleared  him  of  any  stigma  that  might  be 
cast  upon  him ; and  in  order  only  to  set  at  rest  the  doubts  which  I had 
expressed  he  showed  me  the  document  referred  to,  which  consisted  of  a 
letter  addressed  to  him  by  the  archduke,  the  authenticity  of  which  ap- 
peared to  me  to  be  beyond  all  doubt.  I took  a copy  of  it,  and  it  is  as 
follows : 

“My  Deak  Colonel  Lopez:  We  charge  you  to  maintain  the  most  pro- 


214 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


found  secrecy  regarding  the  commission  we  gave  you  for  General  Escobedo, 
because  if  divulged  our  honor  will  be  sullied. 

“Yours  affectionately,  Maximilian.” 

Then  Lopez  asked  me  if  I had  any  objection  to  keeping  the  secret,  as  it 
would  not  injure  me  in  the  least.  I replied  that  I would  reserve  the  right 
to  divulge  it  when  I might  think  it  proper,  without  promising  any  definite 
time. 

This  was  all  confirmed  in  an  interview  which  the  general  had 
with  the  archduke  before  his  execution,  when  he  earnestly 
entreated  him  to  agree  with  what  Colonel  Lopez  desired  on  his 
behalf.  We  quote  further  from  the  general’s  narrative  what 
Maximilian  said  on  the  subject : 

He  entreated  that  I should  grant  him  a special  favor,  the  obligations  of 
which  would  entail  no  consequences  upon  me,  but  which  if  I would  grant 
he  would  be  relieved  of  the  weight  resting  upon  his  mind,  as,  in  spite  of 
possessing  liberal  ideas,  he  always  bowed  before  the  respectful  recollections 
of  his  illustrious  ancestors.  He  calmly  said  that  he  would  probably  be 
sentenced  to  death,  and  that  he  feared  the  judgment  of  history  in  deal- 
ing with  his  brief  and  stormy  reign.  He  asked  me  if  Colonel  Lopez  had 
spoken  to  me.  Upon  my  replying  in  the  affirmative  he  went  on  to  say 
that  he  was  not  possessed  of  sufficient  mental  force  to  bear  the  reproaches 
which  his  companions  in  misfortune  would  heap  upon  him  if  they  should 
know  of  the  conference  held  between  Lopez  and  myself  by  his  orders  (in 
regard  to  the  desired  escape  from  Queretaro),  and  that,  therefore,  not 
appealing  to  aught  save  to  his  situation,  he  begged  me  to  keep  silence 
regarding  said  conference,  which  would  neither  be  difficult  nor  dishonor- 
able for  me  to  do.  I said  to  him  that  it  appeared  as  if  he  was  a victim  to 
the  treason  of  L<5pez  toward  his  person,  an  infamous  act  already  stigma- 
tized with  all  the  horrors  of  an  execrable  disloyalty.  I said  I had  no 
object  in  revealing  any  thing  of  the  past,  but  that  rather  than  appeal  to 
me  he  should  do  so  to  Lopez,  who  was  the  one  morally  injured  in  these 
events. 

The  prince  replied  that  Lopez  would  not  speak  so  long  as  I kept 
silence;  that  the  time  to  which  he  would  bind  me  not  to  reveal  the  re- 
sults of  the  conference  was  short,  being  until  the  Princess  Carlota  had 
ceased  to  live,  and  her  life  would  be  extinguished  when  she  should  learn  of 
the  execution  of  her  husband.  As  a final  answer  to  the  requests  of  the 
archduke  I stated  that  it  seemed  to  me  quite  impossible  to  keep  the 
secret  even  if  Lopez  should  remain  silent,  because  his  defenders,  his  gen- 
erals, the  foreign  ministers,  or  the  Princess  Salm-Salm,  who  had  done 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


245 


every  thing  in  their  power  to  save  him,  would  not  fail  to  make  use  of  the 
current  versions  of  the  treason  of  Lopez  and  his  inexplicable  conduct  to- 
ward himself  as  his  chief  and  protector.  In  spite  of  this  the  archduke 
again  insisted  that  I should  keep  the  secret  as  requested,  saying  that  the 
Princess  Salm-Salm  was  prepared,  not  only  to  say  nothing  regarding  that, 
but  also  to  prevent  the  people  interested  in  him  from  in  any  way  referring 
to  the  disloyalty  of  Lopez,  assuring  me  that  all  those  persons  would  strictly 
keep  their  word  and  not  mention  the  colonel. 

The  condition  in  which  the  prince  was,  with  his  broken  health,  a pris- 
oner about  to  be  brought  to  trial  and  condemned  to  death,  his  desire  to 
preserve,  even  after  death,  a stainless  name,  moved  me,  and,  yielding  to 
a sentiment  of  consideration  for  the  unfortunate  prisoner,  I promised  to 
keep  his  secret  so  long  as  circumstances  did  not  oblige  me  to  lift  the  veil 
which  I have  this  day  lifted  upon  the  facts  which  precipitated  the  fall  of 
Queretaro,  May  15,  18G7.  . . . The  lengthy  exposition  of  the  facts  just 
narrated,  taken  from  the  journal  of  operations  of  the  general  head-quarters 
of  the  army  of  operations,  is  historic  truth,  and  I herewith  deposit  it  in 
the  hands  of  the  supreme  magistrate  of  the  nation  to  dispose  thereof  as  he 
sees  fit.  (Signed)  M.  Escobedo. 

Tliis  evidence  clears  the  character  of  Colonel  Lopez  from  the 
stain  so  long  and  unjustly  resting  upon  him,  under  a sense  of 
duty  to  a man  whose  vanity  and  pride  of  family  could  impose 
such  a burden  upon  one  who  had  served  him  faithfully  to  the 
last  hour. 

The  city  of  Mexico  was  not  captured  till  the  20th  of  June, 
after  a siege  of  seventy  days.  It  was  cruelly  prolonged  l>jr 
Marquez  for  his  personal  purpose.  The  two  hundred  thousand 
inhabitants  were  reduced  by  him  to  the  extreme  of  oppression 
and  distress.  He  kept  up  recruiting  his  force  by  all  the  vio- 
lence of  the  press-gang.  Forced  loans  (some  of  them  for  im- 
mense sums  of  money)  were  extorted.  False  news  of  imperial 
victories  in  the  columns  of  the  Diaro  Imperial  was  circulated, 
with  “ the  approach  of  the  emperor’s  army  to  relieve  the  cap- 
ital,” and  even  fire-works  and  joy-bells  gave  forth  their  jubila- 
tion in  honor  of  these  monstrous  lies,  while  for  thirty-six  days 
of  the  seventy  Maximilian  and  his  generals  were  prisoners  or 
under  trial. 

General  Porfirio  Diaz  was  conducting  the  siege  with  a force 


246 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


of  thirty-five  thousand  men.  lie  could  have  thus  taken  the  city 
any  day  in  June,  but  he  humanely  shrank  from  proceeding  to 
the  extremities  of  serious  bombardment  in  which  so  many  inno- 
cent people  must  suffer,  expecting  that  a few  days  more  of 
the  terrible  pressure  would  bring  surrender.  At  length  the  for- 
eign ministers  and  members  of  the  city  government,  ignoring 
Marquez  and  his  army,  resolved  to  make  an  effort  to  open  nego- 
tiations with  the  republican  general  outside.  Hone  of  the  min- 
isters could  do  it  except  the  American  minister.  Their  govern- 
ments had  recognized  Maximilian’s  empire;  his  government 
had  never  done  so,  and  he  was  therefore  in  full  relations  with 
the  republican  government.  The  effort  was  made,  and  the  en- 
tire truth  of  the  whole  situation  became  known,  and  the  terms 
which  General  Diaz  would  offer  to  those  willing  to  lay  down 
their  arms.  This  message  was  delivered  to  the  commander  of 
the  foreign  legion  (chiefly  Austrians),  stipulating  that  if  during 
the  night  they  would  cease  their  hostility,  shut  themselves  up 
in  the  national  palace,  raise  the  white  flag,  and  remain  there 
until  General  Diaz  should  enter  and  receive  their  surrender  they 
should  all  be  spared  and  be  escorted  to  Vera  Cruz  and  allowed 
to  embark  without  molestation.  All,  with  one  exception,  grate- 
fully accepted  the  generous  conditions,  and  the  next  morning 
the  white  flag  was  seen  over  the  “ Halls  of  Montezuma.”  Gen- 
eral Diaz,  at  the  head  of  a portion  of  his  army,  rode  peacefully 
into  the  city,  and  the  war  was  over  ! 

The  liberal  conditions  were  all  fulfilled.  The  most  surprising 
thing  about  the  capture  of  the  city  was  the  non-appeara'nce  of 
the  infamous  Marquez.  Every  gate  was  guarded  to  secure 
him,  but  he  was  not  found.  On  investigation  it  was  learned 
that  he  had  suddenly  disappeared  during  the  night,  leaving  his 
second  in  command,  General  Tabero,  to  bear  the  odium  of  a de- 
fense protracted  beyond  all  reason.  How  he  got  away  with  his 
plunder  has  never  been  revealed.  There  are  few  crimes  of  which 
wicked  men  are  guilty  that  were  not  laid  to  his  charge  by  his 
countrymen — violence,  robbery,  and  murder  among  them — and 
yet  it  was  to  a wretch  of  this  infamous  character  that  the  arch- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


247 


duke  extended  his  highest  patronage  and  exalted  him  (as  com- 
mander-in-chief and  military  member  of  the  regency)  to  posi- 
tions where  he  could  most  irresponsibly  and  powerfully  exert 
his  baneful  influence  to  promote  the  misery  of  his  country. 
That  such  a man  could  effect  his  escape  and  be  living  to-day 
on  his  ill-gotten  gains  in  the  city  of  Havana  is  one  of  the  mys- 
teries of  the  Providence  that  governs  this  earth. 

This  man — the  trusted  and  favorite  general  of  the  clerical 
party — the  republican  government  would  certainly  have  exe- 
cuted had  they  caught  him.  But  for  all  the  rest  of  his  coun- 
trymen who  had  been  deluded  and  led  astray  the  government 
provided  a merciful  penalty.  After  nearly  four  months  of 
patient  investigation  of  those  who  were  compromised,  on  the 
2d  of  November,  1867,  the  government  issued  its  decision  in 
a general  order  by  the  minister  of  war  covering  every  case,  as 
follows : 

For  native  Mexicans  who  took  service  under  the  empire,  either  as  offi- 
cials or  in  the  army,  the  penalty  was  to  be: 

1.  To  those  who  held  the  higher  offices,  or  whose  names  were  signed  to 
the  decree  of  October  3,  1865  (the  Black  Decree),  with  regents  and  presi- 
dents of  council,  the  penalty  was  made  banishment,  subject  to  trial  if 
they  returned  to  Mexico.  The  number  under  this  head  were  about  fifteen 
persons. 

2.  Those  of  lesser  rank  in  the  service  of  the  empire,  under-secretaries, 
etc.,  to  the  number  of  twenty-five,  banishment  until  permitted  to  return. 

3.  To  all  below  these,  but  above  the  rank  and  file  of  the  service,  im- 
prisonment for  from  two  to  four  years,  being  about  two  hundred  in  all. 

4.  For  all  the  rest,  in  the  army,  civil  service,  etc.,  they  were  allowed  to 
go  free  and  return  to  their  homes,  only  being  required  to  register  their 
addresses  and  pursue  a quiet  course  of  life  in  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the 
country. 

Only  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons  in  all  were  subjected  to  these  pen- 
alties. For  the  foreigners,  all  were  permitted  to  leave  the  country  with- 
out further  molestation.* 

The  bishops  and  compromised  clergy  had  fled,  fearing  the 
vengeance  of  the  government  for  the  prominent  part  they  had 

* Dispatch  of  United  States  Minister  Plumb,  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  186T, 
part  ii,  p.  4G9. 


248 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


taken  in  the  rebellion.  They  were  not  able,  however,  to  assume 
much  of  the  martyr  aspect  in  their  exile  in  view  of  the  compar- 
atively gentle  treatment  dealt  out  by  the  government  to  those 
who  had  the  courage  to  remain  at  home  and  face  the  results. 
These  churchmen,  after  recovering  from  their  scare,  began  to 
glide  back  again  to  their  places.  They  were  not  interfered 
with,  but  it  was  understood  by  both  sides  that  political  Roman- 
ism was  henceforth  dead  in  Mexico,  and  that  they  must  now 
and  forever  keep  their  hands  off  the  nation’s  affairs  and  mind 
their  religious  work,  and  that  alone — a hard  lesson  for  them  to 
learn,  but  a necessary  one. 

The  general  amnesty,  proclaimed  in  1871,  closed  the  last  of 
these  retributions.  The  death  penalty  was  not  imposed  in  any 
case  by  the  government,  and  thus  the  request  of  the  Archduke 
Maximilian  was  fully  conceded. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether,  in  view  of  all  the  fearful  prov- 
ocations to  vengeance  in  the  case,  any  government  has  ever 
been  more  forbearing,  and  even  lenient,  in  the  hour  of  victory 
than  was  this  of  Mexico  in  1867.  It  will  stand,  when  fully 
understood,  in  the  future  history  of  the  world  as  a high  honor 
to  the  true  character  of  constitutional  republicanism. 

What  a contrast  is  suggested  by  the  following  fact ! Two 
or  three  days  after  the  capital  was  occupied  by  the  republican 
forces  some  of  the  proprietors  of  the  mercantile  houses  and 
other  capitalists  waited  on  the  United  States  minister,  and  pro- 
posed that  in  view  of  the  necessities  for  money  which  must 
exist  to  meet  the  immediate  wants  of  the  army,  until  the 
revenue  from  the  custom-houses  began  to  come  in,  they  would 
be  willing  to  furnish  a voluntary  loan  of  $200,000,  without 
interest,  payable  at  the  convenience  of  the  government.  Gen- 
eral Diaz  was  surprised  at  such  a proposition,  especially  from 
people  who  had  been  so  recently  and  repeatedly  fleeced  by  the 
traitor  Marquez.  lie  gratefully  accepted  the  generous  offer, 
making  only  one  stipulation,  that  no  part  of  this  loan  was  to 
be  accepted  from  any  person  compromised  by  connection  with 
the  imperial  party.  This  was  guaranteed,  the  money  was  forth- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


249 


with  paid,  and  in  due  time  it  was  gratefully  returned  by  the 
government.* 

One  would  naturally  expect  that  in  this  hour  of  triumphant 
peace  and  rest  no  disturbing  element  could  possibly  arise  to  put 
such  conditions  in  jeopardy  or  attempt  to  fling  the  nation  bade 
into  the  fearful  chaos  from  which  it  had  just  emerged  ; but 
there  was  one  man  who  would  fain  attempt  even  this  diabolical 
work.  The  surrender  of  Yera  Cruz  to  the  republican  army 
under  General  Benavides  had  already  been  arranged  for,  and 
in  a few  days  more  the  Mexican  flag  would  have  floated  un- 
challenged from  the  Gulf  to  California. 

War-ships  of  England,  France,  Austria,  and  the  United 
States  were  at  anchor  in  the  harbor,  waiting  to  witness  the 
close  of  the  requisite  negotiations,  when,  unexpectedly,  on  the 
3d  of  June,  the  mail  steamer  Virginia  hove  in  sight,  having 
on  board  General  Santa  Anna,  with  a staff  of  five  officers  and 
a supply  of  munitions  of  war  and  a stock  of  proclamations  for 
his  purpose.  General  consternation  was  the  result.  Knowing 
the  man,  they  could  anticipate  nothing  from  his  advent  at  such 
an  hour  but  confusion  and  destruction.  The  imperialist  Gen- 
eral Gomez  was  in  command  of  the  Castle  of  San  Juan  de 
Uloa,  which  dominates  the  city  and  harbor.  lie  had  formerly 
been  a friend  and  adherent  of  Santa  Anna,  and  promptly  in- 
vited him  to  land  and  remain  there  till  arrangements  could  be 
made  for  a grand  reception  in  the  city.  Within  an  hour  after 
the  band  in  the  fort  was  playing  marches  of  welcome  and  the 
garrison  shouting,  “ Yiva  el  General  Santa  Ana  ! ” The  for- 
eign soldiers  on  the  shore  responded,  and  all  saw  that  he  had 
but  to  land,  and  a hostile  force,  which  he  so  well  knew  how  to 
attract  and  increase,  would  be  around  him,  and  all  other  author- 
ity at  an  end.  Fortunately,  before  he  landed  he  invited  a con- 
ference of  officials  on  board  the  Virginia , and  there  announced 
his  purpose  “ to  set  up  a republic  in  place  of  the  tottering 
empire,  and  with  the  assurance  that  lie  came  tinder  American 
protection ,”  “ after  interviews  with  President  Johnson  and  Mr. 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1 SG7 , p.  431. 


250 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Seward,  and  at  their  solicitation,  Maximilian  having  offered  to 
deliver  up  the  government  of  the  country  to  him.”  These 
outrageous  falsehoods  opened  the  eyes  of  all  present.  He  had 
overreached  himself  , in  asserting  that  the  American  govern- 
ment  sustained  him.  A council  of  war  was  called  that  night  at 
the  city  hall  by  the  naval  and  military  officers,  with  the  consuls 
stationed  at  Yera  Cruz.  The  conclusion  was  practically  unani- 
mous that  Santa  Anna  should  not  be  allowed  to  land  and  at- 
tempt to  spoil  all  that  had  been  accomplished.  Captain  Hoe,  of 
the  United  States  war  steamer  Tacony , was  requested  by  the 
entire  company  to  take  charge  of  the  matter  and  see  Santa 
Anna  sent  off  again  in  the  ship  that  brought  him.  This  he  did 
in  thorough  style  next  morning,  to  Santa  Anna’s  amazement 
and  indignation.  lie  escorted  the  Virginia  for  the  first  twenty 
miles,  and  parted  from  her  with  injunctions  to  her  captain  not 
to  land  the  old  general  anywhere  in  Mexico.  At  Sisal  Santa 
Anna  sent  a letter,  inclosing  one  of  liis  proclamations,  to  the 
Governor  of  Yucatan,  with  the  request  to  give  it  publicity. 
The  governor  was  aroused  to  the  danger  involved,  and  as  soon 
as  Santa  Anna  landed  he  arrested  him,  sending  him  off,  for 
greater  security,  to  the  State  of  Campeche,  to  await  the  action 
of  President  Juarez.  Our  own  government,  under  the  circum- 
stances, approved  the  action  of  Captain  Roe.* 

Afterward  Santa  Anna  was  tried  (for  the  fourth  time)  for 
treason  and  sentenced  to  death.  This  was  commuted  by 
President  Juarez  to  banishment  for  eight  years,  but  under 
the  general  amnesty  of  1871  he  was  permitted  to  return,  and 
passed  the  remaining  five  years  of  his  life  in  obscurity  in 
the  city  of  Mexico. 

On  the  evening  of  the  14th  of  July,  as  darkness  settled  down 
on  the  city  of  Yera  Cruz,  rockets  were  seen  in  the  offing.  A 
pilot  was  sent  out,  and  when  the  vessel  reached  the  harbor  it 
was  ascertained  that  it  was  the  United  States  revenue  cutter 
Wilderness,  having  on  board  the  wife  and  family  of  President 
Juarez,  after  their  long  exile  in  the  United  States.  Our  gov 

* The  Fall  of  Maximilian's  Empire,  by  Lieutenant  Schroeder.  p.  66,  etc. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


251 


eminent  had  offered  the  vessel,  through  Senor  Romero,  to  this 
devoted  woman,  to  take  her  back  to  her  country.  They  landed 
on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  the  very  day  when  the  honored 
president  arrived  at  the  city  of  Mexico  from  the  North.  The 
Vera  Cruzanos  made  a joyful  demonstration  at  the  landing  of 
Mrs.  Juarez  and  her  children.  Every  boat  was  in  requisition  as 
an  escort  fleet,  while  the  ringing  of  bells,  the  booming  of  can- 
non, and  the  display  of  flags  testified  to  the  general  rejoicing. 
This  last  act  of  courtesy  from  Mr.  Seward  touched  many  Mexi- 
can hearts. 

Beyond  description  were  the  rejoicings  at  the  capital  when 
the  president  and  the  people  who  had  so  fully  trusted  him  met 
to  celebrate  the  victory  of  constitutional  republicanism.  The 
future  safety  of  their  political  system  was  guaranteed  from  in- 
terference of  outside  foes,  the  power  of  political  Romanism 
was  broken,  while  civil  and  religious  freedom  were  won  for  all 
the  future.  The  worthy  instrument  of  all  this  mighty  victory 
for  freedom  was  here  again,  preserved  through  all  the  toil  and 
danger  and  sufferings  of  those  five  dreadful  years,  to  rejoice 
with  his  people,  whom  he  had  served  so  well  and  so  faithfully, 
lie  was  made,  by  the  supporting  mercy  of  God,  equal  to  the 
height  of  his  great  mission,  and  in  its  closing  triumphs  showing 
himself  to  be  equally  generous  and  humane.  To  him  truly, 
without  qualification,  might  be  ascribed  the  brilliant  words 
which  Victor  Hugo  addressed  to  him  on  the  20th  of  June, 
1S67 : 

America  has  two  heroes,  Lincoln  and  thee — Lincoln,  by  whom  slavery 
has  died,  and  thee,  by  whom  liberty  has  lived.  Mexico  has  been  saved  by 
a principle,  by  a man.  Thou  aht  that  man  ! 

We  would  not  be  doing  justice  to  the  subject  should  we  fail 
to  recognize  the  religious  character  of  Benito  Juarez.  No 
detailed  statement  exists  of  his  belief,  but  his  devout  faith  is 
constantly  shown  in  the  reverential  manner  in  which  he  pro- 
claims his  victories  or  recommends  his  people  to  seek  the  help 
of  God  in  their  emergencies.  An  irreligious  man,  as  his  cleri- 


252 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


cal  enemies  Lave  called  J uarez,  would  not  Lave  used  sucL  ex- 
pressions as  tlie  following  in  Lis  proclamations  to  tLe  nation : 
“ Providence  concedes  me  the  satisfaction  of  announcing  a vic- 
tory over  tlie  enemy.”  “ Let  us  give  tLanks  to  Providence  for 
Laving  aided  tlie  Mexican  people  to  reconquer  tLeir  liberties.” 
On  account  of  Lis  demand  for  tlie  benefit  of  tlie  State  of  some 
of  tlie  vast  wealth  Leld  by  tLe  Church  of  Rome  in  Mexico, 
lie  was  denounced  as  an  enemy  of  true  religion  by  the 
papal  faction.  Far  from  this,  Juarez  believed  that  in  free- 
ing the  Church  from  the  political  strife  that  Lad  absorbed 
its  energies  to  the  detriment  of  its  spiritual  work  lie  was 
aiding  tlie  Church  to  regain  its  lost  mission  to  the  souls 
of  its  people.  To  this  belief  all  unprejudiced  Mexicans 
hold  firmly,  and  claim  that  Juarez’s  name  shall  be  honored 
not  only  as  a great  leader,  but  as  a devout  worshiper  of 
Jehovah. 

lie  believed  himself  an  instrument  in  the  hand  of  God  to 
work  out  the  liberty  of  his  country.  The  simplicity  of  his  life 
and  actions  was  the  result  of  this  conception  of  his  mission. 
Is  there  aught  in  the  writings  of  any  leader  more  admirable 
for  his  reverential  tone  and  all  absence  of  self-seeking  than  Jua- 
rez’s words  to  the  nation  at  the  close  of  the  dreadful  struggle 
of  the  Intervention?  “Let  the  Mexican  people  fall  on  their 
knees  before  God,  who  has  deigned  to  crown  our  arms  with 
victory.  He  hath  smitten  the  foreigner  who  oppressed  us 
sorely.  He  hath  established  this  his  people  in  their  rightful 
place.  For  he  who  hath  this  habitation  in  the  heavens  is  the 
visitor  and  protector  of  our  country,  who  strikes  down  those 
who  came  witji  intent  to  do  us  ill.  The  excellent,  the  only 
just,  almighty,  and  eternal  One  is  he  who  hath  dispersed  the 
nations  who  like  vultures  had  fallen  on  Mexico.” 

This  far-seeing  patriot  did  not  live  to  see  the  grand  success 
of  evangelical  missions  in  the  land,  yet  he  realized  the  benefit 
which  a purer  faith  would  be  to  his  people.  Shortly  before 
his  death  he  said  to  an  intimate  friend,  now  a government 
official,  from  whose  lips  we  have  heard  it,  that  “ upon  tlte  de- 


MEXICO  IN  TRxVNSITION. 


253 


velopment  of  Protestantism  largely  depends  the  future  happi- 
ness of  our  country .” 

Juarez  was  greatly  influenced  by  a sincere  priest,  Father 
Palacios,  who,  unable  to  accept  the  errors  of  the  Roman  Church, 
had  come  out  from  it  with  a little  band  of  followers,  and  had 
established  a service  where  the  Bible  was  read.  Thus  a simple 
evangelical  Church  arose,  which  later  joined  our  mission,  and 
Brother  Palacios  labored  faithfully  as  pastor  of  one  of  our 
churches  until  his  death,  in  1890. 

After  the  deatli  of  Maximilian  effort  was  made  by  several 
parties  to  get  possession  of  his  body  in  order  to  convey  it  to 
Vienna.  Ilis  physician,  Dr.  Bascli,  the  Princess  Salm-Salm, 
Captain  Groller,  of  the  Austrian  corvette  Elizabeth , then  at 
Vera  Cruz,  and  some  others,  made  application  for  it  to  the 
Mexican  government.  All  were  refused.  The  body,  care- 
fully embalmed,  was  still  lying  in  the  church  at  Queretaro. 
The  reason  why  this  refusal  was  returned  was,  first,  that 
these  parties  were  not  authorized  by  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment to  make  such  a demand,  and,  secondly,  that  the  Mexican 
government  could  not,  consistently  with  its  own  dignity,  thus 
privately  dispose  of  the  mortal  remains  of  the  archduke. 
“ An  official  act  of  the  Austrian  government  or  a petition 
from  the  family  ” was  the  proper  procedure,  and  would  be  at 
once  responded  to.  Of  course,  this  was  not  pleasant  to  these 
parties,  whose  kinsmen,  following  Louis  Mapoleon’s  lead,  had 
even  denied  the  existence  of  a national  government  in  Mex- 
ico or  treated  its  claims  with  contempt.  Mow  they  had  to 
face  the  consequences  of  their  own  injustice  by  “ recognizing  ” 
that  government  and  asking  from  it  respectfully  the  favor 
desired. 

Finding  that  the  only  way  to  succeed  was  the  just  and  hon- 
est one  above  intimated,  the  Austrian  court  laid  aside  its  pride 
and  the  false  purpose  by  which  it  was  misled,  and,  in  a candid 
and  worthy  manner,  made  its  appeal  by  the  chancellor  of  the 
Austrian  empire,  Baron  von  Beust,  to  the  government  of 
Mexico  through  its  secretary  of  state,  Senor  Lerdo,  for  the  body 


254 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


of  the  prince.  It  was  promptly  conceded  by  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment. The  following  is  the  reply  of  the  Mexican  secretary 
of  state : 

Department  of  Foreign  Relations,  \ 
Mexico,  JVov.  4,  18G7.  1 

Mr.  Minister:  Vice-Admiral  Tegethoff  lias  delivered  me  your  note. 
In  it  you  say  that  his  majesty,  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  feels  the  very  nat- 
ural desire  that  the  mortal  remains  of  his  brother,  the  Archduke  Ferdi- 
nand Maximilian,  should  find  a last  resting-place  in  the  vault  that  holds 
the  ashes  of  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Austria ; that  the  father,  mother, 
and  brothers  of  the  deceased  archduke,  as  well  as  other  members  of  the 
imperial  family,  participate  in  the  desire:  that  his  majesty,  the  emperor, 
hopes  the  government  of  Mexico,  from  a feeling  of  humanity,  will  assist 
in  realizing  this  desire,  to  effect  which  Vice-Admiral  Tegethoff  has  been 
sent  to  Mexico  to  request  the  president  to  permit  the  remains  of  the  arch- 
duke to  be  taken  to  Europe. 

Conscious  of  the  just  sentiments  expressed  in  your  excellency’s  note, 
the  president  of  the  republic  does  not  hesitate  to  gratify  this  natural  de- 
sire of  his  majesty,  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  and  the  imperial  family. 

Instructed  by  the  president,  I have  informed  Vice-Admiral  Tegethoff 
that  the  mortal  remains  of  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  Maximilian  will  be 
delivered  to  him  immediately  to  be  carried  to  Europe,  iu  compliance  with 
the  object  of  his  mission. 

I have  the  honor  to  offer  your  excellency  the  assurances  of  my  dis- 
tinguished consideration.  S.  Lerdo  de  Tejada.* 

The  remains  were  transported  from  Queretaro  to  Vera  Cruz 
at  the  expense  of  the  Mexican  government,  and  were  attended 
by  an  escort  of  one  hundred  dragoons,'  with  a number  of  officers. 
They  reached  Vera  Cruz  on  the  25th  of  November,  the  body 
was  identified  on  the  26th  and  delivered  to  Admiral  Tegethoff 
on  board  the  frigate  Novara , the  same  vessel  that  three  years 
and  a half  before  had  brought  Maximilian  and  Carlota  across 
the  ocean  to  that  very  port.  Nowit  takes  back  to  Miramar  the 
lifeless  form  of  him  who  came  with  such  high  hopes,  while  the 
poor  demented  wife  will  not  comprehend  what  they  are  doing 
as  they  lay  him  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors ! 

It  is  but  fair  to  add  here  the  testimony  borne  by  the  two 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States , 1867,  part  ii,  p.  478. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


255 


leading  lawyers,  Senores  Palacios  and  De  la  Torre,  who  defended 
Maximilian,  as  to  the  course  pursued  by  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment through  the  trial,  and  the  spirit  of  fairness  shown  by  the 
president  and  secretary  of  state  in  all  the  interviews  which  they 
sought  with  them  from  first  to  last.  Their  own  report  of  the 
trial,  printed  as  a volume,  was  published  at  the  expense  of  the 
government  and  every  facility  given  them.  They  say : 

So  numerous  were  the  inaccuracies  of  the  European  press  in  referring 
to  the  tragic  death  of  the  archduke,  so  much  that  was  offensive  to  our 
country  was  published,  that  we  could  not,  in  conscience,  leave  the  history 
of  the  trial  of  our  defendant  buried  in  his  tomb.  All  Mexico  saw  the 
consideration  granted  to  the  chiefs,  officers,  and  soldiers  of  the  Austrian 
army  who  surrendered  at  discretion  to  the  general-in-chief.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  France,  England,  Spain,  Austria,  Italy,  Belgium,  and  the 
United  States  were  witnesses  of  that  consideration,  and  also  saw  that  all 
the  foreigners  enjoyed  full  liberty  and  all  sorts  of  guarantees.  Yet,  in 
spite  of  this  public  action  of  the  authorities  of  our  country,  Mexico  has 
been  calumniated  and  held  up  to  the  world  as  unworthy  of  being  a nation. 

It  was  the  death  of  Maximilian  that  raised  this  cry,  and  we  who  were 
his  defenders  feel  called  upon  to  present  the  history  of  that  painful  event 
such  as  it  is.  The  responsibility  and  the  comments  can  then  be  placed 
upon  their  true  ground.  . . . 

As  faithful  narrators  of  this  sad  history  we  must  acknowledge  that  the 
president,  Juarez  as  well  as  his  ministers,  always  granted  us  all  the  time 
we  desired  for  many  and  lengthy  interviews,  and  that  to  all  our  reasonings 
they  replied  with  other  arguments  which  betrayed  a profound  and  patient 
study  of  all  the  elements  which  contributed  to  the  tragic  end  of  the  em- 
pire. The  same  tranquil  reasoning  that  Mr.  Lerdo  had  shown,  though 
expressed  in  different  words,  we  found  in  the  president.  He  let  fall  not 
a single  word  of  enmity  or  vengeance,  but  there  was  underneath  his  replies 
an  inflexible  resolution  which  augmented  our  fears.  He  generally  closed 
by  saying  that  all  that  we  had  set  forth  would  be  weighed  in  the  cabinet 
so  that  a just  conclusion  might  be  reached.* 

* Memorandum  sobre  el  proceso,  p.  4. 


256 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

“Vengeance  is  mine,  I will  repay,  saith  the  Lord” — “So  that  men  shall  say, 
Verily  there  is  a God  that  judgeth  in  the  earth  ” — The  conspirators  against 
freedom — Could  only  be  reached  by  the  retributions  of  Almighty  God — Tiie 
pontiff — Temporal  power  for  one  thousand  years — Decree  of  infallibility — 
Declaration  of  war — Downfall  of  Napoleon — The  pope’s  temporal  power  ex- 
tinguished— Italy  unified — Papal  coin — Scene  in  San  Angelo — Emperor  Will- 
iam denies  the  pope’s  claim — Napoleon  rushes  to  ruin  at  Sedan — End  of  his 
glory — Death  of  the  Prince  Imperial — Eugenie  in  exile — France  republican — 
Religious  liberty — Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits. 

Had  the  guilty  parties  which  had  so  desperately  attempted  to 
crush  constitutional  freedom  in  Mexico  retired  from  their  effort 
after  the  death  of  Maximilian,  there  was  not  a power  in  Europe 
which  would  have  called  them  to  account  or  inflicted  any 
penalty  upon  them.  And  yet  every  one  of  those  parties  was 
held  to  a terrible  responsibility , while  a chastisement  was  in- 
flicted upon  each  of  them  that  was  an  amazement  to  Europe  and 
will  never  be  forgotten.  But  who  was  it  that  thus  took  cog- 
nizance  of  their  crimes  against  freedom  and  visited  them  with 
such  condign  vengeance?  Hot  the  aggrieved  and  injured 
party,  for  Mexico  could  not  follow  them  across  the  sea.  God 
Almighty  himself  espoused  her  cause  and  answered  for  her  in 
his  own  way  and  time.  Let  us  look  at  the  facts  of  this  wonder- 
ful retribution  and  see  the  evidence  of  the  divine  hand  that 
punished  them. 

There  were  six  leading  and  responsible  parties  to  this  con- 
spiracy against  Mexican  freedom  and  against  the  right  and 
duty  of  the  United  States  to  evangelize  her  neighbors.  The 
Most  High,  as  we  judge  by  the  providential  results,  allowed  not 
one  of  them  to  escape  the  penalty  due.  These  parties  were,  the 
pope — in  whose  interest  the  whole  enterprise  was  undertaken ; 
Louis  Hapoleon,  the  pontiff’s  willing  instrument ; Eugenie,  that 
“ power  behind  the  throne,”  who  had  more  to  do  with  this  most 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


257 


unwomanly  work  than  yet  appears;  Maximilian  and  Carlota, 
heart  and  soul  devoted  to  the  object  to  be  accomplished  ; and 
the  Jesuits,  those  wily  schemers,  who  had  developed  the  enter- 
prise and  were  to  utilize  its  consummation,  when  the  sword  had 
fully  opened  their  way  and  done  its  work  upon  prostrate  Mex- 
ico and  a bleeding  and  divided  United  States. 

With  reverent  heart  we  bow  before  the  divine  Majesty  and 
his  work  of  vindication  and  vengeance.  First,  as  to  the  pontiff. 
It  was  hardly  necessary  that  Prince  Bismarck  should  give  the 
world  his  assurance  that  “ the  papacy  has  been  apolitical  power 
which,  with  the  greatest  audacity  and  with  the  most  moment- 
ous consequences,  has  interfered  with  the  affairs  of  this  world,” 
though  his  doing  so  carried  corroboration  of  the  fact  where  it 
might  not  otherwise  have  reached.  The  claim  of  temporal 
sovereignty  has  been  to  the  pope  as  precious  as  the  apple  of  his 
eye.  lie  bad  held  it  for  a thousand  years  as  an  essential  ele- 
ment of  his  power,  knowing  well  that  a large  portion  of  his 
peculiar  immunities  were  held  to  him  by  this  secular  bond.  To 
strike  him  here  first  of  all,  and. so  let  loose  the  “ rights  ” which 
he  had  gathered  up  and  bound  under  this  broad  girdle,  from  the 
people  he  had  so  long  misruled,  was  an  act  within  the  divine 
power  alone.  Let  us  mark  the  steps  by  which  this  was  brought 
about.  The  convention  of  September,  18GI,  was  a treaty  be- 
tween Louis  Hapoleon  and  Victor  Emmanuel,  secretly  consum- 
mated, which  bound  Kapoleon  to  withdraw  his  troops  from 
Pome  in  two  years  from  that  date.  The  secret  was  carefully 
kept  for  six  months,  and  when  announced  it  fell  like  a bomb- 
shell upon  the  Vatican.  The  anger  of  the  papal  party  was  un- 
bounded at  what  they  designated  as  the  “ desertion  of  the  pope 
by  the  emperor.”  Every  one  else  was  delighted,  and  the  exul- 
tation of  the  people  broke  out  on  all  sides.  It  was  seen  that 
it  was  the  beginning  of  the  collapse  of  the  temporal  power. 
It  was  stipulated  aim  in  the  convention  that  the  capital  of 
Italy  was  at  once  to  be  removed  from  Turin  to  Florence,  a more 
central  position,  and  nearer  to  Rome.  Kapoleon  hoped  that 
the  pope  might  thus  “be  led  to  reconcile  himself  to  accom- 
18 


258 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


plished  facts  and  bow  with  some  grace  to  manifest  destinjn” 
Vain  hope!  The  pontiff,  instead  of  taking  counsel  of  expedi- 
ency or  being  guided  by  the  light  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
took  his  stand  in  the  eleventh  by  the  side  of  Hildebrand, 
and  developed  his  now  famous  “ encyclical .”  Napoleon,  it 
will  be  remembered,  answered  this  by  appointing  Jerome 
Bonaparte  to  the  regency  as  well  as  to  the  presidency  of  the 
Corps  Legislatif. 

The  indignation  of  the  pope  at  Napoleon’s  action  was  un- 
bounded. But  he  held  his  displeasure  in  restraint,  knowing 
that  the  emperor  would  bear  little  abuse  from  him.  He  could 
anathematize  Victor  Emmanuel  to  his  heart’s  content,  and  did, 
for  the  king  could  do  no  more  harm  to  the  temporal  power 
than  he  had  done  in  this  convention.  It  was  different  with 
Napoleon.  If  provoked  he  could  order  the  immediate  evacua- 
tion of  Rome  by  the  twenty  thousand  troops  which  held  it  for 
the  pope-king  and  leave  him  to  the  tender  mercies  of  his  own 
people,  which  was  what  Pius  IX.  feared  above  all  else.  In  the 
volume  of  his  published  speeches  the  pope  had  characterized 
them  as  “ communists  ” and  “ demons  let  loose  from  hell ! ” 
The  people  of  whom  he  thus  so  violently  spoke  were  the  lib- 
erty-loving statesmen  of  Italy,  who  were  wisely  leading  their 
countrymen  on  to  constitutional  liberty  and  peace,  and  who  had 
addressed  to  him  the  vigorous  document  found  on  page  111.  It 
was  truly  said  at  that  time,  “ Had  it  not  been  for  these  and 
their  constitutional  government  the  red  republicans  and  Roman 
communists  would  have  made  short  work  of  the  papacy,  and 
neither  the  pope  nor  Antonelli  nor  one  of  the  Roman  curia 
had  dared  to  breathe  Italian  air.  To-day  his  Vatican  had  been 
ashes,  and  instead  of  the  mock  imprisonment  which  he  parades 
he  would  have  gone  to  prison  or  to  death.”  * It  is  wonderful 
what  power  for  good  these  patriots  whom  he  had  thus  maligned 
had  over  the  masses,  to  keep  them  from  excess  and  violence. 
The  people  only  wanted  the  Church  to  attend  to  her  proper 
work  in  the  spiritual  realm  and  leave  secular  affairs  to  them; 

* The  Modern  Jove , b}-  William  Artliu.\  p.  48. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


259 


but  when  the  head  of  the  clergy  insisted  on  being  the  tem- 
poral ruler  as  well  there  was  “ confusion  and  every  evil  work,” 
under  which  what  was  good  withered  and  what  was  evil  flour- 
ished. 

The  pope  alone  could  not  6ee  the  danger  arising  from  these 
facts,  and  supposed  nothing  more  was  necessary  for  peace  and 
order  except  military  power  enough  to  hold  in  subjection  to 
his  will  the  three  and  a half  millions  of  people  within  the  Ro- 
man State,  and  as  his  own  people  refused  to  accept  military 
service  under  him  foreign  mercenaries  were  necessary.  All 
Italy  had  gladly  accepted  a constitutional  sovereign,  and  the 
Church  State  was  almost  a unit  in  the  same  desire,  as  the  vote 
taken  shortly  after  this  proved. 

Failing  to  bring  the  nations  of  Christendom  to  his  will  by 
the  thunders  of  the  “ encyclical,  ” Pius  IX.  issued  a call  for  an 
ecumenical  council  to  pass  the  decree  of  his  infallibility  as 
an  end  of  controversy,  and  as  an  authoritative  voice  that  would 
subdue  all  dissent  in  the  religious  world  as  well  as  save  his 
temporal  power  at  home.  Eight  hundred  bishops  came  to- 
gether, and  after  deliberating  six  months  the  vote  was  ascer- 
tained on  the  13th  of  July,  1870.  It  was  during  the  eighty- 
fifth  secret  session  of  the  council,  601  members  being  present. 
The  vote  was : 


Placet  (Yes) 451 

Placet  juxta  modum  (with  modification) 62 

Non-placet  (No) 88 


601* 

On  July  18,  when  the  vote  on  the  final  adoption  was  taken, 
the  disaffected  and  absentees  reduced  this  number  to  533,  by 
whom,  many  of  them  under  heavy  pressure,  the  doctrine  was 
accepted  and  the  dogma  proclaimed  that  afternoon.  This  in  a 
Church  which,  according  to  the  Annuario  Pontifico  of  Rome, 
has  1,4-00  bishops  and  archbishops.  Eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  took  no  part,  or  refused  to  vote  “yes,”  so  that  the  minority 
* Rome  and  the  Newest  Fashions  in  Religion,  by  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  p.  14. 


2G0 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


of  533  ingrafted  this  dogma  of  papal  infallibility  upon  their 
creed.  Yet  this  is  called  the  act  of  an  ecumenical  or  universal 
council ! 

This  was  the  hour  chosen  by  the  Almighty  to  pour  confusion 
on  this  blasphemous  decree,  in  its  attempt  to  subordinate  the 
government  of  the  world,  in  his  name,  in  all  things  human  and 
divine,  to  an  individual  will ! “And,  behold,  the  day  after  the 
proclamation  of  the  dogma,  Napoleon  III.,  the  political  ally 
and  supporter  of  Pius  IX.,  unchained  the  furies  of  war,  which 
in  a few  weeks  swept  away  the  empire  of  France  and  with  it 
the  temporal  power  of  the  infallible  pope.'’  * The  533  prelates 
departed  hastily  from  Home,  as  it  was  rumored  that  Napoleon 
needed  the  twenty  thousand  men  that  garrisoned  that  city  and 
that  they  would  be  left  unprotected ! What  a sarcasm  to  call 
such  a system  a Roman  Catholic  Church,  when  in  this  emerg- 
ency these  prelates  knew  that  they  could  not  find  fifty  Romans 
in  the  whole  city  willing  to  fight  for  their  protection  or  that 
of  their  infallible  head  ! 

Many  supplications  were  offered  before  many  altars  to  God, 
the  Virgin  Mary,  and  the  saints,  to  crown  the  “ eldest  son  of 
the  Church  ” with  victory  and  enable  him  soon  to  lower  the 
prestige  of  that  Protestant  king.  It  was  not  long — from 
the  15  th  of  July  to  the  1st  of  September,  forty -seven  days 
only — until  two  of  the  greatest  armies  that  Europe  ever  saw  in 
conflict  met  and  made  their  appeal  to  the  Lord  of  hosts  to 
judge  between  them  and  grant  victory  to  the  side  which  he 
espoused.  At  least  the  Prussians  made  this  appeal,  and  with 
great  earnestness.  How  the  French  acted  is  not  stated,  but  we 
know  what  great  confidence  they  had  in  their  equipment  and 
their  leading.  Truly  has  inspiration  said,  “ Some  trust  in 
chariots,  and  some  in  horses,”  but  in  war  there  is  something 
more  to  trust  in.  The  right,  and  Him  who  defends  it,  is  more 
thdn  all  besides,  as  was  here  shown  when  a German  empire 
arose  from  the  victorious  battle-field  and  Protestantism  sprang 
to  the  political  and  military  leadership  of  Europe. 

* Rome  and  the  Newest  Fashions  in  Religion , by  Hou.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  p.  79. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


2G1 


The  complete  overthrow  of  Napoleon  at  Sedan  opened  the 
way  for  the  Liberals  of  Italy  to  enter  Rome.  All  Italy  saw 
that  the  hour  had  come  for  her  to  claim  her  capital  for  her  con- 
stitutional government,  and  entreated  their  king  to  occupy  it. 
Victor  Emmanuel  was  cautious,  and  before  yielding  to  the  voice 
of  the  people  tried  once  more  to  conciliate  the  pontiff.  Count 
Pondodi  di  San  Martino  was  selected  to  offer  the  pope,  in  ex- 
change for  the  temporal  sovereignty, 

Leonine  Rome  as  a residence,  including  St.  Peter’s,  the  Vatican,  with  all 
its  treasures,  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  Castle  Gaudolfo,  and 
their  dependencies;  and  these  were  all  to  be  exempted  from  taxes  and 
common  law  jurisdiction.  This  immunity  was  to  be  extended  to  any 
temporary  presidency  of  the  pope,  conclave,  or  council.  He  was  to  have 
his  own  post-office  and  telegraph,  choosing  his  own  officials,  to  prefer 
benefices  without  royal  permission,  his  seminaries  were  to  be  free  from 
Italian  scholastic  authorities.  Besides  these  he  was  to  be  freed  from  the 
entire  papal  debt,  which  the  nation  would  assume,  and  he  was  to  be  pro- 
vided with  an  income  of  3,255,000  lire  per  annum  and  guaranteed  the 
right  of  diplomatic  representation,  free  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  im- 
munity of  cardinals  and  embassadors.* 

Tbis  liberal  offer  was  contemptuously  rejected. 

Seeing  that  Pius  IX.  was  unwilling  to  concede  any  thing, 
the  people  of  Italy  laid  siege  to  Rome  and  captured  it.  Victor 
Emmanuel  entered  it  on  the  31st  of  September,  1870.  Ilis  re- 
ception was  enthusiastic,  accompanied  by  every  manifestation 
of  joy  that  a glad  people  could  show  to  their  deliverer  and  con- 
stitutional king.  In  order  that  no  doubt  should  remain  as  to 
the  fact  that  he  was  the  accepted  ruler  of  the  Roman  people 
Victor  Emmanuel  left  the  city  until  a vote  could  be  taken.  In 
due  course  th e plebiscite  was  proclaimed  that  surprised  the  world. 
Forty-nine  votes  only  were  cast  for  the  retention  of  the  papal 
government,  and  fifty  thousand  against  it,  in  favor  of  the  king.f 

If  ever  a question  was  settled  by  the  people  it  was  in  this 
case.  No  political  madness  could  be  greater  than  the  attempt 

* McClintock  & Strong’s  Cyclopaedia,  vol.  iv,  p.  108.  Christian  World,  vol. 
xxiv,  p.  52. 

f-  Christian  World,  vol.  xxi,  p.  355. 


202 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


of  the  pope  and  the  Curia  Romana  to  override  its  decision. 
Yet  this  was  done  and  is  being  done.  At  once  a most  inflamma- 
tory appeal  was  issued  by  the  pontiff  to  every  European  gov- 
ernment to  unite  to  place  him  again  on  his  throne!  Antonelli 
followed  his  master’s  appeal  with  another  of  the  same  class. 
Thus  the  demand  was  made,  not  only  to  crush  the  Romans,  no 
matter  what  suffering  and  bloodshed  might  be  necessary,  but 
also  to  provide  a standing  force  to  permanently  sustain  the 
papal  throne ! 

Men  paused  and  waited  in  surprise  to  see  what  response 
would  be  made  to  these  furious  demands  of  the  papacy,  but 
their  hearts  were  relieved  as  hour  after  hour  went  past  and  no 
response  came  out  of  that  ominous  silence  of  the  nations.  No, 
not  a protest  was  uttered,  and  not  one  hand  was  raised  to  help 
him  in  his  dire  emergency.  All  Europe  concurred  in  what 
Roman  freedom  had  done,  in  closing  forever  this  hybrid  gov- 
ernment, and  leaving  Victor  Emmanuel  free  to  enter  and  reign 
over  a “ willing  people,”  who  had  so  cordially  accepted  and 
chosen  him  as  their  sovereign.  Amid  the  glad  rejoicings  of 
his  people,  a few  days  after  he  entered  the  city  of  Rome  and 
papal  misgovernment  dropped  into  the  dust. 

The  institutions  of  united  Italy  were  transferred  from  Flor- 
ence to  the  capital.  Lovers  of  freedom  from  many  lands  sent 
their  congratulations  to  the  rejoicing  sons  of  Italy.  All  were 
happy  save  the  pope,  and  he  was  overflowing  with  rage.  The 
language  in  which  he  condemned  the  whole  affair  was  sim- 
ply awful.  As  to  u the  people,”  now  enfranchised  and  free,  he 
acted  as  if  they  were  nothing  in  the  case,  and  had  no  rights 
that  he  was  bound  to  respect.  The  leading  men  of  Italy  felt 
themselves  forced  to  give  up  all  attempts  at  conciliation  and 
to  advance  in  the  way  they  deemed  best  for  the  welfare  of 
their  country.  Any  plotting  in  the  interests  of  his  former 
power  was  sure  to  bring  out  the  firmness  of  the  government 
and  of  public  opinion.  Shortly  after  the  establishment  of  the 
constitutional  regime , a banquet  was  given  in  Rome,  attended 
by  members  of  both  houses  of  parliament,  the  foreign  embas- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


2 6 


sadors,  and  prominent  men.  The  speech  of  the  evening  was 
delivered  by  the  mayor,  Count  Bianeiani,  whose  closing  words 
ought  to  have  ended  all  uncertainty  when  he  declared  that 
“ the  people  of  Rome  would  rather  see  their  city  perish  in 
ashes  than  again  be  subjected  to  papal  domination!”  This 
declaration  was  heartily  applauded.  The  sentiments  of  the 
Romans  have  not  changed,  as  a recent  speech  by  ex-Prime 
Minister  Crispi  showrs : 

He  declared  that  it  was  necessary  to  combat  all  persons,  high  or  low, 
who  were  seeking  to  undermine  the  political  edifice  of  Italy.  The  tem- 
poral power  of  the  pope,  although  it  had  existed  for  centuries,  had  been 
only  a transition  period.  Rome  existed  before  it,  and  would  continue 
to  exist  without  it.  Complaints  or  threats  either  from  home  or  abroad 
would  have  no  effect.  He  declared  unassailable  the  utterance  of  King 
Humbert,  that  Rome  forms  an  integral  part  of  Italy,  just  as  law  forms  a part 
of  the  modern  world. 

He  asserted  that  the  pope  possessed  perfect  religious  liberty,  and  was 
only  restricted — and  less  harshly  than  in  other  Catholic  States — from  en- 
croaching upon  the  sphere  of  national  right. 

The  hand  of  God  is  especially  seen  in  the  events  which  trans- 
pired at  this  period.  The  rapidity  of  the  movements,  the  rela- 
tion which  they  lent  each  to  the  other,  and  their  accumulated 
power  for  the  purpose,  all  argue  to  an  observing  world  that 
there  was  something  more  than  human  force  behind  the  chain 
of  events  which  so  soon  completely  answered  the  preposterous 
claim  advanced,  in  the  name  of  God,  on  the  14th  of  July. 
Consider  it,  and  say  if  Europe  ever  before  saw  any  such  chro- 
nology as  this : 

1870,  July  14.  Infallibility  proclaimed  by  the  pope  and  his  council. 

“ July  15.  War  proclaimed  against  the  only  leading  Protestant  power 
on  the  continent  by  Napoleon  III.,  “the  Eldest  Son 
of  the  Church.” 

“ Sept.  1.  This  eldest  son  captured  by  this  Protestant  king. 

“ Sept.  20.  The  pope  and  his  capital  captured  by  a king  whom  he 
had  excommunicated. 

“ Oct.  2.  The  appreciation  by  the  Roman  people  of  the  pope’s 
paternal  rule  expressed  by  their  almost  unanimous  deci- 
sion against  it! 


204 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


Divine  Providence  permitted  this  consummation  ot'  pontifical 
and  imperial  folly  to  proclaim  itself  in  its  pride  and  vainglory 
during  those  fifteen  days  of  July,  and  then  showed  the  world 
his  overwhelming  confusion  of  their  claims  in  September. 
Well  might  devout  men  exclaim,  as  they  did,  “This  is  the 
Lord’s  doing,  and  it  is  marvelous  in  our  eyes.” 

The  work  to  be  done  in  Italy  was  identical  with  that  Mexico 
was  engaged  upon — the  abolishing  of  the  censorship  and  the 
Inquisition,  the  proclamation  of  freedom  of  the  press  and 
of  worship,  the  provision  for  education  and  the  public  debt, 
the  sale  of  monastic  properties,  sending  the  swarms  of  indo- 
lent monks  to  earn  their  own  living.  The  beneficent  effects 
of  these  changes  were  soon  manifest.  Some  incidents  in 
the  author’s  experience  may  show  the  changes  as  well  as  any 
thing  else.  On  our  return  from  mission  work  in  India,  Rome 
was  still  famous  for  her  intolerance,  only  holding  her  people 
down  by  the  presence  of  foreign  troops.  Fourteen  years  later, 
on  our  second  return  from  the  mission  field,  we  resolved  to  pass 
a few  weeks  in  Rome,  and  see  the  effects  of  the  happy  changes 
that  had  occurred,  and  which  our  experience  in  Mexico  had 
prepared  us  more  fully  to  appreciate. 

The  first  indication  of  the  changed  state  of  public  opinion 
was  given  as  we  drove  up  to  St.  Peter’s,  and  in  paying  the 
coachman  I handed  him,  among  others,  a soldi  bearing  the 
inscription  of  the  papal  government.  To  my  surprise  the  man 
objected  to  take  that  copper.  When  I said  that  it  was  one  of 
the  holy  father’s  own  coins  he  shrugged  his  shoulders  as  he 
repeated  contemptuously,  “Holy  father!  Please  change  it, 
sir.”  He  preferred  one  bearing  the  image  and  superscription 
of  his  king,  Victor  Emmanuel.  We  were  within  sight  of  the 
windows  of  the  Vatican,  and  yet  this  cabman  ventured  to  show 
his  animosity  toward  the  government  of  the  pope  in  a way  that 
might  have  sent  him  to  the  Inquisition  had  he  uttered  it  a few 
years  previously. 

On  entering  the  Castle  of  San  Angelo  we  shuddered  at  the 
thought  of  the  cruelties  perpetrated  within  its  walls  for  hundreds 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


265 


of  years  past.  Our  attention  was  called  to  the  soldiers  on 
guard ; they  were  bright,  intelligent-looking  men,  and — won- 
der of  wonders ! — away  on  the  far  side  of  the  room  we  noted 
many  of  them  grouped  near  a large  case  of  books,  which  proved 
to  be  a depository  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  and 
the  Holy  Scriptures  in  Italian,  French,  and  other  languages,  on 
sale  for  all  who  wished  to  buy,  right  here  in  the  former  prison 
of  the  Inquisition.  Shades  of  Alva  and  Torquemada!  Was 
this  real,  or  only  a dream  ? It  was  indeed  wrought  out  by  more 
than  human  power,  by  the  “ mighty  working  of  Ilim  who  is  able 
to  subdue  all  things  unto  himself.”  In  the  cells  of  this  castle 
our  brethren  had  suffered,  not  for  wrong-doing,  but  for  their 
evangelical  sentiments  such  as  we  cherish.  What  an  answer  to 
the  martyr’s  cry,  “ How  long,  O Lord,  how  long?”  was  the  en- 
trance of  Victor  Emmanuel,  bringing  religious  liberty  to  “them 
that  were  bound,”  and  letting  “the  oppressed  go  free!” 

It  was  delightful  to  see  the  Protestant  churches  already 
erected  (our  own  in  Piazza  Poli)  where  so  recently  none  were 
allowed,  nor  were  evangelical  services  .permitted  to  be  held  in 
a private  house. 

We  found  nine  Protestant  churches.  Since  then  this  num- 
ber has  been  increased,  and  at  present  there  are  few  towns  of 
importance  in  Italy  where  a congregation  of  converted  Italians 
cannot  be  found.  Rev.  William  Arthur,  of  London,  was  then 
in  Rome.  Few  foreigners  have  done  more  to  help  Italian  free- 
dom than  has  this  distinguished  man.  It  was  a great  privilege 
to  meet  him  and  have  his  assistance  to  realize  the  wondrous 
changes  that  have  transpired  since  the  fall  of  the  pope  from  his 
temporal  power.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  of  these  was  to 
occur  in  the  Wesleyan  Methodist  church  on  the  following  day 
under  his  own  presidency.  When  we  were  parting  he  said  to 
us,  “Would  you  not  like  to  be  present  at  our  soldiers’  sacra- 
mental service  in  our  church  to-morrow  ? ” It  was  in  con- 
nection with  the  removal  of  this  brigade  from  Rome  to  another 
city.  We  well  knew  that  the  Wesleyan  Mission  had  been 
devoting  much  attention  to  the  Italian  military  and  sustains  a 


2G6 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


regular  chaplain  for  them.  Hundreds  of  these  men  have  been 
converted  under  this  ministry,  and  in  their  changes  to  new 
stations  take  their  notes  of  removal  and  report  themselves  for 
pastoral  care  where  they  go,  the  incoming  men  doing  the 
same,  and  thus  sustaining  the  services  held  for  their  benefit. 
It  was  the  expressed  and  positive  resolve  of  Victor  Emmanuel 
that  his  soldiers  should  have  the  fullest  religions  freedom.  The 
officers  sympathize  with  their  sovereign’s  wishes,  and  so  the 
men  enjoy  their  privileges. 

We  had  no  correct  idea  how  far  this  had  been  successful 
with  them,  though  we  had  evidently  touched  this  matter  at  San 
Angelo.  We  were  therefore  rejoiced  to  have  a nearer  view. 
Had  we  found  even  a dozen  or  a score  of  such  men  it  would 
have  been  a joy  and  delight.  Our  surprise  may  therefore  be 
imagined  when  on  entering  we  found  the  center  of  the  little 
church  tilled  with  happy -looking  men  wearing  the  uniform  of 
Victor  Emmanuel,  William  Arthur  presiding  over  the  beautiful 
service  and  using  Italy’s  own  sweet  language  in  doing  so.  One 
of  the  soldiers  read  the  yearly  report  of  the  progress  of  the 
work  among  them.  I counted  the  exact  number  present,  and 
found  there  were  one  hundred  and  thirty-two;  and  the  report 
accounted  for  the  difference  between  that  number  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  for  those  who  were  unable  to  attend  that 
day  by  duties  from  which  they  could  not  be  excused,  and  other 
causes.  The  service  closed  by  the  gift  from  Mr.  Arthur  to 
each  of  a new  pocket  Bible,  for  all  of  these  soldiers  had  been 
taught  to  read  as  wyll  as  having  been  led  to  Christ.  This  was 
the  most  thrilling  and  significant  sight  on  which  we  had  gazed 
during  our  visit  to  the  old  city.  Think  of  it!  Here  we  were 
among  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  of  Victor  Emmanuel’s  sol- 
diers— the  men  who  take  care  of  the  pope,  that  nothing  may 
harm  him,  and  who  garrison  Rome,  “sitting  together  in  heav- 
enly places”  in  a Methodist  church,  with  open  doors,  speaking 
their  experience  in  love-feast  fashion,  within  rifle-shot  of  the 
Vatican  ! We  concluded  that  “the  right  side  of  the  world  was 
coming  up.” 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


267 


If  any  fact  is  needed  to  render  all  this  still  more  emphatic  as 
a suitable  consummation  of  the  penalty  of  Providence  in  the 
abolition  of  his  temporal  power  it  may  be  found  in  the  cor- 
respondence which  so  soon  after  took  place  between  the  pope 
and  the  venerable  Emperor  William  of  Germany.  To  understand 
the  deep  significance  of  the  claim  insinuated  so  adroitly  by  the 
pope — that  baptism,  any  baptism,  Protestant  as  well  as  Romanist 
— gave  him  claims  and  control  over  all  who  had  received  the  rite, 
to  compel  conformity  to  the  rest  of  Rome’s  requirements,  we  must 
remember  that  such  is  the  doctrine  of  Romanism,  and  one  of 
their  justifications  for  the  persecution  of  Protestants.  Secretary 
Thompson’s  valuable  work  presents  the  claims,  and  gives  the 
authorities  relied  upon,  from  the  Council  of  Trent  down.* 
To  have  that  claim  conceded  in  any  way,  even  by  silence  on  the 
part  of  Emperor  William,  would  have  been  counted  as  a great 
gain  by  the  pope,  but  the  emperor  was  too  vigilant  to  be  thus 
entrapped,  and  meets  the  claim,  as  we  shall  see,  very  effectively. 
Lord  John  Russell,  then  British  premier,  was  equally  ready  to 
repudiate  the  audacious  claim  of  “ lordship  over  all  baptized 
persons,”  when  he  said  in  Parliament,  “Rome,  no  longer  satis- 
fied with  equality,  claims  ascendency.  This  would  include  the 
queen  and  the  Parliament.  I decline  it ! ” 

The  unhesitating  reply  of  the  emperor  is  refreshing — and  in 
such  a quiet,  friendly  way,  too — when  he  plainly  tells  this  “ infal- 
lible’’old  pope  that  he  is  mistaken  and  has  fallen  into  some 
errors  on  the  subject  mentioned  in  his  letter,  and  that  the 
trouble  is  from  his  own  clergy  “assisting  the  enemies  of  all 
law.”  He  closes  with  the  assurance  that  his  own  difference  of 
opinion  with  any  of  his  neighbors  did  not  hinder  him  from 
“living  in  peace  with  them.”  A very  broad  hint  to  his  vener- 
able correspondent,  while  his  repudiation  of  papal  headship  in 
Christianity  in  favor  of  that  of  the  divine  Saviour  is  grand  and 
most  appropriate ! 

The  letters  were  regarded  of  so  much  importance  that  as 
soon  as  they  appeared  in  Berlin  they  were  telegraphed  to  the 

* The  Papacy  and  the  Civil  Power , p.  613.  New  York,  Harper  & Brothers. 


2GS 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


Yew  York  Times.  The  date  of  the  pope’s  letter  is  the  7th  of 
August,  1873,  and  is  as  follows  : 

Your  Majesty:  The  measures  which  have  been  adopted  by  your  maj- 
esty’s government  for  some  time  past  all  aim  more  and  more  at  the  de- 
struction of  Catholicism.  AVhen  I seriously  ponder  over  the  causes  which 
must  have  led  to  these  very  hard  measures,  I confess  that  I am  unable  to 
discover  any  reasons  for  such  a course.  On  the  other  hand,  I am  informed 
that  your  majesty  does  not  countenance  the  proceedings  of  your  govern- 
ment, and  does  not  approve  the  harshness  of  the  measures  adopted  against 
the  Catholic  religion.  If,  then,  it  be  true  that  your  majesty  does  not  ap- 
prove thereof — and  the  letters  which  your  august  majesty  has  addressed 
to  me  formerly  sufficiently  demonstrate  that  you  cannot  approve  that 
which  is  now  occurring — if,  I say,  your  majesty  does  not  approve  of  your 
government  continuing  in  the  path  it  has  chosen,  of  further  extending  its 
rigorous  measures  against  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  whereby  the  latter 
is  most  injuriously  affected — will  your  majesty,  then,  not  become  con- 
vinced that  these  very  measures  have  no  other  effect  than  that  of  under- 
mining your  majesty’s  own  throne?  I speak  with  frankness,  for  my 
banner  is  truth;  I speak  in  order  to  fulfill  one  of  my  duties,  which  consists 
in  telling  the  truth  to  all,  even  to  those  who  are  not  Catholics;  for  every 
one  who  has  been  baptized  belongs  in  some  way  or  other,  which  to  define 
more  precisely  would  be  here  out  of  place — belongs,  I say  to  the  pope.  I 
cherish  the  conviction  that  your  majesty  will  receive  my  observations 
with  your  usual  goodness,  and  will  adopt  the  measures  necessary  in  the 
present  case.  While  offering  to  your  most  gracious  majesty  the  expres- 
sion of  my  devotion  and  esteem  I pray  to  God  that  he  may  enfold  your 
majesty  and  myself  iu  one  and  the  same  bond  of  mercy. 

(Signed)  Pio. 

Tlie  emperor  wrote  in  reply  from  Berlin  on  the  3d  of 
September : 

lam  glad  that  your  holiness  has,  as  in  former  times,  done  me  the  honor  to 
w7rite  to  me.  I rejoice  the  more  at  this  since  an  opportunity  is  thereby 
afforded  me  of  correcting  errors  which,  as  appears  from  the  contents  of  the 
letter  of  your  holiness  of  the  7th  of  August,  must  have  occurred  in  the  com- 
munications you  have  received  relative  to  German  affairs.  If  the  reports 
which  are  made  to  your  holiness  respecting  the  German  questions  only 
stated  the  truth,  it  would  not  be  possible  for  your  holiness  to  entertain 
the  supposition  that  my  government  enters  upon  a path  which  I do  not 
approve.  According  to  the  constitution  of  my  States,  such  a case  could 
not  happen,  since  the  laws  and  government  measures  in  Prussia  require 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


269 


my  consent  as  sovereign.  To  my  deep  sorrow  a portion  of  my  Catholic 
subjects  have  organized  for  the  past  two  years  a political  party,  which 
endeavors  to  disturb  by  intrigues  hostile  to  the  State  the  religious  peace 
which  has  existed  in  Prussia  for  centuries.  Leading  Catholic  priests  have 
unfortunately  not  only  approved  this  movement,  but  joined  in  it  to  the  ex- 
tent of  open  revolt  against  existing  laws.  It  will  not  have  escaped  the 
observation  of  your  holiness  that  similar  indications  manifest  themselves 
at  the  present  time  in  several  European  and  some  transatlantic  States.  It 
is  not  my  mission  to  investigate  the  causes  by  which  the  clergy  and  the 
faithful  of  one  of  the  Christian  denominations  can  be  induced  to  actively 
assist  the  enemies  of  all  law,  but  it  certainly  is  my  mission  to  protect  in- 
ternal peace  and  preserve  the  authority  of  the  laws  in  the  State  whose 
government  has  been  intrusted  to  me  by  God.  Iain  conscious  that  I owe 
hereafter  an  account  of  the  accomplishment  of  this  my  kingly  duty.  I 
shall  maintain  order  and  law  in  my  states  against  all  attacks,  as  long  as 
God  gives  me  the  power.  I am  in  duty  bound  to  it  as  a Christian  mon- 
arch, even  when  to  my  sorrow  I have  to  fulfill  this  royal  duty  against  serv- 
ants of  a Church  which,  I suppose,  acknowledges  no  less  than  the  evangel- 
ical Church  that  the  commandment  of  obedience  to  secular  authority  is  an 
emanation  of  the  revealed  will  of  God.  Many  of  the  priests  in  Prussia 
subject  to  your  holiness  disown,  to  my  regret,  the  Christian  doctrine  in 
this  respect,  and  place  my  government  under  the  necessity,  supported  by 
the  great  majority  of  my  loyal  Catholic  and  evangelical  subjects,  of  ex- 
torting obedience  to  the  law  by  worldly  means.  I willingly  entertain  the 
hope  that  your  holiness,  upon  being  informed  of  the  true  position  of 
affairs,  will  use  your  authority  to  put  an  end  to  the  agitation,  carried  on 
amid  deplorable  distortion  of  the  truth  and  abuse  of  priestly  authority. 
The  religion  of  Jesus  Christ  has,  as  I attest  to  your  holiness  before  God, 
nothing  to  do  with  these  intrigues,  any  more  than  has  truth,  to  whose 
banner,  invoked  by  your  holiness,  I unreservedly  subscribe.  There  is  one 
more  expression  in  the  letter  of  your  holiness  which  I cannot  pass  over 
without  contradiction,  although  it  is  not  based  upon  the  previous  infor- 
mation of  your  holiness,  namely,  the  expression  that  every  one  that  has 
received  baptism  belongs  to  the  pope.  The  evangelical  creed,  which,  as 
must  be  known  to  your  holiness,  I,  like  my  ancestors,  and  the  majority  of 
my  subjects,  profess,  does  not  permit  us  to  accept  in  our  relations  to  God 
any  other  medium  than  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  The  difference  of  belief 
does  not  prevent  me  living  in  peace  with  those  who  do  not  share  mine, 
and,  offering  your  holiness  the  expression  of  my  personal  devotion  and 


esteem,  I,  etc. 


(Signed) 


William.* 


* Christian  World , 1873,  vol.  xxiv,  p.  363. 


270 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


This  manly  Protestant  letter  totally  ignores  and  brushes  aside 
all  claims  of  “temporal  power”  and  personal  “infallibility,” 
and  must  have  opened  the  eyes  even  of  the  pope  himself  for  the 
moment  to  the  amazing  changes  that  had  transpired  in  his  con- 
dition ! 

Let  us  now  look  at  the  retribution  upon  Napoleon.  His 
course  showed  that  his  ambition  was  to  be  the  dictator  of 
Europe,  as  his  uncle  had  been.  He  was  not  trusted  by  France, 
and  six  attempts  were  made  to  assassinate  him.  His  patronage 
of  the  papacy,  his  intervention  in  Mexico,  his  desire  to  help  the 
Confederacy,  and  his  interference  with  Italian  affairs  all  were 
for  his  personal  aggrandizement,  yet  not  one  of  them  redounded 
to  his  credit  or  increased  his  popularity.  His  greatest  ambition 
was  to  loosen  the  bonds  of  German  unity  and  arrest  her  aspira- 
tion to  be  the  leading  power  in  Europe. 

Napoleon  did  not  dream  of  the  results  when  he  invited  this 
quarrel  with  the  liberty-loving  Germans.  lie  had  prepared 
for  it  for  years,  and  the  miserable  pretext  of  the  “ Spanish 
marriages”  furnished  the  occasion.  A fancied  insult  to  his  em- 
bassador was  sufficient  for  him  to  rush  into  war,  but  unex- 
pectedly to  him  the  Germans  were  well  prepared  to  meet  him, 
not  at  Berlin,  as  he  supposed,  but  on  French  ground,  for  they 
had  crossed  the  Rhine  before  he  could  reach  it.  The  battle 
between  these  two  great  hosts  was  soon  begun.  Three  days  it 
raged,  till  the  French  were  driven  back  on  Sedan,  and  their 
magnificent  cavalry — the  steel-clad  cuirassiers — held  in  reserve 
as  Napoleon’s  last  hope,  had  been  overwhelmed,  and  lay  a 
shattei’ed  wreck  in  the  open  space  between.  This  was  the 
supreme  moment  of  Prussian  valor.  Forbes,  the  famous  war 
correspondent  of  the  London  Daily  News,  was  present  and 
thus  describes  it.  With  the  Prussian  sovereign  were  Yon 
Moltke,  Bismarck,  and  the  royal  staff  and  some  privileged  per- 
sons. “King  William  had  risen  to  his  feet  and  was  intently 
watching  the  issue.  The  strained  silence  was  curiously  broken 
by  the  snap  of  a closing  binocular,  followed  by  the  decisive 
words,  ‘It  is  all  over  with  the  French  now!’  Every  eye 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


271 


turned  on  the  speaker,  a resolute  man  in  blue  undress  uniform 
that  was  not  German.  He  was  none  other  than  General  Phil 
Sheridan,  representative  of  the  United  States  army  attached  to 
the  royal  head-quarters.  At  the  word  the  German  chiefs  ran 
to  shake  the  foreign  soldier  by  the  hand,  for  they  knew  the 
comment  came  from  the  past-master  in  the  art  of  war.” 

The  sad  contrast  of  the  two  monarchs  as  they  met  next  morn- 
ing is  marked  by  Forbes:  “The  German  tall,  upright,  square- 
shouldered, with  flush  of  health  on  his  cheek  and  flash  of  victory 
from  the  keen  grey  eye  under  his  helmet,  . . . the  Frenchman, 
bent,  with  leaden  face,  eye  drooping  and  lip  quivering,  ailing 
in  body  and  ill  at  ease  in  mind.” 

The  language  of  Napoleon’s  surrender  is  pitiful  indeed.  He 
said,  “ Unable  to  die  at  the  head  of  my  army,  I tender  to  your 
majesty  my  sword.”  The  interview  was  brief.  Twenty 
minutes  sufficed,  as  Bismarck  and  Von  Moltke  had  the  docu- 
ments ready  for  signature.  Early  the  next  morning  Napoleon 
entered  the  waiting  carriage,  and  with  an  escort  of  sixty  Ger- 
man dragoons  took  his  departure  as  a life-prisoner  for  Wil- 
helmshoe,  a German  fortress  near  Cassel,  never  to  wear  a crown 
again  ! 

Appropriately  does  the  author  of  the  article  in  the  Libro 
Rojo  of  Mexico  comment  upon  this  utter  downfall  of  this 
enemy  of  his  country’s  freedom,  when  he  writes: 

Napoleon  III.  must  have  comprehended,  as  he  surrendered  at  Sedan, 
the  great  exaltation  of  victory,  the  great  agony  of  defeat ; all  the  inex- 
plicable bitterness  of  a capitulation,  and  the  futility  of  conflicts  between 
nations  who  shed  their  blood,  spend  their  treasure,  and  shatter  the  ele- 
ments of  life  in  the  struggles  which  excite  their  evil  passions,  in  the  un- 
bridling of  which  all  is  lost,  in  spite  of  the  will  of  the  masses.  (P.  146.) 

How  bitter  must  have  been  his  reflections  as  he  afterward 
learned  of  the  capture  of  Paris,  the  cession  of  Alsace  and  Lor- 
raine, the  victorious  king  crowned  in  Versailles  emperor  of 
united  Germany,  and  the  Rhine  made  the  permanent  boundary 
between  the  two  countries  ! What  makes  all  this  more  signifi- 
cant  is  the  fact  that  it  was  the  Teuton  triumphing  over  the  man 


272 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


who,  eight  years  before,  announced,  with  such  a flourish  of  trum- 
pets, his  intention  to  open  out  a career  for  the  Latin  race  and 
all  that  it  implied  on  the  soil  of  the  New  World,  which  was 
to  be  “ one  of  the  most  glorious  enterprises  of  the  nineteenth 
century  ” and  “ the  most  brilliant  event  ” of  his  career  ! Poor 
man  ! What  a “ bubble  ” reputation  was  his  ! It  began  in  the 
fortress  of  Ham  and  now  closes  in  the  fortress  of  Wilhelmshoe, 
while  France  resuscitates  the  republican  government  which  he 
had  so  foully  dissolved  ! Well  might  Mr.  Gladstone  remark,  as 
he  did  at  the  time,  “ History  records  no  more  striking  example 
of  swift  retribution  of  chimerical  ambition.” 

Usually  it  is  not  considered  appropriate  to  subject  a lady  to 
hostile  Criticism,  unless  she  willfully  steps  beyond  the  bounds 
which  propriety  prescribes  for  her  action  and  subjects  others 
to  injury.  Unfortunately  for  the  Empress  Eugenie,  she  early 
began  to  assume  the  role  of  a partisan  of  the  papacy  and  to 
throw  all  her  influence  against  religions  freedom.  It  was  not 
French  Protestants  alone  who  had  reason  to  complain  that  her 
beautiful  hand  was  heavy  against  their  rights,  and  that  Na- 
poleon had  placed  “a  frivolous  Spanish  bigot  at  the  head  of 
the  French  court.” 

Shortly  after  the  coup  d'etat  she  was  married  to  the  em- 
peror (30th  of  January,  1S53)  in  the  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame, 
in  royal  magnificence.  If  fidelity  to  the  pope  could  have 
secured  providential  care  and  blessings,  then  she  should  have 
greatly  enjoyed  her  lot  in  life  instead  of  sinking  to  be  the  un- 
happy creature  which  she  soon  became  and  is  to-day.  Madame 
Carette,  her  lady  of  honor,  in  her  volume  entitled  Recollections 
of  the  Coui't  of  the  Tuileries , which  is  understood  to  hare 
been  issued  under  the  permission  of  the  ex-empress,  tells  us  of 
her  great  devotion  to  her  religion — how,  for  instance,  “every 
year  on  Palm  Sunday  the  empress  received  from  the  holy  father 
at  Pome  a palm  branch,  blessed  by  him,  which  was  hung  at  the 
head  of  her  bed  as  a protection  from  evil  during  the  year;” 
also  of  her  many  prayers  and  religious  observances.  But 
she  was  to  learn  erelong  what  mere  “fables”  these  things 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


amounted  to  in  the  storm  of  realities  to  which  her  surround- 
ings and  her  course  of  life  was  leading  her.  While  people  were 
admiring  her  beauty,  who  could  imagine  that  the  “canker  and 
the  grief”  had  already  laid  hold  on  her,  or  that  the  following 
sentence  would  ever  publicly  describe  her  condition  ? Madame 
Carette  writes : 

A Spanish  tradition  has  it  that  the  pearls  with  which  brides  adorn  them- 
selves on  their  wedding-day  become  the  symbol  of  the  tears  which  they 
must  shed  during  their  married  life.  The  empress,  scorning  the  super- 
stition, wore  on  that  day  a superb  collar  of  incomparably  beautiful  pearls 
which  almost  covered  the  satin  corsage.  Alas!  tlie  tradition  was  but  too 
completely  fulfilled!  This  collar  was  sold  among  her  other  jewels  by  her 
majesty  after  the  war. 

What  wTas  the  cause  of  this  terrible  realization  ? The  authoress 
continues  and  makes  the  best  representation  she  can  of  the  em- 
peror, as  loving  Eugenie  after  a sort,  but  frankly  admits  the 
true  reason  that  had  blighted  her  existence.  She  sat-s: 

Nevertheless,  after  eight  years  of  married  life,  the  empress  had  already 
experienced  more  than  one  conjugal  affront.  The  emperor,  yielding  to  his 
former  easy  indulgence  in  unworthy  pleasures,  and  influe-nced  by  the  lax- 
ity of  morals  in  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  did  not  always  suf- 
ficiently consider  her  sensitiveness  as  queen  and  woman.  In  the  very  height 
of  her  youth  and  beauty  she  was  made  to  taste  the  subtile  poison  of  infi- 
delity, which  corrupts  the  most  delicate  and  secret  sensibilities  of  a wo- 
man’s heart.  After  abandoning  himself  to  these  temporary  distractions, 
one  of  which  gained  such  unhappy  notoriety,  the  emperor,  who,  like  most 
men,  attached  no  importance  to  these  passing  caprices,  always  seemed 
surprised  that  they  had  troubled  his  wife,  since  she  alone  occupied  a really 
important  and  honored  place  in  his  life.  She  became  irremediably  as- 
sailed by  melancholy.  Dating  from  that  time  a marked  change  took  place 
in  her  majesty’s  tastes  and  habits.  It  seemed  that  her  youth  had  quite 
vanished,  while  the  consciousness  of  her  rank,  hitherto  scarcely  discern- 
ible, was  now  plainly  visible  on  the  ever-charming  features  of  the  grief- 
matured  woman.  (P.  Gl.) 

This  man  was  viler  than  the  world  imagined  when  lie  could 
thus  injure  this  beautiful  woman  and  consign  her  to  premature 
old  age,  and  then  defend  himself  by  the  fact  of  his  prefer- 
19 


274 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


ence  of  her  and  the  position  to  which  he  had  raised  her  as  suf- 
tieient  to  condone  his  conduct ! 

Notwithstanding,  she  was  the  “power  behind  the  throne,” 
after  events  proving  that  she  was  the  great  upholder  of  the 
Jesuits.  She  influenced  Napoleon  in  his  inimical  position  to- 
ward Italy  and  Mexico,  sustained  the  pope  to  the  last  degree, 
and  fomented  the  animosity  with  which  the  growing  strength 
of  Prussia  was  regarded.  She  cherished  intense  confidence  that 
this  Protestant  power  was  to  be  broken,  and  that  her  husband 
was  the  instrument  to  accomplish  this  great  work  for  the  papacy. 
She  identified  herself  thoroughly  with  the  effort,  and  much  is 
contained  in  the  words  attributed  to  her  when  the  campaign 
against  Prussia  opened,  and  she  raised  her  hand  with  the  signifi- 
cant words,  “This  is  my  war!”  Then  began  the  prolonged 
prayers  at  the  shrine  of  “ Our  Lady  of  Victory,”  which  she 
so  zealously  kept  up  during  the  entire  period  of  the  conflict, 
accompanied  with  offerings  of  great  value.  A large  number  of 
ladies  assisted  her  in  these  intercessions,  and  they  confidently 
expected  the  most  decisive  victories ! Before  this  time,  when 
she  and  her  husband  were  at  the  height  of  power  and  influ- 
ence, Horace  Greeley  had  visited  Paris  and  studied  the  situ- 
ation, especially  in  the  part  taken  by  the  empress,  and  on  his 
return,  while  delivering  a lecture  on  France  in  the  Westminster 
Churcb  in  Brooklyn,  he  was  quite  carried  away  by  the  convic- 
tions which  crowded  upon  him.  We  quote  from  the  report  his 
remarkable  utterance : 

Near  the  end  of  his  discourse  Horace  Greeley  seemed  to  become  elevated 
almost  like  a seer,  and  liis  words  appeared  like  prophesies  as  lie  spoke  of  a 
day  coming  when,  “as  sure  as  there  is  a God  in  heaven,  Napoleon  III.  will 
pay  the  penalty  for  having  outraged  moral  and  civil  law.  And  thou, 
Eugenie,  beautiful  queen  of  power  and  of  fashion,  when  that  day  does 
arrive,  thou  wilt  have  thy  share  in  the  penalty!” 

When  the  blow  came  that  so  overwhelmingly  shattered  the 
power  of  the  empire  she  escaped  from  Paris  by  the  kind  help 
of  an  American,  Dr.  Evans,  a dentist  in  Paris,  and  made  her 
home  in  England,  to  which  Napoleon  soon  came,  it  being  under- 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


275 


stood  that  liis  escape  from  the  fortress  at  AVilhelmshohe  was 
not  unwelcome  to  the  German  government. 

Meanwhile  Italy  had  reached  her  capital  and  consolidated 
her  power.  Mackenzie  tells  us  that  Eugenie  was  so  enraged  at 
this  fact  that  she  exclaimed,  “Rather  the  Prussians  in  Paris  than 
the  Italians  in  Rome!”  (P.  G7.)  But  the  world  was  then  no 
longer  ruled  by  her  preferences.  Madame  Carette’s  book  shows 
the  estimate  in  which  Mexico’s  public  men  were  held  at  France 
while  she  was  at  the  head  of  its  gossip.  Benito  Juarez  was 
“that  ambitious  barbarian  whom  the  arrival  of  Maximilian  in 
Mexico  had  temporarily  reduced  to  powerlessness  ; ” the  repub- 
lican forces  were  “savages”  and  “bands  of  ferocious  adventur- 
ers, who  exercised  neither  justice  nor  mercy.”  (P.  260.) 

Perhaps  in  her  bigotry  Eugenie  most  of  all  regretted  that 
France  should  re-establish  the  republic  and  maintain  true  relig- 
ious liberty.  The  fall  of  her  power  was  good  news  for  evan- 
gelical Christians.  That  grand  Scotchman,  Mr.  McAll,  was 
soon  in  Paris  beginning  the  work  that  has  had  such  a develop- 
ment, reporting  now  forty-four  halls  in  Paris  and  eighty-six 
in  the  surrounding  towns,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine 
helpers,  while  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  people 
regularly  hear  the  Gospel  preached  on  week-days  and  the  Sab- 
bath in  those  places.  The  writer  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing 
some  of  these  audiences  in  1879,  and  can  testify  that  not  merely 
the  “ wearers  of  the  blouse,”  but  all  sorts  of  people,  avail  them- 
selves of  the  privilege.  On  reaching  such  a place  one  evening 
I found  the  hall  well  filled,  and  the  audience  singing  with  great 
satisfaction  French  adaptations  of  Gospel  Hymns.  There  was 
a delay  in  the  service,  as  the  preacher  had  not  arrived,  so  they 
still  sang  on.  The  gentleman  in  charge  was  watching  the  door 
for  the  expected  help,  and  finally  he  left  the  desk  and  came  to 
inquire  if  I was  a minister.  lie  requested  me  to  preach,  which 
I was  willing  to  do,  but  could  not  in  French,  so  he  asked  if 
some  one  in  the  audience  who  spoke  English  would  interpret 
for  me.  A gentleman  came  forward  and  stood  by  my  side  in 
the  pulpit.  Meanwhile  I had  determined  to  take  a theme  of  an 


27G 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


experimental  character — the  witness  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  the 
sonship  of  Christian  believers.  While  I tried  to  present  it  in 
as  simple  a manner  as  possible,  yet  I felt  the  subject  might 
be  “ strong  meat  ” for  jjeople  who  might  have  come  to  this 
service  without  some  good  measure  of  religious  feeling  and  in- 
telligence; but,  to  my  delight,  I found  I had  the  most  earnest 
attention  of  the  audience,  and  that  my  translator  never  seemed 
at  a loss  for  a word,  that  the  theme  was  evidently  not  new  to 
him  or  them.  At  the  close  I was  told  he  was  a banker  of  the 
city.  This  in  Paris!  It  was  gloriously  free  and  has  continued 
so,  while  Eugenie  sits  deprived  of  all  power  to  dictate  in  the 
sacred  rights  of  any  human  being  there  or  elsewhere. 

After  Napoleon’s  death,  in  1873,  Eugenie's  hopes  were  bound 
up  in  the  life  of  her  son,  “ the  Prince  Imperial,”  who  might, 
she  hoped,  some  day  restore  the  fallen  empire.  As  his  educa- 
tion was  about  completed,  in  1879,  the  Zulu  war  broke  out.  His 
father,  years  before,  in  a dispatch  had  lauded  the  military  spirit 
of  the  lad,  and  had  spoken  enthusiastically  of  him  as  having 
passed  unflinchingly  through  his  “baptism  of  fire”  on  the  field, 
and  the  youth  was  ambitious  to  win  military  fame.  His  mother 
encouraged  his  desire,  and  application  was  made  to  the  Duke  of 
Cambridge  for  a position  on  the  staff  of  Lord  Raglan,  the  gen- 
eral commanding,  which  was  at  once  refused  as  dangerous.  The 
prince  insisted  upon  going,  even  as  a volunteer,  and  finally  was 
permitted.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Africa  he  and  a little 
party  of  scouts  were  surprised  by  the  Zulus,  and  the  prince  lost 
his  life.  This  was  the  culmination  of  the  misery  of  this  un- 
happy woman.  There  was  nothing  left  her  but  to  go  and  seek 
the  body  of  her  son  and  bring  it  home  to  be  buried  beside 
Napoleon  III.  There  they  will  remain,  doubtless,  as  France  is 
not  likely  to  desire  to  restore  their  dust  to  her  own  soil,  as  she 
did  in  the  case  of  the  great  Napoleon,  to  lay  his  body  under  the 
dome  of  the  “Invalides”  in  Paris. 

Eugenie,  alone  in  a foreign  land  with  her  dead,  discrowned, 
widowed,  and  childless,  is  a sad  but  striking  memorial  of  the 
penalty  dealt  out  to  the  oppressors  of  Mexico,  and  may  well 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


277 


rank  with  the  retribution  imposed  upon  tbe  pontiff.  These 
penalties  were  not  inflicted  by  human  hands.  They  are  the 
judgments  of  God,  and  are  a wonderful  evidence  of  the  truth  of 
his  own  words,  “ Yengeance  is  mine ; I will  repay,  saith  the 
Lord.” 

Poor  Maximilian  and  Carlota!  The  events  that  deprived 
the  one  of  life  and  the  other  of  reason  oppress  us  in  the  con- 
templation of  their  calamitous  magidtude,  and  all  the  more 
when  we  reflect  that  they  sacrificed  the  substance  for  the 
shadow.  Had  they  declined  to  do  this  wrong  to  Mexico  and 
patiently  waited,  crown  and  throne  and  empire  would  all  have 
been  theirs  if  they  had  lived.  Meanwhile  they  might  have 
continued  to  enjoy  what  Madame  Carette  so  justly  describes  as 
“ the  tranquil  shades  of  that  charming  retreat  on  the  borders  of 
the  Adriatic,  where,  at  the  foot  of  the  Tyrolese  mountains,  they 
had  delighted  in  constructing  a fairy  palace  to  shelter  their 
happy  and  harmonious  union.”  (P.  252.)  The  suicide  of  Ru- 
dolph, the  only  son  of  Francis  Joseph,  two  years  ago,  would 
have  left  Maximilian  and  Carlota  heirs  to  all  the  honors  of  the 
Austrian  empire.  But  this  too  was  sacrificed,  as  well  as  life 
and  reason,  by  the  course  that  was  urged  upon  them  so  deter- 
minately  by  the  pontiff  and  Louis  Napoleon  for  their  own  pur- 
poses. No  wonder  the  divine  judgment  fell  so  heavily,  as  we 
have  seen,  upon  those  who  thus  misled  this  young  couple  to 
their  complete  undoing,  and  that  all  alike  shared  in  the  terrible 
catastrophe  which  so  completely  overthrew  papal  despotism 
and  saved  constitutional  freedom  in  the  New  World  ! 

Our  view  of  these  providential  retributions  will  close  with  a 
few  words  in  regard  to  the  Jesuits.  This  hateful  society,  whose 
machinations  give  the  religious  world  no  rest,  prepared  the 
plan  which  God  reversed  in  Mexico.  Standing  back  in  the 
shadow,  they  work  unseen  day  and  night  for  their  purposes. 
By  the  use  of  the  confessional  they  can  lay  their  hands  on 
every  secret  of  social  and  personal  life  in  every  family  where 
they  have  a representative  of  their  religion.  And  as  to  politics 
and  public  men,  no  power  in  this  world  is  so  debasing  as  that 


278 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


of  Jesuitism.  The  attention  of  thoughtful  men  was  intensely 
drawn  to  this  prompt  and  overwhelming  series  of  calamities 
which  overthrew  these  parties.  Seldom  has  the  world  witnessed 
a more  manifest  fulfillment  of  the  utterance  of  inspiration, 
that  “When  thy  judgments  are  abroad  in  the  earth  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  world  learn  righteousness,”  and  that  “ There  is  a 
God  that  judgeth  in  the  earth.” 

In  evidence  of  their  frequent  rejection  of  the  order  of  Jesu- 
its by  all  the  states  of  Christendom  (and  by  heathen  nations  as 
well),  which  found  their  presence  intolerable  to  their  peace  and 
order,  let  the  following  list  bear  witness. 

This  society,  founded  by  Ignatius  Loyola,  August  15,  1534, 
conditionally  sanctioned  by  the  bull  of  Pope  Paul  III.,  Septem- 
ber 25,  1540,  unconditionally  approved  by  him  in  1543,  has 
had  a most  troubled  existence,  and  has  in  some  way  succeeded 
in  winning  a vast  amount  of  ill-will  of  both  rulers  and  people. 


For  their  crimes,  intrigues,  and  conspiracies  the  Jesuits  have  been  ban- 
ished from  various  countries  again  and  again,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  fol- 
lowing table,  compiled  from  A Short  Sketch  of  the  Jesuits,  also  from  the 
Encyclopaedia,  of  Chronology , by  B.  B.  Woodward  and  William  L.  R. 


Cates,  and  from  other 


Saragossa 1555 

La  Palinterre 1558 

Vienna 1566 

Avignon 1570 

Antwerp,  Portugal,  etc.  1578 

England 1579 

England  again 1581 

England  again. .". 1584 

England  again 1586 

Japan 1587 

Hungary  and  Transylva- 
nia  1588 

Bordeaux 1589 

The  whole  of  France 1594 

Holland 1596 

Touron  and  Berne 1597 

England  again 1602 

England  again  1604 

Denmark,  Venice,  etc. . . 1606 

Venice  again 1612 

Amura,  Japan 1613 

Bohemia 1618 

Moravia . . 1619 

Naples  and  Netherlands.  1622 

China  and  India  1623 

Turkey 1628 

Abvssinia 1632 

Malta 1634 


tworthy  authorities. 

JESUITS  EXPELLED  FROM. 


Russia 1723 

Savoy 1724 

Paraguay 1733 

Portugal Sept.  3,  1759 

Prohibited  in  France 1762 

France  again 1764 

Spain,  colonies  and  Sici- 
lies, and  Naples 1767 

Parma  and  Malta 1768 

All  Christendom,  by  bull 
of  Clement  XIV.,  July  21, 1773 

Russia 1776 

France  again 1804 

Canton  Orisons 1804 

Naples  again 1810 

France  again  1816 

Moscow,  St  Petersburg, 
and  Canton  Soleure...  1816 

Belgium 1818 

Brest  (by  the  people)  . . . 1819 

Russia  again 1820 

Spain  again 1820 

Rouen  Cathedral  (by  the 

people) 1825 

Belgium  schools 1826 

France,  8 colleges  closed.  1828 
O’t  Britain  and  Ireland.  1829 
France  again 1831 


From  entering  Saxony. . 1831 

Portugal 1834 

Spain  again 18145 

Rheims  iby  the  people).  1838 
From  entering  Lucerne.  1842 

Lucerne  again 18-15 

France  again 1845 

Switzerland  1847 

Bavaria  and  Genoa 1848 

Papal  States,  by  Plus  IX., 
Sardinia,  Vienna,  Aus- 
tria  1848 

Several  Italian  states...  1859 

Sicily  again  i860 

Spain  again 1869 

Guatemala 1871 

Switzerland 1871 

German  empire 1872 

Mexico  (by  the  viceroy).  1853 
Mexico  (by  Comonfort). . 1856 
Mexico  (by  Congress)  . . . 1873 

New  Granada since  1879 

Venezuela 1879 

Argentine  Republic 1879 

Hungary 1879 

Brazil 1879 

France  again 1880 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


279 


The  last  report  shows  that  there  are  2,377  members  of  this 
order,  1,130  of  them  being  in  the  United  States,  and  a large 
portion  of  the  remainder  in  England. 

These  are  the  gentlemen,  polite,  plausible,  and  trained,  the  spies,  the 
vassals,  the  sworn  minions  of  a foreign  despot,  who,  having  been  expelled 
from  all  Catholic  countries  again  and  again  by  popes,  princes,  and  kings, 
both  Catholic  and  Protestant,  now  swarm  into  England  and  America,  and, 
under  the  protection  which  the  influence  of  an  open  Bible  gives  to  honest 
men,  are  proceeding  to  destroy  the  public  schools,  debauch  the  govern- 
ment, and  work  the  mischief  which  has  ever  been  their  legitimate  business. 

The  clearance  which  Mexico  made  of  all  monastic  orders  was 
so  complete  that  I once  asked  a Mexican  gentleman  if  it  was 
really  necessary  to  be  thus  thorough  and  expel  even  the  “ Sis- 
ters of  Charity.”  lie  promptly  replied  that  the  nation  so  re- 
garded it,  adding : 

Do  not  mistake  us.  We  are  not  opposed  to  religion,  as  such;  far  from 
it.  But  we  have  learned  by  bitter  experience  that  the  ultimate  object  of 
these  confraternities  and  sisterhoods  is  not  religion.  Religion  is  only  a 
means  for  reaching  the  ends  which  they  aim  at.  Their  object  in  being 
here  is  to  work  for  the  subjugation  of  our  people  to  a foreign  despotism 
that  lias  its  seat  at  Rome.  We  have  suffered  so  much  from  this  source 
that  we  want  no  more  of  them. 

Being  in  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  final  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits  (August,  1873),  I naturally  desired  to  witness  the  en- 
forced departure  of  the  last  band,  and  so  went  to  the  railroad 
station  to  see  them  off.  Ho  demonstration  was  made  save  by  a 
few  of  their  devotees,  who  went  on  their  knees  occasionally  to 
receive  their  parting  benediction.  It  looked  rather  theatrical 
and  tiresome.  On  the  morning  after  their  departure  there  came 
out  in  the  columns  of  El  Monitor  Republicano , one  of  the 
leading  dailies  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  an  article  bearing  the 
title  “ Adios  Jesuitas  ! ” — “ Jesuits,  farewell  ! ” It  contained  a 
fearful  arraignment  of  the  miseries  which  this  order  of  foreign- 
ers had  inflicted  upon  Mexico  during  the  years  when  their  bane- 
ful influence  was  intruded  into  her  social  and  public  life  ; how 
they  had  identified  themselves  remorselessly  with  the  enemies 


280 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


of  her  freedom,  and  aided  in  sending  some  of  her  noblest  and 
best  to  premature  graves. 

The  gist  of  the  article,  and  of  others  which  were  published 
at  the  same  time,  may  be  thus  expressed  : “ Jesuits,  farewell ! 
In  this  hour  of  your  departure  we  have  sympathy  and  compas- 
sion, but  that  sympathy  and  compassion  are  not  for  you.  AYe 
reserve  hoth  for  the  people  among  whom  you  will  now  fix  your 
homes,  and  with  whose  religious,  social,  and  civil  life  you  will 
endeavor  to  tamper,  as  you  have  tampered  with  ours,  with 
similar  results  of  misery  and  distress.  Jesuits,  farewell ! 
Thus  Mexico,  instead  of  being — as  she  was  twenty-five  years 
ago — the  most  priest-ridden  country  on  earth,  has  worked  her 
way  up,  by  the  help  of  God  and  the  valor  of  her  sons,  to  the 
position  of  the  most  free  of  all  Roman  Catholic  lands,  while  her 
existing  laws  now  sanction  no  monastery  or  nunnery,  sisters  of 
charity  or  Jesuits,  within  her  bounds. 

In  connection  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  a law  was 
enacted  by  Congress  to  facilitate  prompt  action  in  any  case  of 
return.  It  was  entitled  “ The  Pernicious  Foreigner’s  Act,” 
and  certainly  was  sufficiently  offensive  as  a title.  It  was  de- 
signed to  save  time,  so  that,  without  waiting  for  processes  of 
law,  the  person  could  be  met  and  promptly  told  to  leave.  Not 
only  so,  but  all  foreigners  coming  to  reside  in  the  country  were 
required  to  appear  before  a magistrate  and  be  duly  registered, 
with  name  and  abiding-place,  so  as  to  leave  no  loop-hole  for  un- 
desirable (or  “ pernicious  ”)  people  to  remain.  It  became  my 
duty  as  superintendent,  as  our  missionaries  arrived,  to  see  this 
regulation  complied  with.  Invariably  the  smile  would  pass 
round  when  we  appeared,  and  the  magistrate  would  courteously 
ask  us  to  excuse  the  trouble  which  the  act  gave  us,  observing, 
“ Of  course,  senor,  the  law  is  not  meant  for  yon  missionaries. 
AYe  have  no  anxiety  about  your  coming  in.  But  we  have  to 
act  in  a way  that  is  impartial.  Please  excuse  the  trouble  of 
this  attendance  here.”  They  knew  we  did  not,  as  law-abiding 
people,  regard  it  as  any7  hardship,  and  we  were  respected  ac- 
cording! y. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


2S1 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  star  on  Orizava — Summary  of  what  Mexico  has  gained — Her  resources — Im- 
proved financial  condition — Porfirio  Diaz — Evangelical  missions — Miss  Ran- 
kin— Circus  of  Chiarini — Providential  help — Purchase  of  Inquisition — Popu- 
lar vengeance — Buried  martyrs — General  Assembly — Statistics  of  Protestant- 
ism— Persecution — Interview  with  President  Diaz — Santa  Anna — Epitaph — 
Tomb  of  Juarez — Memorial  services  of  the  Emperor  William — Madame  Cal- 
deron’s prophecy. 

On  the  19tli  of  February,  1ST3,  a:i  hour  before  daybreak,  we 
stood  on  the  deck  of  the  steamer  approaching  Vera  Cruz.  The 
object  of  our  gaze  was  the  peak  of  Orizava,  towering  up  in 
majesty  three  miles  and  a half  in  height  above  sea-level  (17,879 
feet).  The  cone,  covered  with  its  perpetual  snow,  shone  in  the 
azure  vault  of  heaven,  above  all  obscurity  of  mists  or  vapors, 
recalling  the  glowing  lines: 

“ As  some  tall  cliff  erects  its  awful  form, 

Springs  from  the  vale  and  midway  meets  the  storm, 

Though  round  its  base  the  rolling  clouds  are  spread, 

Eternal  sunshine  settles  on  its  head.” 

At  that  time  Orizava’s  majesty  was  farther  glorified  by  the 
brilliant  morning  star  resting  on  its  brow,  radiant  light  en- 
throned on  spotless  purity  ! We  gazed  in  rapt  attention  until 
the  star 

“Melted  away  into  the  light  of  heaven  ” 

and  the  early  rays  of  the  sun  gilded  the  mountain’s  summit. 
Never  can  that  vision  be  forgotten.  Often  have  we  dwelt  upon 
it,  accepting  it  as  an  omen  for  good  of  that  coming  hour  when 
the  smile  of  Him  who  is  “the  bright  and  morning  star”  shall 
rest  on  the  heart  of  redeemed  Mexico. 

We  stand  at  last  amid  the  grand  eesuxts  for  which  Mexico 
has  so  long  struggled  and  suffered.  Let  us  look  at  some  of  the 


2S2 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


evidences  of  her  wonderful  progress  since  1857.  The  fruits  of 
her  victories  over  civil  and  religious  despotism  have  been  thus 
summarized  by  outsiders,  who  rejoice  with  her  in  the  victories 
which  she  has  won  : 

1.  They  have  firmly  established  a free  Constitution,  embodying  those 
essential  guarantees  of  liberty  which  we  Anglo-Saxons  regard  as  funda- 
mental, including  an  entire  divorce  of  Church  and  State. 

2.  They  have  secularized  the  vast  and  ill-gotten  estates  of  the  Church, 
from  the  revenues  of  which  it  was  always  able  to  pay  a mercenary  soldiery 
in  the  interest  of  despotism,  and  by  which  it  virtually  controlled  the 
country  and  kept  it  deluged  in  blood. 

3.  They  have  placed  on  an  enduring  basis  the  rights  of  free  speech,  a 
free  press,  speedy  public  trials,  and,  above  all,  liberty  of  conscience  in  re- 
ligious worship,  and  are  establishing  universal  suffrage  and  trial  by  jury. 

4.  They  have  in  operation,  and  are  steadily  extending,  a system  of 
primary  schools,  which  could  never  have  been  done  while  the  priestly 
tyranny  continued. 

5.  Already  the  fruits  of  these  beneficent  victories  are  visible  in  the  press 
of  the  country,  and  are  expanding  literature  in  the  growth  of  education 
among  the  youth.  In  another  and  grander  aspect  the  change  is  so  remark- 
able that  a volume  might  well  be  devoted  to  its  discussion.  This  is  the 
great  religious  awakening,  standing  perhaps  without  a parallel  in  this 
century.  From  small  beginnings,  in  1840-47,  the  sacred  Scriptures  have 
been  finding  their  way  to  Mexican  homes,  till  their  circulation  has  become 
openly  and  remarkably  rapid.  Already  thousands  of  her  people  have 
wholly  abandoned  the  old  religion  in  which  they  were  born  and  organ- 
ized themselves  into  evangelical  Churches,  in  harmony  with  the  leading 
Churches  of  the  United  States,  and  taking  the  Bible  only  as  their  rule  of 
faith.  They  have  spiritual  leaders  of  their  own  race  and  language.  Their 
influence  is  rapidly  extending  by  means  of  the  pulpit,  religious  societies, 
and  the  press.* 

Iii  tlie  presence  of  such  results,  wrought  out  by  the  endurance 
and  heroism  of  such  a people,  how  just  and  appropriate  is  the 
conclusion  of  Dr.  Ellinwood  at  the  close  of  his  address  before 
the  General  Assembly!  lie  says: 

I have  marked  the  struggle  of  the  Mexican  people  for  their  independence 
in  order  to  meet  the  flippant  talk  which  we  sometimes  hear  about  annex- 
ing their  country  to  the  United  States.  I have  wished  to  show  that  men 
* Putnam's  Magazine,  July,  1870. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


283 


whom  the  armies  of  Europe  could  not  compel  to  accept  even  the  most 
amiable  of  rulers,  men  who  could  carry  the  life  and  soul  of  their  republic 
with  them,  though  driven  all  over  their  domain,  are  not  of  a class  to  be 
handed  over  easily  to  a neighboring  power,  exchanging  their  independ- 
ence for  a few  railroad  lines  and  a little  commerce. 

We  would  not  attempt  to  annex  Mexico,  but  would  rather  take  a gener- 
ous pride  in  her  independence,  while  by  every  means  we  extend  our  aid 
in  securing  for  her  all  the  blessings  of  Christian  enlightenment  which  we 
enjoy.  But  chiefly  it  is  my  desire  to  emphasize  those  wonderful  provi- 
dences which  have  wrought  out  her  religious  liberty. 

Those  who  have  examined  her  unique  and  magnificent  i'e- 
sources  are  well  aware  that  Mexico  is  worthy  of  the  progress  at 
which  she  aims.  Baron  Humboldt’s  testimony,  after  his  full 
and  scientific  inspection,  has  been  justified  by  all  subsequent 
discoveries  and  experience.  He  wrote : “ This  vast  empire, 
under  careful  cultivation,  would  alone  produce  all  that  commerce 
collects  together  from  the  rest  of  the  globe.”  Her  scientists  to- 
day assert  “ that  there  is  not  a mineral  known  except  cryolite 
that  is  not  found  in  Mexico.”  Her  very  formation  wonderfully 
favors  her  wealth,  the  railways  on  both  sides  concentrate  the 
productions  from  the  tropics  with  those  of  the  temperate  belt, 
and  bring  them  to  the  mart  of  the  capital. 

Here  is  a partial  list  of  her  products  which  she  exports: 
Cereals  and  fruits,  sugar,  rice,  cotton,  tobacco,  dyewoods,  coffee, 
indigo,  cocoa,  cocoanuts,  India  rubber,  vanilla,  chili,  cochineal, 
mahogany,  rosewood,  ebony,  lemons,  limes,  pine-apples,  jalap, 
salts,  vegetable  waxes,  medicinal  gums,  cinchona  bark, 
anise-seed,  Sisal  hemp,  madder,  ramil,  hennequin,  dyes,  nuts, 
oils  of  commerce  and  for  the  table,  and,  in  fine,  every  variety 
of  produce  known  in  the  temperate  and  torrid  zones.  Her 
wheat  is  regarded  as  almost  the  finest  in  the  world,  next  to  that 
of  Egypt ; Indian  corn,  maize,  and  barley  are  of  excellent  qual- 
ity, and  one  of  her  specialties  is  the  bean,  of  all  kinds  and  colors, 
from  black  to  white.  The  beautiful  marble  or  onyx  from 
Puebla  is  coming  into  great  use  for  clocks  and  different  orna- 
ments. 

In  return  she  wants  our  petroleum,  clocks,  and  watches,  quick- 


2S4 


MEXICO  IX  TRAXSITIOX. 


silver,  lamps,  and  gas-fixtures,  silks,  woolen  goods,  hardware, 
printing-presses  and  type,  books,  paper,  rails,  locomotives, 
tools,  machinery  of  all  kinds,  well-boring  apparatus  and  pumps, 
canned  meats  and  preserves,  scientific  instruments,  pianos  and 
organs,  educational  appliances,  plated-ware  and  cutlery,  tele- 
graph wire,  agricultural  machinery  of  all  sorts,  railroad  carriages 
for  passengers  and  freight,  maps,  globes,  and  charts,  mining 
fuses,  seeds  and  plants,  slates,  lithograph-stones,  and  a hundred 
other  articles  which  she  does  not  produce  but  constantly  re- 
quires, and  for  which  she  is  now  paying  the  highest  prices,  in 
addition  to  the  cost  of  four  thousand  miles  of  freight  charges, 
to  English  and  German  importers. 

At  the  close  of  Maximilian’s  empire  Mexico  had  but  one 
railroad,  with  260  miles  of  track.  To-day  she  has  them  running 
in  all  directions  (see  the  map),  with  an  average  of  10,025  kilom- 
eters (about  6,300  miles),  and  is  building  more.  Of  telegraph 
lines  in  1867  she  had  but  a few  short  connections,  under  3,000 
kilometers ; now  she  has  telephone  and  telegraph  lines  which 
aggregate  between  60,000  and  70,000  kilometers.  So  satisfied 
was  General  Grant,  after  thorough  examination,  of  Mexico’s 
coming  prosperity  that  he  stated  to  her  government  that  subsi- 
dies for  the  building  of  her  railroads  might  soon  cease  entirely, 
and  the  lines  he  built  relying  on  the  trade  they  would  develop 
for  their  support.  That  hour  has  now  come,  and  his  confidence 
in  the  prosperity  of  Mexico  is  fully  justified. 

In  his  last  message  to  Congress  (1891)  President  Diaz  said  : 

It  is  gratifying  to  me  to  be  able  to  inform  Congress  that  the  financial 
situation  of  the  republic  continues  to  improve.  The  receipts  of  the  treas- 
ury during  the  past  fiscal  year  exceeded  $36,000,000,  the  receipts  from 
the  frontier  and  maritime  custom-houses  reaching  $24,000,000.  This 
shows  the  magnificent  impulse  that  mercantile  traffic  has  received,  since, 
without  increasing  the  tariff,  the  custom-houses  now  collect  $9,000,000 
more  than  they  did  four  years  ago. 

Of  the  nation’s  credit,  once  so  low,  he  said : 

The  loan  of  £6,000,000  sterling  was  issued  September  9 in  Europe,  and 
taken  many  times  over.  The  banks  having  the  subscriptions  in  charge 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


285 


had  to  close  their  registers  almost  immediately  without  giving  the  general 
public  a chance  to  subscribe. 

The  revenues  of  the  republic  have  more  than  doubled  in  the 
past  twenty  years.  In  1S70  they  were  $10,000,000  ; they  are 
estimated  now  at  over  $36,000,000.  Reviewing  Adolfo  Sa- 
lina’s  valuable  work,  Mexico  and  her  Riches , the  reviewer 
says : 

The  figures  should  prove  of  great  interest  not  only  to  those  who  are 
actively  engaged  in  Mexican  trade,  but  also  to  all  who  wish  well  to  Mex- 
ico. They  are  conclusive  on  two  points,  namely:  (1)  The  volume  of  Mex- 
ican exports  since  1872  has  largely  increased  year  by  year,  being  twice 
as  much  in  the  fiscal  year  1889-90  as  in  1879-80.  (2)  The  major  part, 

over  two  thirds,  in  fact,  of  the  exports  go  to  the  United  States.  The  last- 
named  country  received  during  the  fiscal  year  1889-90  three  times  the 
quantity  of  exports  from  Mexico  that  it  did  in  the  year  1879-80.  These 
facts  show  that  Mexican  trade  with  the  United  States  increases  more 
rapidly  than  it  does  with  any  other  country.  This  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  seeing  that  Mexico  and  the  United  States  adjoin,  and  that  each  coun- 
try has  products  which  the  other  requires  and  does  not  produce.  Each 
country  is,  in  fact,  the  complement  of  the  other,  and  both  together  produce 
all  known  products. 

The  spread  of  education,  the  extension  of  the  railway  system, 
the  increase  of  industries  under  the  protection  of  an  enlight- 
ened government,  with  the  increasing  consciousness  of  the  rights 
and  duties  of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  are  fast  bringing  the 
country  to  the  orderly  and  peaceful  development  of  her  great 
resources. 

From  a table  showing  the  exports  from  Mexico  to  the  United 
States  and  the  total  exports  to  all  countries,  we  select  the  ex- 
hibit of  every  fifth  year  since  she  entered  upon  the  control  of 
he  r own  circumstances,  and  have  this  grand  result: 


Tears. 

Exports  to  the 
United  States. 

Total  Mex- 
ican Exports. 

1872-73 

$11,367,859 

$31,594,000 

1877-78 

12,340,689 

29,285,000 

1882-83 

16,739,097 

41,807,000 

1887-88 

31,059,626 

48,885,000 

1889-90 

63,276,395 

2SC 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


MEXICAN  IMPORTS,  1888-89. 

From  the  United  States $22,669,420  71 

“ England $6,337,980  30 

“ France 4,956,568  41 

“ Germany 2,842,932  35 

“ other  countries 3,217,992  55 — 17,355,473  61 

$40,024,894  32 

Of  the  above,  free-list  imports  during  1888-89  amounted 


in  value  to $13,506,230  23 

Giving  as  dutiable  imports  during  1888-89,  in  value  .. . 26,518,664  09 


$10,024,804  32 


MEXICAN  DEBT,  JCNE  30,  1890. 

Mexican  foreign  debt $52,500,000  00 

“ domestic  debt,  consolidated  under  laws  of  1883 

and  1885 23,052,550  00 

“ indebtedness  represented  by  certificates 2,006,076  32 


$78,458,626  32 

The  remarkable  man  now  honored  by  his  fellow-citizens  by 
a third  presidential  term  demands  our  attention  at  this  point. 
Porfirio  Diaz  (see  portra’t  opposite)  was  born  in  the  State  of 
Oaxaca,  in  1830.  Ilis  intercourse  with  Juarez  in  his  early 
manhood  inspired  him  with  the  ardent  patriotism  of  that  great 
reformer,  and  he  began  his  efforts  for  the  freedom  of  the  coun- 
try by  resisting  Santa  Anna’s  despotic  measures  in  1854.  Dur- 
ing the  succeeding  years  of  conflict  his  valor  won  his  advance 
to  the  highest  position  in  the  army,  and  at  the  overthrow  of 
Lerdo,  in  1876,  he  was  elected  to  the  presidency.  In  1880 
he  relinquished  the  office  to  General  Gonzales,  and  for  a short 
time  served  as  minister  of  public  works,  carrying  out  many 
excellent  reforms.  Resigning  his  position  in  1883.  he  made 
an  extended  tour  through  the  United  States,  where  he  was 
received  with  great  cordiality.  In  1884  he  was  again  elected 
president,  and  in  1888,  so  rapid  had  been  the  advancement  of 
the  country  under  his  rule,  the  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution, advanced  by  Diaz  himself  in  1878,  against  re-election 


GENERAL  PORFIRIO  DIAZ, 

Mexico’s  brave  soldier  and  honored  president. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


2ST 


was  changed,  in  order  to  keep  this  exceptional  statesman  at  the 
head  of  the  nation.  The  term  now  drawing  to  a close  has  been 
one  of  great  prosperity.  The  commerce  of  the  country  is  rapidly 
extending ; the  credit  of  the  nation  has  risen  until  now  they 
can  borrow  money  in  any  market ; the  public  debt  has  been 
reduced,  railways  have  been  built,  and  all  classes  are  enjoying 
the  benefits  of  justice  and  peace. 

As  we  write  popular  demonstrations  are  being  made  in  favor 
of  another  term.  Certainly  no  other  man  in  Mexico  shows 
such  ability  as  General  Diaz,  and  the  universal  respect  paid 
him  by  foreign  residents,  as  well  as  by  Mexicans,  testifies  to  his 
impartial  and  just  dealings.  During  his  administration  all 
forms  of  worship  have  been  protected.  While  carrying  out  the 
laws  for  freedom  of  opinion  he  has  been  justly  severe  with 
those  who  interfered  with  the  rights  of  others,  and  this  may 
have  caused  some  opposition  to  him  among  fanatical  people. 
Mrs.  Diaz  is  a daughter  of  Manuel  Romero  Rubio,  a prominent 
lawyer  of  the  capital,  and  is  very  active  in  charitable  work  and 
much  esteemed. 

The  present  prosperity  of  Mexico  is  very  largely  due  to 
the  efforts  and  incorruptible  character  of  her  noble  president, 
Porfirio  Diaz.  A recent  biography  written  by  Hubert  Howe 
Bancroft,  gives  an  excellent  view  of  the  life  of  General  Diaz 
and  of  his  association  with  Benito  Juarez.  To  this  we  refer 
our  readers  who  wish  to  know  more  of  the  subject. 

The  incoming  and  results  of  evangelical  missions  in  Mexico, 
consequent  upon  the  establishment  of  religious  freedom,  will 
now,  in  closing  this  record,  claim  our  attention,  as  the  highest 
aspect  of  that  happy  transition  which  has  crowned  all  the  efforts 
and  sufferings  of  the  past  forty  years. 

That  devout  Christian  woman,  Miss  Melinda  Rankin,  who 
shortly  after  1850  established  herself  in  Brownsville,  Texas, 
and  employed  colporteurs  to  sell  and  distribute  copies  of  the 
Scriptures  in  the  Spanish,  was  the  providential  agent  to  open 
the  way  for  the  Bible  into  northern  Mexico.  Por  twenty  years 
she  prayed  and  toiled  and  suffered.  The  bigoted  priests  tried 


2S8 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


to  meet  her  work  at  every  point,  while  again  and  again  the  sad 
story  of  the  destruction  of  the  sacred  volumes  was  borne  back 
to  her  by  the  faithful  agents  who  often  risked  their  lives  in 
their  work.  Little  congregations  grew  out  of  this  Bible  work, 
and  her  helpers  were  enabled  to  go  farther  into  Mexico;  the 
work  m the  city  of  Zacatecas  being  started  by  these,  and  at  Cos 
also,  where  they  were  aided  by  a Christian  physician  from  the 
United  States  located  there.  The  long  strain  of  this  service 
began  to  tell  on  Miss  Rankin’s  strength,  and  after  her  sister’s 
death  and  her  own  severe  attack  of  yellow  fever  she  realized 
the  need  of  stronger  hands  to  lift  the  burden,  which  by  its  very 
success  had  grown  so  heavy.  It  needed  also  regularly  ordained 
workers  to  organize  the  churches  and  administer  the  sacra- 
ments, in  order  that  an  evangelical  form  of  worship  might 
extend  through  the  country.  Therefore,  after  due  deliberation 
she  made  over  the  results  of  her  labors  to  the  American  Board 
of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions.  She  published  a book 
giving  some  of  her  experiences,  entitled  Twenty  Years  Among 
the  Mexicans , and  from  her  home  in  Bloomington,  III.,  she 
went,  as  much  as  her  strength  would  permit,  to  visit  the 
churches,  interesting  the  people  in  the  cause  of  the  Gospel  in 
Mexico.  On  the  7th  of  December,  1888,  she  passed  to  her 
reward,  leaving  a name  that  will  always  be  associated  with  the 
earliest  efforts  for  the  redemption  of  Mexico. 

Toward  the  close  of  Miss  Rankin’s  service  the  American  and 
Foreign  Christian  Union  was  led  to  institute  a union  move- 
ment  in  Mexico  city,  but  after  a trial  of  this  method  the  work 
was  found  to  be  more  in  the  line  of  promoting  the  services  of 
one  denomination  than  the  contributors  desired,  and  also  bore 
a somewhat  exclusive  aspect.  Therefore,  at  the  close  of  1S72, 
a conclusion  was  reached  to  discontinue  this  union  effort  and 
allow  each  Church  to  go  in  and  do  what  it  could  in  the  use  of 
its  own  forms  to  enlarge  the  work.  Success  has  amply  justi- 
fied the  change,  and,  as  we  shall  see  in  our  closing  pages,  far 
more  has  been  accomplished  in  behalf  of  Mexico  than  by  the 
methods  of  any  professedly  undenominational  plan. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


289 


Tlie  writer  was  appointed  by  Bisliop  Simpson  in  November, 
1872,  to  proceed  to  Mexico  and  establish  a mission  there  for 
our  denomination.  Me  reached  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the 
23d  of  February,  1873,  and  for  three  weeks  had  the  help  of 
Bishop  Haven's  presence  and  advice  in  acquiring  property  at 
the  capital  and  at  Puebla.  A reference  or  two  at  this  point  will 
illustrate  the  amazing:  changes  that  had  occurred,  and  in  what 
an  extraordinary  manner  divine  Providence  was  leading  the  lib- 
erty party  in  Mexico  to  open  the  way  for  Christian  missions. 
The  first  necessity  of  the  hour  was  to  find  suitable  places,  in  the 
right  locality,  for  the  work  to  be  done  and  to  secure  them,  es- 
caping all  the  risks  of  false  titles,  extravagant  prices,  and  the 
wicked  interferences  of  Jesuitical  enemies,  who  toiled  day  and 
night  to  get  between  us  and  the  available  property  and  thus 
defeat  our  purpose. 

Secularized  church  property,  particularly  the  convents, 
were  in  demand  in  suitable  localities.  Two  of  these  which  fell 
to  our  share  may  be  referred  to  briefly  as  being  in  themselves 
most  uncommon  purchases  for  Protestant  missions.  These  im- 
mense establishments  were  generally  structures  of  the  most 
enduring  character,  adapted  for  a scenic  worship,  but  usually 
gloomy,  with  windows  fifteen  or  more  feet  from  the  ground, 
beneath  which  hung  great  pictures.  The  light  and  airy  ap- 
pearance of  Protestant  places  of  worship  was  absent,  and  great 
expense  was  necessary  to  adapt  them  to  our  purposes,  especially 
where  the  walls  were  so  thick  and  solid. 

One  of  these  properties  which  we  secured  was  part  of  the 
monastery  of  San  Francisco,  as  we  described  elsewhere.  It 
had  been  sold  to  a theater  company,  which  had  failed,  because 
the  ladies  expected  to  attend,  much  as  they  liked  the  per- 
formances, regarded  it  as  somewhat  sacrilegious  to  have  them 
in  a building  once  consecrated  to  religious  uses.  The  Cliiarini 
Circus  company  shared  the  same  fate  for  the  same  reasons.  So 
closely  were  the  missionaries  watched  to  prevent  them  from 
acquiring  property  that,  when  any  one  of  us  was  seen  looking 
at  a desirable  place,  before  it  could  be  decided  upon  it  was 
20 


290 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


“ out  of  tlie  market.”  Hearing  that  the  Chiarini  Circus  was 
for  sale,  I was  eager  to  see  if  it  could  be  adapted  for  our  use. 
Hot  daring  to  go  near  it  in  the  day-time,  for  fear  of  being  seen 
and  losing  the  chance,  I waited  until  ten  o’clock  at  night,  then 
went  and  knocked  at  the  great  door.  The  sleepy  janitor  opened 
the  portal  a little  way  only,  and  was  reluctant  to  admit  any  one 
at  such  an  hour.  However,  a silver  dollar  proved  quite  persua- 
sive to  compensate  him  for  his  interrupted  sleep,  and  upon  my 
saying  that  I only  wanted  to  see  what  the  circus  of  Chiarini 
was  like  the  drowsy  creature  woke  up  to  considerable  willing- 
ness and  by  the  light  of  his  lantern  showed  me  the  premises. 

To  my  great  satisfaction  I found  the  property  just  what  we 
required,  and  at  once  made  earnest  efforts  to  secure  it.  But  I 
learned  that  one  of  the  parties  whose  signature  was  necessary 
was  a fanatical  old  lady  who  would  rather  see  the  building 
go  up  in  smoke  than  sold  to  Protestants.  What  to  do  I could 
not  imagine.  We  needed  the  place  so  much,  the  location  was 
admirable,  central  yet  quiet,  and  our  work,  already  begun,  was 
suffering  for  lack  of  a proper  center  of  operations.  But  here 
was  delay  and  uncertainty.  We  could  only  seek  divine  help 
and  wait.  Three  weeks  later  I was  standing  at  a street  corner, 
conversing  with  a friend,  when  a gentleman  passed  on  the  other 
side  of  the  street.  My  friend  signaled,  the  stranger  crossed 
over,  and  we  were  introduced.  During  the  conversation  India 
was  mentioned.  “What!”  said  I,  “have  you  been  in  India?” 
“Yes;  I fought  under  Havelock,  and  was  one  of  the  volun- 
teer cavalry  that  rode  with  him  into  Lucknow.”  Instantly 
it  flashed  across  my  mind  that  here  was  help  at  last  if  I could 
win  him  ! “Well,”  I replied,  “ I have  done  my  best  to  immor- 
talize you  and  your  gallant  comrades.”  “ What  do  you  mean  ? ” 
said  he.  Asking  him  to  remain  where  we  were  for  a few  min- 
utes, I hurried  to  the  hotel  and  took  a copy  of  The  Land 
of  tlte  Yeda , which  I carried  back  and  showed  to  him,  opened  at 
the  portrait  of  General  Havelock.  He  looked  at  it  astonished, 
and  said,  “ That  is  indeed  our  illustrious  commander,”  and 
commenced  at  once  to  read  the  pages  that  refer  to  the  bravery 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


291 


of  tlie  heroes,  led  by  their  devout  general.  I stood  prayerfully 
and  anxiously  waiting.  Finally,  turning  to  me  lie  said,  “How 
much  I would  like  to  possess  this  book  ! ” “Please,  sir,  then, 
accept  it  as  a gift  from  the  author.”  Thanking  me  with  genu- 
ine heartiness  he  exclaimed,  “Is  there  not  something  I could 
do  for  yon  to  show,  my  gratitude  ? ” I had  learned  that  he  was 
an  Irishman  and  a Catholic,  but  Providence  led  me  to  feel  that 
he  could  and  would  help  me,  so  I replied,  “You  are  probably 
the  only  man  in  this  city  who  can  do  something  very  necessary 
for  me.”  “ What  is  it  ? ” I explained  the  circumstances,  how  we 
were  anxious  to  secure  a suitable  property  for  our  work,  but  that 
the  bigoted  old  lady  would  not  be  willing  to  sell  it  to  us,  and 
I feared  to  trust  any  broker  in  the  city  lest  they  should  be  in- 
duced to  fail  us.  lie  asked,  “ Would  you  trust  me  ? ” I felt  free 
to  say  I would.  “ Have  you  the  money  ? ” Yes  ; the  money  was 
ready  in  the  bank.  “ Well,  say  nothing  until  I come  to  you  to- 
morrow morning,  and  I will  arrange  it  all  for  you.”  I reminded 
him  that  I was  a Protestant  missionary  and  that  lie  wTas  a Catho- 
lic, but  he  said,  “What  of  that?  Have  five  hundred  dollars 
ready  for  me  to-morrow.”  lie  came  the  next  day,  took  the 
money,  paid  the  installment,  and  obtained  his  receipt.  The 
property  was  his  and  all  secure.  As  soon  as  the  papers  in  the 
case  were  ready  he  took  me  to  the  government  office  and  made 
out  a deed  to  me  as  agent  of  the  missionary  society  of  our 
Church,  and  the  circus  of  Chiarini  was  ours ! lie  had  mean- 
wdiile,  when  his  purpose  leaked  out,  an  enticing  offer  to  be 
unfaithful  to  us,  but  he  spurned  the  temptation  and  in  due 
time  and  form  made  it  over  to  us. 

Surely  “ the  hearts  of  all  men  are  in  the  hands  of  God,”  and 
he  has  his  own  way  of  answering  the  prayers  of  those  who  seek 
his  aid.  Here,  when  I needed  it  so  much,  after  all  my  anxiety, 
was  this  warm-hearted  Irishman  brought  in  good  time  twelve 
thousand  miles  across  the  world,  attracted  to  me  by  a common 
interest  which  that  “ Land  of  the  Veda”  represented  to  us  both, 
ready  to  do  a service  that  I could  not  safely  ask  any  lawyer  or 
broker  or  other  Romanist  to  do  in  the  city  of  Mexico ! 


292 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


One  of  the  clerical  papers  came  out  a few  days  after  with  the 
following  note,  under  the  title,  “Each  Time  Worse 

It  is  said  that  the  Protestants  have  purchased  the  Chiarini  Circus.  As 
is  known,  this  place  is  formed  out  of  a patio  of  the  monastery  of  San  Fran- 
cisco. O,  venerated  shades  of  Belauuzaran  and  Pinzon!  You  will 
wander  lamenting  around  that  place  which  was  sanctified  by  the  presence 
of  the  sons  of  San  Francisco,  and  which  is  profanated  in  a descending 
scale,  by  rope-dancing,  immoral  shows,  licentious  balls,  and  the  ceremo- 
nies of  a dissenting  sect  which  is  the  enemy  of  the  Church.  It  is  a real 
profanation,  but  it  cannot  be  remedied,  for  power  protects  the  profana- 
tors. 

On  the  opposite  page  is  a view  of  the  newly  erected  facade 
of  this  church.  The  beautiful  interior  will  be  shown  farther 
on.  It  increased  our  interest  to  discover,  as  we  did,  from  the 
pages  of  the  Jesuit  historian  Clavijero,  that  these  premises 
were  part  of  the  very  site  of  the  famous  palace  of  Monte- 
zuma.* Afterward  in  relaying  the  floor  we  found  confirma- 
tion of  this  fact  near  the  front  door  by  discovering  one  of  the 
fish  fountains  which  Clavijero  describes.  Could  Montezuma 
and  his  historian  rise  from  the  dead  how  amazed  would  they 
be  to  witness  the  transformation  that  has  taken  place ! Here, 
in  place  of  the  pagan  palace  and  the  Romish  convent,  there 
stands  to-day  the  beautiful  evangelical  church,  complete  in  all 
its  appointments,  with  chapel,  vestries,  printing-office,  schools, 
besides  two  comfortable  parsonages  and  other  accommodations 
for  this  work.  Mexico  has  had  many  “transitions”  during 
the  past  twenty-five  years,  but  none  more  wonderful  than  that 
which  we  witness  here. 

Equally  remarkable  was  our  purchase  of  the  property  se- 
cured for  our  work  in  the  city  of  Puebla.  While  Mexico  city 
is  the  political  capital,  Puebla  may  be  considered  as  the  ecclesi- 
astical capital  of  the  country.  A branch  of  the  Inquisition 
of  Rome  had  been  established  in  each  city  with  equal  powers. 
Ho  Protestantism  existed  then  in  either  city  or  in  either 

* Ancient  History  of  Mexico,  by  Abbe  D.  F.  S.  Clavijero,  book  v,  p.  213.  London, 
1810. 


SEAD-QUARTERS  OF  THE  MISSION  OF  THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH, 

Calle  de  Gante,  City  of  Mexico. 


THE  INQUISITION,  CITY  OP  PUEBLA, 
Purchased  by  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  1873. 


COVERED  WAY  OF  THE  INQOfSITIOX, 
Connecting  with  the  Examining  CliapeL 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


29o 


section  of  the  country  for  this  diabolical  institution  to  expend  its 
energy  upon,  during  the  first  three  hundred  years  of  its  exist- 
ence. Its  watch-care  then  was  directed  toward  its  own  people, 
and  evidently  extended  to  more  than  questions  of  religious 
opinion,  thus  enabling  the  priesthood  to  lay  a heavy  hand  upon 
those  who  dared  to  make  themselves  prominent  in  the  advocacy 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom.  But  these  inquisitors  had  such 
ability  to  cover  their  tracks  that  the  whole  truth  can  never 
be  known  until  the  books  are  opened  in  the  judgment-day ! 
We  are  about  to  uncover  dark  transactions  which  “that  day” 
will  fully  reveal,  when  the  sightless  eyeballs  and  the  dumb  lips 
on  which  we  have  gazed  with  horror  shall  open,  and  the  truth 
of  their  tortures  shall  be  brought  before  those  who  thus  in- 
flicted them ! 

We  present  two  views  of  the  Inquisition  building  in  Puebla. 
The  photograph  was  taken  from  the  roof  of  one  of  the  corridors. 
On  the  left  hand  appears  the  dome  of  the  Examining  Chapel, 
where  the  victims  were  tried,  and  beneath,  on  the  ground  floor, 
were  the  cells,  which  we  must  soon  mention.  The  second  pict- 
ure shows  the  covered  way  leading  to  the  Inquisition  over  the 
tops  of  the  houses.  The  face  of  it  remains  open  as  it  was  left 
when  the  government  cut  a street  through  the  premises.  Cer- 
tainly those  who  erected  these  buildings,  with  walls  of  masonry 
some  of  them  over  six  feet  thick,  and  arches  and  trimmings  of 
cut  stone,  expected  that  they  would  endure  for  all  time.  In 
some  of  the  changes  necessary  to  adapt  them  to  our  use  crow- 
bar and  pickax  seemed  weak  tools  to  make  any  impression  upon 
their  hardness.  These  immense  premises  of  the  Dominican 
monks  (the  Inquisitorial  order)  fell  at  last  into  the  hands  of  the 
republican  forces,  and  the  people,  especially  those  from  whose 
homes  father,  brothers,  or  sons  had  disappeared,  and  of  whose 
fate  something  might  be  learned  within  those  walls,  demanded 
permission  to  search,  as  did  the  Parisians  at  the  Bastile.  The 
request  was  granted  and  the  excited  searchers  went  through  the 
whole  establishment  from  the  ground  to  the  roofs  ; a few  sur- 
vivors were  found,  but  the  majority  of  seekers  were  disap- 


294 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


pointed.  Baffled  and  enraged,  they  were  about  to  leave  when 
some  one  remarked  on  the  amazing  thickness  of  the  walls.  A 
new  train  of  thought  was  started.  The  walls  were  struck  and 
at  places  seemed  to  sound  hollow  to  the  blow.  Tools  were  pro- 
cured, openings  made,  and  within  narrow  cells  were  found  those 
whom  they  sought,  manacled  and  ghastly,  not  arrayed  in  grave 
vestments,  but  in  their  daily  clothing,  as  when  last  seen.  Twelve 
such  cells  were  found  and  opened,  each  with  its  occupant.  Truly 
this  was  “bringing  to  light  the  hidden  things  of  darkness.” 
These  victims  of  Home's  cruelties,  buried  alive  for  freedom,  or 
for  Christ,  or  both,  it  may  be,  were  tenderly  lifted  out  into 
the  open  patio  and  a photographer  called.  A flower-stand  was 
near,  and  four  of  the  martyrs  who  were  recent  enough  to  be 
handled  without  breaking  up,  though  not  recognizable,  were 
placed  against  it,  and  the  sun  has  painted  for  us  the  faithful  and 
enduring  proof  which  the  Liberals  of  Mexico  can  hand  down  in 
evidence  to  future  generations  of  what  the  Church  of  Home 
did  with  their  fellow-countrymen.  From  one  of  these  photo- 
graphs in  our  possession  the  picture  opposite  was  copied. 

The  cells  were  four  feet  six  inches  on  the  square,  and  seven 
feet  high.  The  need  for  the  thick  walls  was  thus  explained. 
These  spaces  were  left  open  when  building  until  the  victim 
was  condemned  and  bound  in  the  Examining  Chapel  above,  and 
brought  down  to  the  corridor  where  the  cells  were  located. 
He  or  she  (for  women  were  among  the  number)  was  placed  in 
the  cell,  a “brother”  of  the  order  who  was  handy  with  the 
trowel  was  ready  to  build  up  the  entrance  before  their  face  and 
leave  them  to  a horrible  death,  while  a coat  of  plaster  and 
whitewash  made  all  invisible,  and  these  fiends  in  human  form 
may  have  supposed  that  they  had  sealed  up  their  crime  forever 
and  buried  their  secret  beyond  discovery.  Two  bodies  of  such 
sufferers  may  still  be  seen  in  a glass  case  in  the  National  Mu- 
seum in  Mexico  city. 

One  cell,  making  the  thirteenth,  was  overlooked  and  not 
opened  until  we  came  into  the  possession  of  the  premises.  We 
found  it  occupied  and  had  the  body  removed  and  buried.  Like 


MARTYRS  OF  THE  INQUISITION, 

Taken  out  of  the  cells  in  the  walls,  where  they  were  buried  alive. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


295 


the  other  large  ecclesiastical  properties,  this  had  been  divided 
into  lots  for  sale,  and  a street  cut  through  the  premises.  A Ger- 
man Jew,  living  in  Puebla,  bought  this  portion  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion. When  we  came  to  Puebla  to  look  for  property,  such  even 
then  was  the  clerical  influence  that  people  were  timid  about 
renting  or  selling  to  us.  With  the  Jew  it  was  different.  lie 
cared  nothing  about  their  fulminations,  and  was  eager  to  make 
a trade  with  us.  Both  in  India  and  in  Mexico  I have  made  all 
sorts  of  purchases  for  our  society,  but  when  we  stood  beside 
this  man  on  the  dais  of  the  Examining  Chapel  in  Puebla,  and 
realized  that  a Jew  was  actually  offering  the  Inquisition  for 
sale  to  a Methodist  preacher,  this  seemed  about  the  most  extraor- 
dinary transaction  in  real  estate  which  we  had  ever  known ! 
To  have  purchased  the  great  cathedral  itself  would  not  have 
been  more  amazing.  Around  us  were  the  evidences  of  the 
popular  vengeance  that  had  been  wreaked  upon  the  accursed 
building;  the  doors,  windows,  and  floors  had  been  torn  up  and 
smashed  to  pieces,  and  the  plaster  defaced.  But  all  this  could 
soon  be  repaired.  On  the  upper  floor  to  the  right  was  a suite 
of  rooms  which  would  make  a comfortable  parsonage,  and  on 
the  left  the  Examining  Chapel  could  be  made  into  the  first 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  Puebla.  It  was  capable  of  hold- 
ing about  one  hundred  and  fifty  people.  On  the  floor  below  a 
room  as  large  as  the  chapel  would  give  us  a good  school-room,  and 
the  apartments  and  corridors  to  the  right  would  afford  accommo- 
dation for  the  boys’  orphanage  and  a theological  seminary.  We 
were  thus — at  least  for  the  time  being — amply  provided  for  in 
the  work  which  our  Church  was  to  undertake  in  Puebla. 

It  was  while  engaged,  a few  months  later,  in  laying  out  the 
rooms  on  the  ground  floor  for  a theological  seminary  that  we 
made  that  additional  discovery  of  those  dead  secrets  which 
have  ever  since  been  such  a perplexing  remembrance  to  us. 
The  leadi  ng  impression  produced  has  been  that  they  represent 
“ deeds  of  darkness  ” that  certainly  double  the  guilt  and  cruelty 
which  we  already  know  to  be  justly  chargeable  to  the  account 
of  this  horrible  institution.  In  front  of  the  rooms  where  the 


296 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


cells  were  there  runs  a covered  corridor  with  outside  pillars, 
about  twelve  feet  wide.  Our  purpose  then  was  to  divide  this 
space  by  a wall  into  two  rooms.  Having  indicated  where  the 
foundation  was  to  be  laid,  we  left  the  spot,  but  were  soon  after 
met  with  the  startling  announcement  that  the  workmen  in  dig- 
ging  had  come  upon  a number  of  human  skeletons  packed  to- 
gether in  rows.  They  were  about  two  and  a half  feet  below 
the  surface,  covered  with  earth,  and  over  this  a layer  of  mortar 
in  which  large  floor-bricks  were  firmly  laid.  They  were  packed 
close  together  and  occupied  about  two  feet  in  depth,  the  trench 
running  the  entire  length  of  the  corridor.  They  were  lifted  out 
into  the  patio,  and  the  mayor  of  the  city  notified  to  send  the 
municipal  carts  and  grant  them  proper  burial. 

People  were  annoyed  that  Protestant  strangers  should  make 
such  a dreadful  discovery.  They  thought  that  they  knew  all 
the  horrors  of  that  establishment  and  had  removed  them.  We 
discussed  the  situation,  but  could  find  no  innocent  cause  for  their 
being  there  and  in  such  condition.  They  were  not  more  than 
twelve  feet  in  front  of  the  martyrs’  cells,  all  under  cover  of  the 
roof,  with  less  than  thirty  inches  of  earth  over  them,  and  the 
mortar  and  floor-brick  resting  on  this  shallow  protection,  the 
whole  bearing  the  aspect  of  utter  secrecy.  As  a probable 
explanation  it  was  suggested  that  at  certain  intervals,  when  the 
cells  were  full,  the  floor  would  be  opened  and  the  contents  of 
the  cells  emptied  into  the  space  made,  and  then  closed  up  like 
the  rest,  leaving  the  cells  ready  for  new  occupants.  The  one 
fact  seems  to  bear  a relation  to  the  other  in  guilt  and  secrecy, 
but  of  the  character  of  the  manacled  martyrs  of  the  cells  there 
is  no  doubt  whatever. 

It  is  with  much  concern  that  we  are  contemplating  parting 
with  this  locality  ; but,  notwithstanding  all  its  interest,  the  place 
has  become  too  small  for  our  growing  work  in  Puebla.  We 
have  secured  a large  lot  in  the  best  part  of  the  city  and  are 
erecting  a church  adequate  for  our  congregation.  These  inci- 
dents will  suffice  until  we  come  to  the  close  to  speak  of  the  work 
done  by  all  the  missions  operating  in  the  land. 


PERSONNEL  OF  THE  ANNUAL  CONFERENCE  IN  MEXICO  IN  JANUARY,  1888, 

Seventeen  of  the  number  being  natives  of  the  country. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


297 


What  an  utter  failure  those  Dominican  and  Franciscan 
monks  were ! After  their  three  hundred  years  of  power  the 
conquered  race  expels  them  from  ISTew  Spain,  and  some  of 
their  palatial  abodes,  wrested  from  the  hands  of  pagan  royalty 
for  their  endowment,  pass  into  the  hands  of  heretics,  who  there 
proclaim  the  word  of  life  under  the  ample  protection  of  Mex- 
ican law.  Had  they  done  their  work  as  God  willed  it  to  be  done 
their  time  would  have  endured  forever,  and  our  services  would 
not  have  been  required.  They  failed  to  elevate  Mexico,  but 
made  her  a land  of  ignorance,  unrest,  and  misery,  from  the 
galling  yoke  of  which  she  could  only  shake  herself  free  by  one 
of  the  most  extraordinary  revolutions  known  to  history,  carried 
through  by  the  very  people  they  had  trained  in  their  faith  and 
usages. 

The  advance  which  our  own  Mission  has  made  under  the 
divine  blessing  is  indicated  in  the  picture  opposite  of  our  An- 
nual Conference  of  1S88.  Eighteen  of  the  ministers  therein  are 
native  Mexicans,  most  of  them  raised  up  and  trained  under  our 
own  labors  during  the  preceding  fifteen  years. 

The  entrance  of  Protestant  missions  into  Mexico  and  their 
progress  since  the  close  of  the  French  Intervention  has  claimed 
the  attention  not  only  of  the  public  journals  but  also  of  the 
government,  and  is  frequently  referred  to  with  approbation. 
There  lies  before  us  as  we  write  the  Official  Report  of  the  Prog- 
ress of  Protestant  Missions  in  Mexico , by  the  government  sec- 
retary of  finance,  dated  January,  1879,  in  which  the  facts  are 
given  with  entire  fairness.  This  public  and  kindly  notice  of 
the  Protestant  propaganda  in  their  country  is  given  not  because 
of  any  personal  interest  in  our  views,  but  because  the  facts  fur- 
nish the  most  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  full  religious  freedom 
and  progress  which  their  country  is  now  enjoying  side  by  side 
with  the  United  States.  Any  violation  of  these  rights  is 
denounced  in  the  most  prompt  and  decided  manner  by  all  save 
the  fanatical  faction  who  are  under  the  inspiration  of  the  Romish 
clergy,  and  all  wrongs  under  it  are  quickly  redressed  on  appeal 
for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  ourselves  and  our  people. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


298 


As  these  missions  stand  for  the  highest  progress  which  Mex- 
ico can  ever  know,  the  desire  for  the  meeting  of  a General 
Assembly  of  Evangelical  Missions  began  to  take  form  about 
1S86.  The  purpose  was 

To  review  the  results  of  the  past  fifteen  years  and  to  consult  with  each 
other  in  regard  to  the  future  of  their  common  work.  A committee,  with 
power,  was  agreed  upon  to  call  this  assembly  from  all  parts  of  the  land, 
and  to  take  such  measures  as,  in  their  judgment,  would  best  accomplish 
the  purposes  of  such  a gathering.  A suitable  circular  was  prepared  and 
sent  to  every  missionary  in  the  country  to  be  filled  up  with  replies  to  the 
questions  which  would  bring  together  the  information  desired  to  be  laid 
before  the  assembly. 

After  nine  years  of  absence  from  the  termination  of  my  own 
work  in  Mexico  (in  1879)  I naturally  desired  to  be  present  on 
this  occasion,  as  well  as  to  have  the  opportunity  of  collecting 
the  information  which  was  needed  for  writing  this  work.  Five 
months  of  delightful  privilege  was  thus  improved,  especially  in 
witnessing  the  advance  made  by  the  country  during  the  period 
from  1879  to  1888.  From  all  quarters  of  Mexico  these  serv- 
ants of  God,  American  and  Mexican,  came  to  represent  the 
work  in  which  they  were  engaged  for  their  common  Lord  and 
Master. 

On  the  morning  of  January  31,  1888,  this  remarkable  body  of  Christian 
men  and  women  assembled  in  Trinity  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  the 
city  of  Mexico,  the  largest  Protestant  church  in  the  city.  It  was  found 
that  there  were  eleven  evangelical  denominations  represented,  as  follows: 
The  Baptists,  North  and  South;  the  Friends;  the  Presbyterians,  North 
and  South;  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South;  the  Episcopalians; 
the  Associate  Reformed  Presbyterians;  the  Congregationalists ; the  Cum- 
berland Presbyterians,  and  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  The  repre- 
sentation was  from  one  to  nine,  according  to  the  size  of  the  missions 
operating  in  Mexico.  Including  two  for  the  Bible  Society,  the  total 
representation  consisted  of  about  seventy-five  persons.  These,  with  other 
missionaries  and  native  ministers,  who  came  as  visitors,  swelled  the  num- 
ber attending  to  about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five.  Deeply  interested 
audiences,  from  three  hundred  to  four  hundred  in  number,  were  present 
at  the  sessions,  mornings,  afternoons,  and  evenings.  It  was  the  first  oc- 
casion on  which  these  evangelical  workers  had  ever  come  together.  Few 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


299 


of  them  had  before  met  one  another,  and  yet  tiie  meetings,  lasting  more 
than  three  days,  were  undisturbed  in  their  delightful  harmony. 

It  may  not  be  too  much  to  say  that  in  view  of  the  past  history  of  this 
land,  the  interests  involved,  and  the  future  which  was  intimated,  this 
General  Assembly  was  the  most  important  event  that  has  occurred  here 
since  the  Laws  of  Reform  were  passed  by  the  new-born  nation.  It  pre- 
sented before  the  people  of  this  country  and  before  the  Church  of  Rome 
the  blessed  evidence  of  the  union,  affection,  and  the  strength  of  evan- 
gelical Christianity  in  a way  that  must  have  astonished  fhem.  Cer- 
tainly, if  there  really  was  (as  was  supposed  by  many)  any  treasonable 
purpose  of  the  Reactionary  party  to  employ  the  opportunity  of  December 
12,  1887,  in  connection  with  the  crowning  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe, 
to  overthrow  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of  this  nation,  that  party 
found  a surprise  of  which  they  never  dreamed,  and  one  which  they  can- 
not soon  forget.  How  like  it  seems  to  a direct  answer  of  the  Almighty 
to  the  enemies  of  his  cause — giving  them  to  understand  that  he  has  taken 
Mexico  out  of  their  hands  and  is  to  accomplish  her  redemption  after  her 
long  night  of  sorrow ! 

The  programme  was  carried  out  almost  to  the  letter,  and  a wonderful 
unanimity  realized  in  the  conclusions  reached  upon  each  item  by  the 
Assembly.  These  “ watchmen  saw  eye  to  eye.” 

We  have  not  space  for  an  outline  of  the  deliberations  or  of 
the  work  accomplished  except  under  one  head,  that  of  the 
statistics.  Many  Romanists  came  in  to  see  the  Assembly,  and 
it  was  evident  that  they  were  surprised  at  the  order  and 
thoroughness  of  the  deliberations  and  the  size  and  attention  of 
the  audiences.  They  must  have  realized  that  their  methods  of 
contempt  and  persecution  could  not  frighten  these  people  from 
their  convictions,  and  that  the  intelligent  and  sincere  aspect  of 
their  countrymen  who  had  become  preachers  and  members 
of  these  Protestant  Churches  had  some  claim  upon  their  re- 
spect. 

Great  interest  was  excited  by  the  reading  of  the  report  of 
“ The  Statistics  of  Protestantism  in  Mexico.”  The  utmost  care 
had  been  taken  to  have  the  exhibit  as  accurate  as  possible.  The 
forms  which  were  supplied  were  of  the  fullest  and  most  exact 
character.  Each  mission  filled  out  its  own  forms,  and  then 
the  whole  was  carefully  tabulated,  so  that  every  item  of  every 


30Q 


3IEXIC0  IX  TRANSITION. 


mission  in  Mexico  was  f ally  presented  from  its  own  records.  I 
have  resubmitted  these  statistical  tables  again  to  each  of  the 
missions  represented,  requesting  them  to  correct  and  add  to 
their  figures  the  growth  of  the  past  four  years,  so  as  to  pre- 
sent the  numerical  standing  of  Protestantism  in  Mexico  at  the 
close  of  1891.  The  tables  are  too  voluminous  to  be  given  in 
full  for  each  mission.  It  may  be  enough  to  present  the  results 
in  two  columns,  the  first  showing  the  grand  total  of  the  eleven 
Protestant  missions  in  Mexico,  and  the  second  the  statis- 
tics of  the  missions  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  by 
themselves  alone.  No  one  who  has  prayed  and  contributed 
for  the  spread  of  the  Gospel  in  this  land  but  must  rejoice  over 
“what  God  has  wrought”  during  the  past  twenty  years  in 
Mexico.  If  such  a glorious  result  has  been  reached  in  twenty 
years,  in  the  face  of  vigorous  opposition  and  fanaticism,  what 
may  we  not  expect  in  the  future  as  a result  of  the  work  now 
so  well  established  under  the  ample  protection  of  the  law  of 
the  land  ? 

ABSTRACT  FROM  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  STATISTICS  OF  PROTESTANT  MIS- 
SIONS in  Mexico,  1888  (revised  to  1892). 

Total  of  Methodist 
Protestant  Episcopal 

T Tho  JT’i/tJrf  Missions.  Missions. 


Number  of  centers  of  operation 87  30 

Number  of  congregations 469  125 

II.  The  Workers. 

Number  of  ordained  foreign  missionaries 59  9 

Number  of  assistant  foreign  missionaries  (that  is,  unordained 

men,  and  wives  of  ordained  and  assistant  missionaries).. . . 51 

Number  of  foreign  lady  teachers 67  9 

Whole  number  of  foreign  workers 177  27 

Number  of  native  preachers,  ordained Ill  13 

Number  of  native  preachers,  unordaiued 161 

Number  of  native  teachers 177  47 

Number  of  other  native  helpers. ! 63 

Total  number  of  native  workers 512  143 

Grand  total  of  foreign  and  native  workers 689  170 

III.  The  Churches. 

Number  of  churches  organized 385  100 

Number  of  communicants 16,250  2,665 

Number  of  probable  adherents 49,512  6,735 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


301 


ABSTRACT  FROM  REPORT — CONTINUED. 


IV.  The  Schools. 

Number  of  training  and  theological  schools 

Number  of  students  in  same 

Number  of  boarding-schools  and  orphanages 

Number  of  pupils  in  same 

Number  of  common  schools 

Number  of  pupils  in  same 

Total  number  under  instruction 

Number  of  Sunday-schools 

Number  of  Sunday-school  teachers  and  officers 

Number  of  Sunday-school  scholars 

Total  membership  of  Sunday-schools 

V.  Publishing  Interests. 

Number  of  publishing-houses 

Number  of  papers  issued 

Pages  of  all  kinds  of  religious  literature  issued  since 
the  establishment  of  your  press 

VI.  Properties. 

Number  of  church  buildings 

Approximate  value  of  same  (including  furniture) 

Number  of  parsonages 

Approximate  value  of  same  (including  society  furniture) 

Number  of  educational  buildings 

Approximate  value  of  same  (including  furniture  and 

utensils) 

Value  of  publishing  outfit 

Total  value  of  all  missionary  property 

VII.  Historic  and  Personal. 

How  many  martyrs,  if  any,  has  your  mission  had  ? 

Place  and  date  of  such  martyrdom? 


Total  of 

Methodist 

Protestant 

Missions. 

Episcopal 

Missions. 

7 

l 

88 

5 

23 

4 

715 

125 

164 

49 

6,533 

2,703 

7,336 

2,833 

347 

45 

694 

90 

9,814 

10,508 

1,797 

1,887 

5 

1 

11 

3 

75,197,885 

35,197,885 

118 

23 

$391,675 

$84,575 

45 

19 

$158,835 

$110,925 

31 

8 

$256,940 

$93,490 

$36,850 

$18,000 

$844,300 

$306,990 

58 

1 

58  1 

...*  t 


The  last  item  but  one,  that  of  the  martyrdom  of  our  preachers 
and  people,  developed  the  deepest  feeling  in  our  Assembly.  The 
time  and  place  where  these  cruel  deeds  were  done  is  stated  in 
the  foot-note  of  the  table,  and  makes  the  dreadful  showing  that 
an  average  of  one  murder  every  three  months  had  been  inflicted 
upon  our  Protestant  missions  from  1873  up  to  the  period  of 
holding  that  General  Assembly.  One  of  these  was  an  American 

* One  foreigner  and  57  Mexicans:  Martyrs — 4 at  Capalhuac  in  Holy  Week,  1873; 
2 at  Ahualuleo,  March,  1874;  15  at  Acapulco,  1874;  2 at  Tlalquiltenango,  1876;  1 
at  Guadalajara,  1876 ; 25atAtzala,  1878;  1 at  San  Jose,  1879  ; 1 at  Salatitlan,  1880 ; 
1 at  Apizaco,  1881;  1 at  Progresso,  1881  ; 2 at  Almoloya,  1884;  2 at  Ahuacatitlan, 
1887,  and  1 at  Comalcaleo,  1887.  f Brother  Monroy  at  Apizaco. 


302 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


missionary ; the  rest,  fifty-seven  in  number,  were  Mexicans, 
either  preachers  or  members.  One  word  of  condemnation  or 
reproof  from  Archbishop  Labastida  would  have  prevented  these 
unprovoked  atrocities,  but  that  word  was  never  spoken  to  his 
dying  hour  last  year,  and  the  cruel  fanatics  presumed  that  his 
silence  meant  consent  for  their  deeds.  Most  of  the  cases  were 
atrocious  to  the  last  degree.  The  Rev.  John  L.  Stephens 
(whose  picture  is  here  given)  was  sent  out  by  the  American 
Board  in  October,  1872,  to  Guadalajara.  lie  was  a man  of 
noble  character  and  devoted  to  his  work.  On  Sunday  night, 
March  2,  1871,  after  preaching  at  Ahualulco,  lie  was  attacked 
by  a party  of  fanatics,  who  broke  into  the  place  and  assassinated 
him  and  one  of  his  native  preachers. 

Another  case  we  speak  of  from  personal  knowledge.  He 
was  one  of  our  native  ministers,  the  Rev.  Epigmenio  Monroy, 
stationed  at  Apizaco.  This  man  was  characterized  as  being  of 
an  unusually  sweet  spirit,  avoiding  controversy  as  far  as  possible, 
and  loving  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  its  experimental  blessedness, 
lie  had  opened  a station  at  Santa  Ana,  about  three  miles  from 
Apizaco,  and  one  night  (April  8,  1881)  on  returning  late  after 
holding  the  service,  he  was  followed  and  left  for  dead  on  the 
side  of  the  road,  terribly  mangled.  Sometime  after  his  groans 
attracted  the  attention  of  some  travelers,  who  found  him  lying 
in  his  blood  in  the  darkness.  They  revived  him  till  he  could 
tell  them  where  he  lived,  when  they  kindly  bore  him  into 
Apizaco.  Medical  help  was  called,  but  it  was  too  late,  his  life 
was  fast  ebbing  away ; he  had  only  time  and  strength  to  bless 
his  family  and  bid  them  farewell.  The  Christ-like  spirit  of  the 
man  was  still  in  full  possession  of  him.  lie  requested  his 
family  not  to  prosecute  his  murderers  in  case  they  should  be 
discovered,  he  had  forgiven  them,  and,  feebly  lifting  his  hands 
and  looking  up  to  heaven,  he  threw  the  last  energies  of  his  life 
into  the  prayer,  “ Father,  forgive  them,  they  know  not  what 
they  do!”  His  head  rested  down  on  his  bosom,  and  he  was 
gone ! Surely  it  may  be  asked,  What  more  has  the  Christian 
religion  done  for  men  anywhere  in  making  them  Christ-like 


* 


RFV.  J.  L.  STEPHENS,  CONGREGATIONAL  .MISSIONARY, 

Martyred  at  Ahualulco,  March,  1874 


REV.  EPIGMENIO  MOXROY.  NATIVE  METHODIST  MINISTER, 

Martyred  near  Apizaco,  April  8,  1881. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


303 


than  it  did  for  this  humble  minister,  whose  mangled  remains  we 
laid  to  rest  in  the  sure  and  certain  hope  of  a glorious  resurrec- 
tion ? At  the  Annual  Conference  his  brethren,  by  whom  he 
was  greatly  beloved,  out  of  their  scant  allowances  united  to 
place  a little  monument  over  the  grave  of  this  proto-martyr  of 
the  Methodist  Church  in  Mexico.  "We  present  a picture  here 
of  this  good  and  devoted  native  Methodist  preacher. 

"We  Americans  have  been  also  the  objects  of  this  malicious- 
ness, but  the  fanatics  are  more  afraid  to  strike  us  in  view  of 
the  closer  guardianship  which  the  government  is  able  to  extend 
to  us,  and  of  the  fact  that  we  occupy  centers  where  the  police 
care  is  more  effective.  For  the  first  year  or  two  we  were  ex- 
posed to  their  hostility,  and  some  of  them  imagined  that  if  we 
were  only  struck  down  the  cause  would  die.  But  the  govern- 
ment knew  our  danger  better  than  we  did,  and  was  constantly 
on  the  lookout  for  our  safety,  giving  us  useful  cautions  from 
time  to  time.  From  the  press  and  the  pulpit,  and  in  episcopal 
edicts  put  up  on  church  doors,  we  and  our  work  were  held  up 
to  public  hatred.  Some  of  our  churches  have  been  desecrated 
and  burned.  Threats  of  all  kinds  have  been  hurled  at  us  and 
our  doom  said  to  be  decided  upon.  On  the  9tli  of  Decem- 
ber, 1873,  the  oldest  of  our  native  helpers  informed  me  that  he 
had  reason  to  believe  (I  understood  from  government  intima- 
tion) that  a body  of  these  fanatics  had  been  banded  together  to 
accomplish  the  assassination  of  all  the  Protestant  ministers, 
American  and  native,  in  the  city  of  Mexico — a “ Saint  Bar- 
tholomew’s Day  ” on  their  own  account.  But  the  government 
was  quietly  vigilant,  and  had  intimated  to  some  of  the  leaders 
that  they  were  aware  of  their  purpose,  and  threatened  punish- 
ment if  we  were  injured.  Thus  we  were  left  unharmed. 

The  tactics  pursued  by  the  enemies  of  evangelical  faith  in 
Mexico  are  identical  with  those  followed  by  Romanists  else- 
where. They  try  first  to  terrorize,  then  to  deny  our  religious 
belief,  then  they  malign  our  morality  ; and  when  they  have  thus 
depreciated  us,  and  inoculated  their  ignorant  dupes  with  this 
virus  of  malice  and  hatred,  the  step  is  a short  one  for  these  to 


304 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


think  that  to  kill  would  be  doing  God  service.  Even  if  the 
blow  is  not  struck  their  course  answers  its  first  purpose,  to  keep 
the  people  away  from  Gospel  instructions  and  from  the  read- 
ing of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  From  this  source  come  the  cruel 
names  which  they  bestow  upon  us.  We  are  not  only  “ here- 
tics,” but  “children  of  Satan,”  and  are  assured  by  the  pope  (in 
his  encyclical  of  November  9,  184G)  that  “ It  is  certain  that 
every  one  who  does  not  preserve  the  Roman  faith  entire  will 
he  utterly  and  eternally  lost,”  and  that  bishops  must  inculcate 
unity  with  the  Catholic  Church,  “ out  of  which  there  is  no  sal- 
vation, and  obedience  toward  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  on  which 
the  whole  structure  of  our  most  holy  religion  reposes.”  No 
wonder  they  fear  the  reading  of  the  Bible,  where  not  one  word 
can  be  found  to  sustain  this  assumption.  They  even  dare  to 
justify  their  cruelties  toward  evangelical  Christians  in  the  fol- 
lowing language : 

The  Church  or  Christian  princes  are  not  blamed  for  putting  heretics  to 
death.  The  hlood  of  heretics  is  not  the  Hood  of  saints , no  more  than  the 
blood  of  thieves,  man-killers,  and  other  malefactors — for  the  shedding  of 
which  blood  by  the  order  of  justice  no  commonwealth  shall  answer.* 

Let  it  be  observed  that  this  murderous  language  is  not  the 
utterance  of  some  obscure  writer,  but  is  the  rule  laid  down  by 
a leading  theologian  of  their  Church,  and  copied  into  the  stand- 
ard work  of  Peter  Dens,  that  manual  of  divinity  in  which  vile 
and  intolerant  system  the  majority  of  her  priests  are  trained. 

The  deeds  of  cruelty  done  in  Mexico  have  not  helped  them. 
The  thoughtful  people  of  the  land  condemn  the  idea  that,  to 
gratify  clerical  malice,  Protestants  are  to  be  “ counted  as  sheep 
for  the  slaughter,”  and  are  determined  that  this  shame  must 
terminate.  We  will  ever  remember  the  interview  with  Presi- 
dent Diaz  on  the  occasion  of  the  assassination  of  some  of  our 
native  brethren  at  Atzala.  After  expressing  his  deep  sorrow  at 
the  atrocities  and  assuring  us  that  religious  freedom  would  be 
vindicated,  that  the  government  was  ready  at  any  hour  to  de- 

* Rhenish  Test.,  annot.  upon  Rev.  xvii,  6. 


MEXICO  IX  TRANSITION. 


305 


fend  our  people  in  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution, 
President  Diaz  assured  us  that  not  only  the  government  but 
also  the  Congress  and  people  generally  all  over  the  land  were 
as  indignant  as  we  were  over  these  instances  of  Romish  intol- 
erance ; and  he  earnestly  deprecated  the  idea  that  people  out- 
side should  judge  their  nation  by  these  instances  of  the  rage 
and  cruelty  of  their  Church  and  its  fanatical  agents. 

The  president  then  made  a remark  that  at  first  surprised  us 
all.  It  was  to  this  effect : 

You  are  greatly  depressed  and  discouraged  over  what  has  now  occurred, 
and  I do  not  wonder;  but  if  you  knew  this  country  as  I know  it  you 
would  feel  differently. 

lie  saw  our  surprise  and  then  proceeded  to  explain  : 

I have  seen  this  land  as  none  of  you  ever  saw  it,  in  degradation,  with 
every  thing  in  the  line  of  toleration  and  freedom  to  learn.  I have 
watched  its  rise  and  progress  to  a better  condition.  We  are  not  yet  all 
we  ought  to  be  and  hope  to  be ; but  we  are  not  what  we  once  were.  We 
have  risen  as  a people,  and  are  rising  now  faster  than  ever.  My  advice  is, 
do  not  be  discouraged.  Keep  on  with  your  work,  avoiding  topics  of  irri- 
tation and  preaching  your  Gospel  in  its  own  spirit,  and  believe  me  that 
twenty  years  hence  religious  murders  will  have  ceased  in  Mexico  and  our 
people  will  be  rejoicing  in  the  peace  and  toleration  which  our  Constitution 
guarantees  to  all  without  distinction. 

The  words  of  the  worthy  president  have  already  become 
true.  Long  within  the  twenty  years  anticipated  these  murders 
have  ceased  and  people  are  willing,  beyond  all  former  expe- 
rience, to  hear  us  for  our  cause.  Blood-stains — even  though 
only  “ the  blood  of  heretics  ” — are  no  longer  considered  excus- 
able or  endurable  on  the  clerical  escutcheon.  Popular  con- 
demnation (and,  let  us  hope,  the  priestly  conscience  as  well) 
has  become  opposed  to  it.  The  warning  of  our  Quaker  poet, 
uttered  in  1871,  when  the  pope  issued  a second  call  to  Romish 
nations  to  come  to  his  aid  and  crush  and  drive  out  Italians  and 
King  Victor  from  their  capital,  has  sunk  deep  into  the  souls  of 
men:  “Woe  be  to  the  Church  which  mingles  human  blood 
with  her  wine  of  sacrament  and  breaks  the  peace  of  God 
21 


306 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


among  men  ! It  is  again  true  that  “ the  more  they  oppressed 
them  the  more  they  multiplied  and  grew.”  Some  time  since  I 
was  delighted  to  hear  from  the  secretary  of  the  American 
Board  that  the  very  man  who  held  the  torch  to  enable  the  mur- 
derers of  Brother  Stephens  to  do  their  work  has  beeu  converted 
and  is  now  devoted  to  the  cause  which  he  once  destroyed. 

The  table  of  statistics  on  page  300  shows  that,  in  spite  of  this 
great  fight  of  afflictions,  our  work  has  wonderfully  prospered 
and  that  we  are  doubling  our  numbers,  on  the  average,  about 
every  eight  years.  In  twenty  years  there  have  been  raised 
up  111  native  ordained  ministers,  161  unordained,  and  a total 
of  512  native  workers,  with  16,250  communicants  and  49,512 
adherents  in  469  congregations.  Who,  after  this,  need  doubt 
whether  Roman  Catholics  can  he  converted  to  evangelical  Chris- 
tianity ? Thank  God  for  the  faithfulness  of  our  Mexican 
converts  ! 

During  this  recent  visit  to  Mexico  we  went  again  to  see 
the  cemeteries  of  Guadalupe  and  of  San  Fernando,  symbol- 
izing as  they  do  the  past  and  the  future  of  Mexico  and  the 
great  change  she  has  experienced.  What  a rush  of  memories 
came  over  us  as  we  stood  by  the  monument  that  covers  the 
grave  of  Santa  Anna,  just  inside  the  gate  of  the  Guadalupe 
cemetery  ! Of  all  his  desperate  movements,  the  last — at  Yera 
Cruz,  in  1867 — seems  to  have  been  the  most  pregnant  with 
evil  for  his  country.  What  a chapter  of  political  ruin  and 
ecclesiastical  domination  he  might  have  added  to  the  history  of 
Mexico  if  the  commander  of  the  Tacony  had  not  interposed  ! 
About  two  years  after  his  return  from  exile,  under  the  general 
amnesty  granted  by  Juarez,  we  saw  him  in  Mexico  city.  Ex- 
Governor  Brown,  of  Georgia,  and  some  of  his  friends  were 
visiting  in  Mexico.  They  expressed  a desire  to  have  an  inter- 
view with  the  old  dictator.  The  visit  was  arranged,  and  we  ac- 
companied these  friends.  Santa  Anna  had  not  yet  had  his  prop- 
erty restored,  and  was  living  in  an  obscure  street,  neglected  and 
forgotten  by  all  parties.  He  seemed  gratified  that  Americans 
should  desire  to  see  him.  On  entering  the  apartment  we  found 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


307 


the  old  man  sitting  on  a sofa,  behind  which  hung  the  life-size 
picture  of  his  wife,  “her  serene  highness,  Dolores  Tosta  de 
Santa  Anna,”  arrayed  as  a vice-queen.  The  magnificence  of 
the  painting  contrasted  sadly  with  the  poverty-stricken  aspect 
of  the  room  and  furniture.  To  him,  however,  this  could  make 
but  little  difference,  as  we  soon  saw  that  he  was  totally  blind  as 
well  as  feeble  and  broken  in  spirit,  with  a tendency  to  mental 
weakness.  He  did  nearly  all  the  talking,  and  frequently  re- 
ferred to  his  interview  with  General  Jackson,  and  of  his  being 
sent  home  on  a United  States  war  vessel,  which  he  took  care 
to  emphasize  as  a mark  of  high  respect  to  himself.  He  was 
still  the  vain  and  self-seeking  Santa  Anna  ! 

We  sat  before  him  in  a semicircle  and  surveyed  a man  who 
had  probably  more  history  in  him  at  eighty  years  of  age  than 
any  other  person  on  this  continent ; one  who  had  been  the 
ready  instrument  of  clerical  despotism,  firmly  resolved  to  keep 
the  Bible  and  religious  freedom  out  of  his  native  land,  but 
who  had  failed  in  every  point.  God  had  overthrown  him  and 
his  purposes,  and  here  were  missionaries  sitting  before  him  en- 
tirely unconcerned  whether  he  was  vexed  or  not  that  the  Bible 
and  evangelical  Christianity  were  where  he  had  intended  that 
they  should  never  come.  He  had  every  opportunity  to  make 
himself  the  Washington  or  Cromwell  of  his  country,  but 
proved  that  he  was  incapable  of  being  a true  reformer.  Instead 
of  this  the  amazing  record  that  he  built  up  seems  matchless  in 
modern  history.  It  was  recalled  the  more  vividly  by  the  pict- 
ure behind  him.  Curtis  has  well  epitomized  the  facts  which 
in  this  presence  were  made  all  the  more  expressive : 

It  created  a sensation  in  Mexico  when  the  pretty  peon  girl  Dolores 
Tosta  was  suddenly  raised  from  abject  poverty  to  affluence.  Santa  Anna 
was  President  of  Mexico  three  years  before  she  was  born ; she  was  married 
to  him  when  she  was  only  thirteen.  He  was  then  a military  dictator, 
sleeping  on  his  sword,  beset  with  constant  perils.  In  six  months  he  had 
lost  his  leg  and  got  into  a Texas  prison.  For  twenty  years  her  life  was 
spent  in  a camp,  surrounded  by  the  whirl  of  warfare.  Her  husband  was 
five  times  President  of  Mexico  and  four  times  military  dictator  in  abso- 


308 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


lute  power,  and  in  his  reckless  career  had  upset  some  fifteen  governments 
of  his  country.  He  was  banished,  recalled,  and  again  banished.  She 
has  seen  much  “ glory  ” and  received  unlimited  adulation,  but  she  hardly 
ever  enjoyed  one  thoroughly  peaceful  month  in  all  her  life. 

So  far  Curtis  is  correct,  but  he  errs  in  supposing  that  their 
career  ended  in  exile.  Here  they  were,  having  been  permitted, 
on  their  petition,  by  the  republican  government,  to  return  and 
die  in  their  native  land.  That  government,  consolidated  and 
strong,  had  nothing  more  to  fear  from  this  traitor  or  his  allies, 
and  the  public  had  left  them  to  sink  into  the  neglect  and  ob- 
scurity in  which  we  found  them. 

A short  time  after  Santa  Anna  died,  at  the  age  of  eighty-four. 
The  account  of  the  funeral  is  dreary  enough,  “only  a few 
prominent  individuals  following  the  funeral  cortege”  to  the 
cemetery  of  “ the  most  Holy  Virgin  of  Guadalupe.”  True  to  his 
habit,  he  made  a modification  of  his  title  to  be  cut  on  the  white 
marble  monument  (to  which  her  name  and  title  were  added 
ten  years  after).  W e thought  it  interesting  enough  to  be  copied 
exactly  as  it  appears  : 

Exceleutfsimo 

Sr  Gral  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Ana. 

Junio  21  de  1876. 


Serenfsima  Sora 

Dolores  Tosta  de  Santa  Ana. 
Agdsto  11  de  1886. 

R.  I.  P. 


The  translation  is : 


Most  Excellent 

General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna. 


Most  Serene  Madame 
Dolores  Tosta  de  Santa  Anna. 


Truly  it  might  be  said  that  this  man  was  as  whimsical  in 
death  as  in  life  and  character,  in  view  of  certain  solemn  obsequies 
that  transpired  in  another  locality  and  of  another  monument  that 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


309 


was  erected  years  before.  It  might  be  said  that  he  was  buried 
in  sections,  while,  unfortunately  for  his  fame,  the  pomp  and 
ceremonial  came  at  the  wrong  end  of  his  career.  A public 
funeral  was  decreed  for  his  “Christian  leg,”  while  the  rest  of 
him  was  interred  almost  in  privacy  and  without  ceremonial. 

If  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  is  all  that  his  clerical  guides 
taught  Santa  Anna  to  believe,  then  even  he  may  have  a chance, 
for  he  served  her  well  in  his  way  and  placed  himself  under  her 
protection  at  the  last.  But  if  not — if  this  “ holy  image  of  the 
mother  of  God  ” is  but  a myth  and  will  not  be  beside  that 
judgment  throne  to  own  and  shelter  her  devotees — what  an 
awaking  must  be  that  of  the  man  who  lies  here,  in  view  of  the 
miseries  inflicted  upon  Mexico  during  the  forty  years  of  his 
more  active  life  ! 

It  was  pleasant  to  turn  from  this  pathetic  example  of  Mex- 
ico’s degraded  past  to  the  Panteon  de  San  Fernando,  the  rest- 
ing-place of  many  of  her  illustrious  dead.  Most  prominent  and 
rising  above  them  all  stands  the  worthy  monument  of  “the 
Washington  of  Mexico,”  Benito  Juarez.  He  died  on  the  19th 
of  July,  1872,  aged  sixty-six  years,  and  his  ever-grateful  country 
erected  this  rich  tribute  above  his  grave. 


It  is  a tomb  the  most  exacting  soul  might  envy.  As  a work  of  art  it  is 
fine  indeed,  but  as  the  tribute  of  an  Indian  sculptor  to  the  great  Indian 
statesman  it  is  magnificently  impressive.  Out  beyond  the  Alameda  in  the 
Panteon  of  San  Fernando  is  the  resting-place  of  many  of  Mexico’s  illustri- 
ous dead,  and  the  eternal  fitness  of  things  in  God’s  acre  is  kept  when  the 
richest  tribute  that  sculpture  could  bring  rises  above  the  grave  of  Juarez. 
This  monument  is  the  work  of  Manuel  Islas,  who  has  succeeded  in  the 
most  difficult  of  all  fields.  The  unvarying  testimony  of  those  who  visit 
the  cemetery  might  be  quoted  in  proof  of  this  claim,  and  certainly  no 
monumental  effort  in  the  United  States  tells  such  a story  of  heroic  grief 
or  so  immortalizes  the  dignified  emotion  of  a nation.  A small  but  well- 
proportioned  Grecian  temple,  surrounded  by  rows  of  columns,  contains 
the  commemorative  group  of  spotless  marble,  the  dead  president  lying  at 
full  length  with  his  head  supported  on  the  knee  of  a female  figure  repre- 
senting Mexico.  It  is  the  most  simple  and  natural  thing  in  the  world, 
after  it  is  done;  and  yet  the  United  States  has  scarcely  a memorial  of  dead 


310 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


greatness  that  does  not  seem  conventional  and  strained  beside  it,  scarcely 
one  in  any  degree  so  good  in  its  technical  qualities,  or  so  satisfying  as  a 
work  of  art. 

Summer  and  winter  this  magnificent  tomb  is  fragrant  with 
the  floral  offerings  laid  upon  it  by  his  grateful  countrymen. 
Around  him,  in  this  Westminster  Abbey  of  Mexico,  lie — 
sharing  his  honor  and  the  glory  of  his  success — such  heroes  as 
Generals  Arteaga  and  Salazar,  and  many  others,  who  struggled 
and  died  to  secure  to  Mexico  the  glorious  future  on  the  thresh- 
old of  which  she  stands  to-day. 

Under  the  gentle  influence  of  that  “timely  silence”  which 
falls  on  all  who  approach  this  tomb  of  Mexico’s  greatest  states- 
man-patriot and  the  resting-places  of  many  others  of  her  noble 
heroes,  one  feels  instinctively  that  there  may  not  be  on  earth  a 
spot  where  the  adaptation  of  those  wonderful  words  of  our  own 
martyr-president  might  be  more  justly  admitted : 

The  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here  have  consecrated  it 
far  above  our  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long 
remember,  what  we  say  here;  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did  here. 
It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedicated  here  to  the  unfinished  work 
which  they  who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather 
for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us,  that 
from  these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for 
which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion;  that  we  here  highly 
resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain;  that  this  nation,  under 
God,  shall  have  a new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  the  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth. 

Before  we  left  Mexico  there  occurred  a significant  event  which 
presented  a providential  response  to  the  vaporing  of  Louis  Na- 
poleon when  lie  tried  to  interfere  with  American  affairs  under 
the  pretense  of  securing  on  this  continent  “a  career  for  the  Latin 
race  and  its  civilization, ’’which  he  alleged  was  “ to  be  the  glory 
of  his  reign  ” and  “the  most  beneficent  event  of  the  nineteenth 
century.”  I refer  to  the  memorial  services  of  the  Emperor 
William  of  Germany.  Next  to  those  in  Berlin  it  may  be  safe 
to  say  that  those  so  grandly  solemnized  in  the  city  of  Mexico 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


311 


were  among  the  most  significant.  The  lesson  was  so  marked 
that  we  need  not  wonder  that  the  papal  party  in  Mexico  re- 
sented the  honor  being  conferred  upon  the  memory  of  the  man 
who  with  such  Teutonic  and  Protestant  candor  and  courage 
could  so  ably  brush  aside  the  hollow  pretenses  and  antiquated 
claims  of  Pius  IX.  when  he  ventured  so  adroitly  to  impose 
them  upon  the  emperor’s  acceptance.  Nor  is  it  strange  that  in 
the  capital  of  Mexico  memorial  services  should  be  held  for  the 
grand  man  who  laid  low  the  “ eldest  son  of  the  Church  ” and 
all  his  projects,  thus  avenging  the  wrongs  which  Louis  Napoleon 
inflicted  on  Mexico ! It  was  gall  and  wormwood  to  the  cleri- 
cal party  that  the  memory  of  the  great  Protestant  sovereign  of 
the  land  of  Luther  and  of  the  glorious  Reformation  should  he 
thus  honored  in  the  city  of  Mexico  and  in  the  presence  of  its 
government.  In  this  respect  it  was  also  the  grandest  hour  for 
the  evangelical  faith  that  Mexico  up  to  that  date  had  wit- 
nessed. From  an  account  which  we  prepared  at  the  time  we 
present  the  facts  of  this  extraordinary  event. 

On  Friday  morning,  March  9, 1888,  when  the  telegram  arrived 
announcing  the  death  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  the  Rev.  J. 
W.  Butler,  in  charge  of  our  mission  in  Mexico  city,  went  at  once 
to  wait  upon  the  German  embassador  and  the  consul  to  express 
our  sympathy  and  offer  the  use  of  our  church  for  any  memorial 
services  which  they  might  desire  to  hold.  The  Germans  have 
no  church  of  their  own  in  Mexico,  and  on  several  occasions 
have  gratefully  accepted  the  use  of  our  edifice.  Both  minister 
and  consul  expressed  themselves  as  most  thankful  for  the  kind 
spirit  shown  by  our  American  mission  in  this  offer  to  place  our 
church  at  their  disposal.  They  arranged  at  once  to  call  together 
the  heads  of  the  German  colony  (residents  in  Mexico  city)  for 
consultation,  and  to  communicate  with  the  pastor  without 
delay.  Within  a few  hours  the  colony  had  been  consulted 
and  their  measures  taken,  and  the  committee  appointed  came 
to  express  their  gratitude  and  arrange  a programme.  Monday 
evening  at  five  o’clock  was  their  preference.  By  early  after- 
noon on  Saturday  their  invitations,  printed  on  heavily  bordered 


312 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


mourning-paper,  in  Spanish,  were  ready.  They  bore  the  coat 
of  arms  of  the  German  empire,  and  read  as  follows : u The 
German  minister,  in  his  name,  and  in  that  of  the  German  col- 
ony, has  the  honor  to  invite  you  to  the  religious  ceremony 
which,  occasioned  by  the  death  of  his  majesty  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  will  take  place  Monday,  March  12,  at  five  o’clock  in 
the  afternoon,  in  the  temple  on  Gante  Street.”  The  word 
temple  is  used  for  all  places  of  worship  in  Mexico. 

This  invitation  was  sent  to  General  Diaz,  the  president  of 
the  republic,  to  the  members  of  his  cabinet,  to  the  foreign  em- 
bassadors and  consuls  and  the  members  of  their  respective 
staffs,  and  also  to  the  governor  of  the  federal  district  and  the 
various  officials,  civil  and  military,  in  the  capital,  as  well  as  the 
gentlemen  and  ladies  of  the  German,  English,  and  American 
colonies,  and  others.  The  editors  of  the  leading  papers  were 
also  invited. 

Meanwhile  the  leading  decorator  of  the  city  had  been  called 
and  instruction  given  him  by  the  Germans  to  decorate  our 
church  suitably,  regardless  of  expense,  for  the  high  and  solemn 
occasion.  With  a little  army  of  assistants  he  commenced  his 
labors  at  daylight  on  Saturday  and  worked  till  midnight,  re- 
suming again  early  Monday  morning,  and  had  all  ready  one  hour 
before  the  time  for  commencement  of  the  services  on  Monday 
afternoon.  The  handsome  audience-room  •was  a suitable  back- 
ground for  the  rich  adorning  with  which  they  draped  its  pil- 
lars, cornices,  arches,  and  balconies.  This  is  truly  the  land  of 
flowers,  and  the  fullest  use  was  made  of  their  magnificence  to 
add  to  every  other  charm  of  the  place.  The  gorgeous  tropical 
plants  were  intertwined  with  the  floral  decorations,  making  a 
sight  in  themselves  alone  worth  a journey  to  see  and  enjoy. 
Then  the  festoons  of  flowers  were  carried  around,  above,  upon 
the  arches  and  cornices,  and  the  wreaths  were  hung  under  the 
center  of  the  arches  and  upon  each  pillar.  The  flowers  used 
were  those  which  were  appropriate,  white  roses  and  violets 
preponderating  largely. 

The  flags  and  shields  with  the  German  arms  were  then  placed 


INTERIOR  OF  THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH,  CITY  OF  MEXICO, 

Formerly  a.  part  of  the  Sau  Frameiscau  monastery. 


MEXICO  IN  TRxVNSITION. 


313 


in  position,  and  the  long  bannerets,  with  spheres  of  silver  crys- 
tal, were  suspended  from  the  roof  above.  Black  crape  was 
gracefully  draped  every-where,  and  all  the  ornamentation  was  ap- 
propriate to  the  occasion.  Black  cloth  hung  from  the  balconies 
all  around  the  church.  But  it  was  upon  the  pulpit  and  commun- 
ion rails  that  their  chief  skill  was  employed.  Upon  the  pulpit 
platform  near  the  wall  rose  a white  pedestal  draped,  on  the  top 
of  which  rested  a bust  (life-size)  of  the  dead  emperor,  supported 
by  a cushion  of  flowers.  Behind  the  pedestal  and  bust  hung 
down,  some  eight  feet  in  length,  a rich  drapery  of  black  velvet, 
studded  with  silver  stars.  The  pulpit  was  draped  with  black 
velvet  and  silver  trimmings,  as  were  the  communion  rails,  and 
illuminated  by  small  chandeliers,  bearing  wax  tapers.  The 
kneeling-step  was  overlaid  with  the  leaves  of  the  rubber-tree, 
their  shining  green  contrasting  beautifully  with  the  black  and 
silver  above  them.  On  the  communion  table  a superb  im- 
perial crown  of  roses  rested  on  a rich  cushion  of  white  rose- 
buds. In  front  of  the  rails  hung  a large  wreath  formed  of  blue 
corn-flower  (the  emperor’s  favorite  flower),  with  his  monogram 
“ W ” filling  the  center.  This  was  a gift  of  affection  sent  by  a 
Swiss  lady  and  gentleman,  and  was  regarded  as  the  gem  of  all 
the  floral  decorations.  The  perfume  of  the  lovely  flowers  rose 
on  the  air  of  the  church  as  nature’s  own  incense,  making  the  at- 
mosphere redolent  with  their  fragrance.* 

Anxious  to  illuminate  the  church  to  the  highest  degree  pos- 
sible, the  committee  had  some  electric  lights  put  up  on  Mon- 
day, to  be  additional  to  the  illumination  given  by  our  own 
reflector,  and  when  all  was  laid  on  the  flood  of  splendor  which 
filled  the  sacred  edifice  was  beyond  any  light  that  ever  shone 
there  since  it  was  erected.  The  rich  stone  carvings  and  har- 
mony of  the  several  parts,  added  to  the  effect  of  the  decorations, 

* To  enable  the  reader  more  fully  to  realize  the  beauty  of  this  scene  we  introduce 
here  a photographic  view  of  the  interior  of  our  church.  The  decorations  shown 
have  nothing  to  do  with  our  present  description.  They  are  the  usual  embellish- 
ments put  in  by  our  people  to  celebrate  the  birthday  of  their  great  president, 
whose  portrait  hangs  behind  the  pulpit. 


314 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


were  brought  out  so  distinctly  by  the  brilliancy  as  to  attract  the 
general  admiration  of  tlie  audience.  It  was,  altogether,  a sight 
never  to  be  forgotten  by  those  who  gazed  upon  it. 

Ho  superstitious  symbols  were  introduced  to  mar  the  simple 
and  natural  beauty  of  the  scene ; nothing  out  of  harmony  with 
the  sincerity  and  reverence  which  was  intended  to  be  expressed. 
Seats  in  front  near  the  pulpit  were  reserved  for  the  government 
officials  and  the  diplomatic  corps  and  their  ladies.  The  ladies 
of  the  German  colony,  in  full  mourning  costume,  were  seated 
on  the  right  hand  of  the  pulpit  and  down  that  side  of  the 
house,  while  the  Mexican  orchestra  of  forty-five  pieces,  and  the 
Orpheon,  or  German  Choral  Society,  occupied  the  other  side 
of  the  pulpit  on  a platform  provided  for  them.  The  general 
audience  filled  the  center  behind  the  legations,  and  overflowed 
back  into  the  chapel,  the  windows  of  which  were  lowered  so  as 
to  make  one  audience  of  the  whole  assembly.  The  Part  id o 
Liberal , in  its  report,  estimates  the  number  present  at  over  one 
thousand  persons.  Many  senators  and  deputies  of  the  Congress, 
heads  of  departments,  and  members  of  various  societies  and 
clubs  and  business  organizations  were  in  the  audience. 

At  ten  minutes  past  five  o’clock  nearly  all  had  arrived.  The 
reserved  seats  in  front  were  occupied  by  the  embassadors  of 
England,  France,  the  United  States,  Spain,  Belgium,  Italy,  and 
other  countries,  with  their  secretaries  and  consuls,  most  of  them 
in  splendid  uniforms,  while  a few  of  the  leading  diplomates  wore 
on  their  breasts  the  orders  of  merit  or  honor  which  had  been 
conferred  upon  them.  A few  chairs  in  the  front  row  still 
awaited  their  occupants.  Soon  a slight  buzz  was  heard,  and 
Baron  Uon  Wacker  Gotter,  the  German  minister,  appeared  at 
the  entrance,  escorting  his  excellency  the  President  of  Mexico, 
who  was  accompanied  by  the  members  of  his  cabinet,  with  sev- 
eral generals  of  division  in  full  uniform.  The  entire  audience 
rose  to  receive  them  with  due  honor. 

As  soon  as  these  were  seated  the  services  commenced  by  the 
orchestra  rendering  the  solemn  strains  of  Chopin’s  “Funeral 
March.”  After  this  came  the  Kreutzer  andante,  “La  Cha- 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


315 


pelle,”  sung  with  deep  feeling  and  expression  by  the  German 
Orpheon.  The  Rev.  John  W.  Butler,  pastor  of  the  church, 
then  rose  and  read  the  Scripture  lesson,  from  the  fifteenth  chap- 
ter of  First  Corinthians.  And  well,  and  with  proper  emphasis, 
did  he  render  St.  Paul’s  glorious  doctrine  of  the  resurrection 
of  the  dead.  The  seraphic  faces,  sculptured  in  the  stone  over 
each  of  the  twelve  pillars  above,  seemed  as  though  looking 
down  upon  the  reader  and  the  audience  as  his  voice  resounded 
among  these  old  monastic  arches,  which  suggested  the  dissimilar 
scenes  which  they  had  echoed  in  the  days  of  yore,  till  the  center 
of  that  assembly  seemed  to  be  that  magnificent  open  Bible,  now 
and  henceforth  unbound  and  free  in  Mexico.  I wonder  not 
that  the  reporter  of  El  Nacional , a clerical  journal,  in  his  ac- 
count of  the  service,  innocently  remarks,  referring  to  that  sacred 
volume,  “ which  we  suppose  was  the  Bible  of  Luther.” 

As  I sat  there  and  looked  out  upon  the  wonderful  and 
brilliant  scene  I seemed  lost  in  astonishment  at  the  contrast 
which  it  presented  to  the  time,  fifteen  years  before,  when  I first 
entered  this  building.  It  had  been  purchased  from  the  govern- 
ment some  time  previously  and  fitted  up  as  a theater.  The 
company  had  failed,  and  we  bought  it  from  them  in  1873.  Its 
condition  then  was  simply  indescribable — dark,  dirty,  and  reek- 
ing with  the  fumes  of  tobacco.  This  added  to  the  darkness,  for 
the  daylight  was  purposely  excluded  so  as  to  depend  entirely  on 
the  gas-lights  for  their  effects. 

Such,  too,  was  the  bigotry  of  that  time  that  I had  difficulty  to 
find  men  who  were  then  willing  to  work  for  Protestants ; so  I 
stood  amid  that  gloom  and  defilement  wondering  how  I could 
evolve  light  and  cleanliness  and  beauty  out  of  such  a state  of 
things.  But  I knew  the  beauty  was  there,  though  hidden,  and 
that  it  could  be  brought  out. 

Row,  here  I was,  fifteen  years  after,  looking,  as  the  redeemed 
often  do,  at  “ the  hole  of  the  pit  whence  they  have  been  digged,” 
conscious  that  but  few  eyes  besides  my  own  in  all  that  bri  ght 
assembly  before  me  had  looked  upon  the  disorder,  ruin,  and  chaos 
out  of  which  this  present  vision  of  light  and  loveliness  had  risen. 


316 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


I also  remembered  liow  few  and  timid  were  those  who  at  first 
ventured,  when  I did  develop  a place  of  Christian  worship  out 
of  the  circus,  to  join  with  us  in  evangelical  services  under 
this  roof ; and  now  here  we  were  with  the  grandest  assembly 
this  land  can  produce,  with  its  honored  president  and  his  min- 
isters in  this  magnificent  memorial  service ! 

Just  here  my  son  finished  his  reading  and  turned  and  looked 
at  me,  intimating  that  the  time  had  come  to  take  my  part. 
“ Wliat  hath  God  wrought ! ” was  on  my  lips  as  I came  to 
the  front,  and,  lifting  up  my  hands  in  prayer,  the  entire  audi- 
ence rose  to  join  me  in  the  act.  God  helped  me  as  I pleaded 
for  the  stricken  nation  with  whom  wre  sympathized  in  the  death 
of  its  venerable  monarch,  and  for  the  bereaved  family  and  the 
aged  widow,  and  especially  for  that  suffering  crown-prince  on 
whom  the  imperial  burden  must  now  fall  so  heavily.  I im- 
plored God  to  bless  Germany,  and  to  impart  to  the  powers  of 
Europe  at  this  critical  time  that  grace  and  sagacity  which  would 
lead  them  to  indorse  heartily  the  dying  word  of  the  grand  old 
emperor  as  he  pleaded  for  “ peace  ” — the  peace  of  God  among 
the  nations.  I closed  by  invoking  the  benediction  of  the  Al- 
mighty upon  the  land  whose  hospitality  we  were  enjoying,  and 
its  honored  president,  so  that  beneath  its  flag  of  freedom,  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  with  peace  and  order,  should  be  maintained  as 
long  as  the  sun  and  moon  endured.  I had  a consciousness  that 
my  prayer  was  heard  and  that  the  hearts  of  the  great  assembly 
were  with  me  in  the  petitions  presented.  Some  of  them,  espe- 
cially the  Germans,  were  in  tears,  and  thanked  me  heartily  at 
the  termination  of  the  service. 

Another  funeral  dirge  and  another  hymn,  and  then  my  son 
again  took  the  pulpit  and  used  the  closing  portion  of  the  burial 
service  of  our  ritual,  in  the  Spanish,  ending  with  the  Lord’s 
Prayer.  A short  pause,  and  then  the  whole  audience  rose  to  re- 
ceive the  benediction,  which  he  gave  in  the  German  language. 
This  ended  the  beautiful  service.  The  audience  remained  stand- 
ing while  the  president  and  his  cabinet  and  the  foreign  ministers 
and  other  officials  passed  slowly  out. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


317 


As  I saw  them  reverently  retiring  I could  realize  the  quiet 
and  yet  great  advance  that  our  cause  had  gained  in  this  city 
during  the  past  few  years.  Eleven  years  ago  hardly  one  of 
these  upper-class  Mexican  people  had  the  courage  to  enter  this 
or  any  Protestant  church,  so  decided  were  their  prejudice  and 
timidity.  In  1877  I conducted  in  this  same  church  the  funeral 
service  of  Herr  Beneeke,  the  Consul-general  of  Germany ; but 
on  that  occasion  we  could  not  induce  the  limited  number  of 
these  people  who  attended  to  go  forward  and  take  the  front 
seats.  They  lingered  round  the  entrance,  and  were  timid  about 
making  any  farther  advance  into  the  room.  On  this  occasion 
there  was  no  hesitation.  The  whole  front  was  occupied  and  the 
church  crowded.  Slowly  but  surely  the  Lord’s  work  is  advanc- 
ing in  this  land,  and  we  can  look  for  more  candor  and  less 
prejudice  as  the  light  spreads  and  they  come  to  understand  us 
and  our  object  in  being  here  among  them. 

The  General  Assembly  of  all  the  Protestant  missions  pre- 
viously held  in  this  church  no  doubt  did  much  to  impress  them 
favorably  ; and  now  came  this  grand  service,  at  which  the  highest 
people  of  the  land  were  not  afraid  or  ashamed  to  be  present. 
All  this  is  a decided  advance  for  the  evangelical  cause. 

In  the  minds  of  many  of  these  people  on  this  occasion  there 
was  a fact  that  greatly  interested  them,  which  would  not  at  all 
have  been  regarded  as  remarkable  by  any  Protestant  audience. 
That  fact  was  that  the  two  ministers  who  conducted  the  service 
and  were  together  in  that  pulpit  stood  in  the  relation  of  father 
and  son  to  each  other.  Such  a fact  was  never  seen  in  Roman 
Catholicism.  No  priest  or  bishop  of  that  Church  ever  had  his 
son  to  minister  by  his  side.  Here,  too,  is  something  to  lead 
them  to  reflection  as  to  one  of  the  reasons  why  the  clergy  of 
their  Church  are  what  they  are,  denied  as  they  are  by  mere 
human  authority  those  relations  of  holy  matrimony  which  the 
Founder  of  Christianity  has  expressly  declared  to  be  the  right 
and  privilege  of  his  ministers. 

The  archbishop  had  threatened  that  attendance  at  this  service 
would  be  followed  by  the  usual  penalties;  but  his  effort  to  pre- 


318 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


vent  people  from  going  was  a failure.  He  would  have  had  a 
large  business  on  hand  had  he  attempted  to  carry  out  his  threat. 
These  were  people,  beginning  with  the  president,  not  to  be 
trifled  with,  and  he  knew  it,  and  concluded  that  discretion 
was  the  better  part  of  valor.  Among  the  many  evidences 
which  we  found  in  the  reports  in  the  papers  next  morning 
of  the  excellent  impressions  made  by  the  service,  nothing  was 
more  unique  or  paid  a higher  homage  to  the  holy  word  of  God 
than  the  innocent  declaration  of  the  editor  of  one  of  the  lead- 
ing periodicals,  who  evidently  was  a stranger  to  the  language  of 
Holy  Scripture,  and  supposed,  as  he  listened  with  such  profound 
attention  to  my  son’s  reading,  that  he  was  uttering  something 
which  he  had  himself  composed  for  the  occasion.  He  therefore 
reported  upon  it  that  ‘‘such  an  eloquent  and  pious  address  we 
have  never  before  heard.”  No  doubt  of  it,  for  the  minister 
was  reading  St.  Paul’s  inspired  description  of  the  resurrection 
of  the  last  day  in  1 Corinthians,  chapter  xv  ! 

As  we  close,  our  thoughts  revert  to  a remarkable  utterance 
of  Madame  Calderon’s,  and  nothing  much  more  appropriate 
could  end  this  book.  Here  was  a gifted  lady,  sincere  in  her 
Romanism,  sadly  contemplating  a condition  of  things  that  was 
a reproach  to  her  Church.  She  who  for  nearly  three  years 
stood  in  that  wealthy  but  dark  past  which  we  have  portrayed, 
when  there  was  no  ray  of  light  and  no  prospect  of  betterment 
apparent,  felt,  with  increasing  conviction,  that  some  change 
was  inevitable,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  or  her  Church 
in  Mexico  must  remain  a standing  reproach  throughout  the 
civilized  world.  She  could  discover  no  source  from  whence 
hope  of  change  could  arise  save  one,  and  that  not  from  the 
quarter  she  as  a Romanist  would  have  preferred ; yet,  if  it 
must  be  so,  she  bowrs  to  the  inevitable  and  predicts  its  approach. 
Here  is  “ the  prophecy  of  Madame  Calderon  : ” 

The  cvoss  was  planted  here  in  a congenial  soil,  and  as  in  the  pagan 
East  the  statues  of  the  divinities  frequently  did  no  more  than  change 
their  names  from  those  of  heathen  gods  to  those  of  Christian  saints,  and 
image-worship  apparently  continued,  though  the  mind  of  the  Christian 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


319 


was  directed  from  the  being  represented  to  the  true  and  only  God  who 
inhabits  eternity  ; so  here  the  poor  Indian  bows  before  visible  representa- 
tions of  saints  and  virgins,  as  he  did  in  former  days  before  the  monstrous 
shapes  representing  the  unseen  powers  of  the  air,  the  earth,  and  the 
water  ; but  he,  it  is  to  be  feared,  lifted  his  thoughts  no  higher  than  the 
rude  image  which  a human  hand  has  carved.  . . . He  kneels  before  the 
bleeding  image  of  the  Saviour  who  died  for  him,  before  the  gracious  form 
of  the  Virgin  who  intercedes  for  him ; but  he  believes  there  are  many 
virgins  of  various  gifts,  and  possessing  various  degrees  of  miraculous 
power  and  different  degrees  of  wealth,  according  to  the  quality  and 
number  of  the  diamonds  and  pearls  with  which  they  are  endowed — one 
even  who  is  the  rival  of  the  other — one  who  will  bring  rain  when  there  is 
drought,  and  one  to  whom  it  is  well  to  pray  in  seasons  of  inundation.  . . . 

If  any  one  wishes  to  try  the  effect  of  strong  contrast  let  him  come 
directly  from  the  United  States  to  this  country;  but  it  is  in  the  villages 
especially  that  the  contrast  is  most  striking.  Traveling  in  New  England, 
for  example,  we  arrive  at  a small  and  flourishing  village.  We  see  four 
new  churches,  proclaiming  four  different  sects ; religion  suited  to  all  cus- 
tomers. These  wooden  churches  or  meeting-houses  are  all  new,  all  painted 
white,  or  perhaps  a bright  red.  Hard  by  is  a tavern  with  a green  paling, 
as  clean  and  new  as  the  churches,  and  there  are  also  various  smart  stores 
and  neat  dwelling-houses;  all  new,  all  woodqn,  all  clean,  and  all  orna- 
mented with  slight  Grecian  pillars.  The  whole  has  a cheerful,  trim,  and 
flourishing  aspect.  Houses,  churches,  stores,  taverns,  all  are  of  a piece. 
. . . Every  thing  proclaims  prosperity,  equality,  consistency;  the  past 
forgotten,  the  present  all  in  all,  and  the  future  taking  care  of  itself.  No 
delicate  attentions  to  posterity  who  can  never  pay  its  debts.  No  beggars. 
If  a man  has  even  a hole  in  his  coat  he  must  be  lately  from  the  Emerald 
Isle. 

Transport  yourself  in  imagination  from  this  New  England  village  to 

that  of  , it  matters  not  which — not  far  from  Mexico  city.  “Look  on 

this  picture  and  on  that ! ” The  Indian  huts,  with  their  half-naked  in- 
mates and  little  gardens  filled  with  flowers;  the  huts  either  built  of  clay 
or  the  half-ruined  beaux  restesoi  some  stone  building.  At  a little  distance 
a hacienda,  like  a deserted  palace,  built  of  solid  masonry.  There,  rising 
in  the  midst  of  old  faithful-looking  trees,  the  church,  gray  and  ancient, 
but  strong  as  if  designed  for  eternity,  with  its  saints  and  virgins,  and 
martyrs  and  relics,  its  gold  and  silver  and  precious  stones,  whose  value 
would  buy  up  all  the  spare  lots  in  the  New  England  village;  the  lepero, 
with  scarce  a rag  to  cover  him,  kneeling  on  the  marble  pavement.  Leav- 
ing the  inclosure  of  the  church,  observe  the  stone  wall  that  bounds  the 
road  for  more  than  a mile,  the  fruit-trees  overtopping  it,  high  though  it 


320 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


be,  with  their  loaded  branches.  This  is  the  convent  orchard.  And  that 
great  Gothic  pile  that  stands  in  hoary  majesty — what  could  so  noble  a 
building  be  but  the  monastery,  perhaps  of  the  Carmelites,  because  of  its 
exceedingly  rich  garden  and  well-chosen  site  ? For  they,  of  all  monks,  are 
richest  in  this  world’s  goods.  Also  we  may  see  the  reverend  old  prior 
riding  slowly  from  under  the  arched  gate  up  the  village  lanes,  the  Indians 
coming  from  their  huts  to  do  him  lowly  reverence  as  he  passes.  Here, 
every  tiling  reminds  us  of  the  past,  of  the  conquering  Spaniards  who  seemed 
to  build  for  eternity,  of  the  triumphs  of  Catholicism,  and  of  the  Indians 
when  Cortez  first  startled  them  from  their  repose  and  stood  before  them 
like  the  fulfillment  of  half-forgotten  prophecy.  It  is  the  present  that 
seems  like  a dream,  a pale  reflection  of  the  past.  All  is  decaying  and 
growing  fainter,  and  men  seem  trusting  to  some  unknown  future  that  they 
may  never  see.  One  government  has  been  abandoned,  and  there  is  none 
in  its  place.  One  revolution  follows  another,  yet  the  remedy  is  not  found. 
Let  them  beware  lest  half  a century  later  they  be  awakened  from  their 
delusion,  and  find  the  cathedral  turned  into  a meeting-house,  and  all 
painted  white,  the  railing  melted  down,  the  Virgin’s  jewels  sold  to  the 
highest  bidder,  the  floor  washed  (which  would  do  it  no  harm),  and 
around  the  whole  a nice  new  wooden  paling,  freshly  done  in  green — 
and  all  this  performed  by  some  of  the  artists  from  the  wide-awake  repub- 
lic farther  north.* 

“The  artists”  are  already  there  and  hard  at  work,  but  not 
in  any  line  of  interference  with  the  political  institutions.  Ma- 
dame Calderon  would  be  amazed  could  she  return  and  see  how 
literally  her  anticipations  have  been  realized,  and  the  peace, 
order,  and  prosperity  that  are  firmly  established  throughout  the 
land.  More  than  all  would  she  be  surprised  to  behold,  not 
merely  foreign  artists  at  work,  but  a noble  band  of  native 
Mexican  ministers  and  teachers  engaged  in  spreading  evangel- 
ical Christianity,  and  with  grand  results. 

Mexico  is  destined  to  a high  mission  on  this  continent.  Her 
evangelization  will  aid  gloriously  in  the  redemption  of  Central 
and  South  America.  Erelong  the  States  beyond,  who  imitate 
her  example,  will  receive  her  missionaries,  who,  using  the  same 
melodious  language,  will  speak  to  those  millions  and  thus  con- 
summate the  evangelization  of  Spanish  America. 

* Life  in  Mexico,  p.  289. 


MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION. 


321 


O,  Church  of  the  living  God ! here  is  the  “ open  door,” 
“ great  and  effectual,”  which  the  divine  Master  has  set  before 
thee!  It  is  thine  to  enter.  God  expects  it  as  the  work  which 
“ thy  hand  findeth  to  do.”  He  sends  thee  to  open  their  eyes, 
to  turn  them  from  darkness  to  light,  and  from  the  power  of 
Satan  unto  God,  that  they  may  receive  “ remission  of  their 
sins,  and  an  inheritance  among  them  that  are  sanctified  by  faith 
in  Jesus  Christ.”  Living  or  dying,  I appeal  to  thee  for  them. 
Give  them,  0,  give  them  quickly,  thine  evangelical  faith  and 
thy  saving  Gospel.  Give  in  adequate  measure  for  the  con- 
summation of  the  blessed  change  for  these  millions  of  dying 
men,  that  Mexico  may  become  that  “ delightsome  land  ” which 
the  Lord  of  Hosts  has  promised,  where  her  “sun  shall  no  more 
go  down,  neither  shall  her  moon  withdraw  itself,  for  the  Lord 
shall  be  her  everlasting  light,  and  the  days  of  her  mourning 
shall  be  ended.” 

Then  will  redeemed  Mexico,  her  sorrows  closed,  rise  to  the 
greatness  of  her  position  on  this  continent,  and,  turning  to  the 
Redeemer  who  has  saved  her,  and  to  him  alone,  will  claim  her 
right  to  crown  him  with  the  diadem  of  Mexico’s  adoring  love, 
as  “ Lord  of  all,  to  the  glory  of  God  the  Father.”  Henceforth 
it  will  be  her  joy  to  adopt  as  her  own  the  rapturous  strain  of 
Cowper : 

“Come  then,  and  added  to  Thy  many  crowns 
Receive  yet  one,  the  crown  of  all  the  earth, 

Thou  who  alone  art  worthy ! It  was  thine 
By  sacred  covenant,  ere  nature’s  birth; 

And  thou  hast  made  it  thine  by  purchase  since, 

And  overpaid  its  value  with  thy  blood.” 


22 


INDEX 


AlexanderVI.,  division  of  the  world  by,  5. 

Archbishop  Labastida  and  Marshal  Niegre, 
166. 

Archbishop  Lorenzana’s  extravagant  praise 
of  Cortez,  14. 

Arteaga’s  letter  to  his  mother  when  about  to 
die,  209. 

Austria’s  concordat  with  the  papacy,  158. 

Beecher’s  triumph  at  Manchester,  190. 

Bibles  sold  in  the  castle  of  San  Angelo,  265. 

“ Black  Decree,”  the,  206. 

Blackstone  on  rapacity  of  clericals,  137. 

Bravo’s  vengeance  for  the  murder  of  his  fa- 
ther, 74. 

“ Butcher  of  Bologna,”  the,  114. 

Cabman  at  St.  Peter’s  refuses  papal  coin, 
264. 

Calderon,  Madame,  introduction  of,  26. 

on  the  desagravios  of  Mexico,  29. 

“ prophecy  ” concerning  the  future  of 

Mexico,  318. 

Carlota’s  confidential  letter  to  a friend,  185. 

sudden  departure  from  Mexico,  212. 

stricken  with  insanity  at  Rome,  214. 

Christianizing  the  Aztecs,  Spanish  methods 
of,  10. 

” Circulo  Populate ; ” arraignment  of  the 
pope,  111. 

Clavijero  declines  to  indorse  some  of  the 
statements  of  Cortez,  13. 

Clergy,  condition  of  Mexican,  33. 

Colonization  of  Confederates  in  Mexico,  216. 

Comments  of  English  press  on  the  French 
Intervention,  189. 

Comparison  of  Lincoln  and  Juarez,  163. 

Confederacy  supporting  the  Intervention,  187. 

Convention  of  Soledad,  147. 

Corttfz,  dispatches  of,  to  his  emperor,  10. 

— character  of,  shown  by  his  own  act  and 
language,  12. 

Council  of  Trent  and  its  assumptions,  6. 


Cruelties  inflicted  by  the  Spaniards  on  the 
conquered,  14. 

Cuatemoctzin,  tribute  to  the  fame  of,  15. 

Curtis’s  Capitals  of  Spanish  America , 101. 

De  Moray’s  aid  to  the  conspiracy  against 
Mexico,  142. 

Diaz,  General,  capture  of  Mexico  city  by,  245. 

, president,  successful  administration  of, 

286. 

, interview  with,  305. 

Domenech’s  influential  position  between  two 
thrones,  172. 

on  the  character  of  Mexican  Catholi- 
cism, 28. 

, his  reasons  for  the  Intervention  of  Na- 
poleon, 173. 

Ecuador  as  a model  papal  state,  104. 

Emperor  William  I.,  frank  correspondence 
with  Pius  IX.,  268. 

, memorial  services  in  city  of  Mexico,  310. 

Eugenie’s  share  of  the  penalty,  272. 

Financial  status  of  Maximilian’s  empire,  170. 

French  at  Puebla,  defeat  of  the,  152. 

enormous  financial  claims  against  Mex- 
ico, 146. 

Fueros  established  by  the  Church  in  Mexico, 
177. 

General  Assembly  of  Protestant  Missions  in 
1888,  298. 

Gladstone’s  explanation  of  the  position  main- 
tained by  England,  188. 

Grant,  General,  on  the  Intervention  in  Mex- 
ico, 177. 

, view  of  the  attempt  to  monarchize 

Mexico,  220. 

Greeley,  Horace,  his  deep  disappointment 
with  papal  policy,  108. 

, remarkable  foresight  of  Eugenie’s  fall 

from  power,  274. 


324 


INDEX. 


Guadalupe,  legend  of  the  Virgin  of,  46. 

, amazing  idolatry  exhibited  at,  49. 

Hidalgo  proclaims  independence  of  Mex- 
ico, 68. 

and  his  helpers,  with  their  defeat,  VO. 

anniversary  of  the  “ Grito  ” celebrated, 

71. 

Honduras  and  the  papal  hull,  106. 

Hugo’s,  Victor,  eulogium  on  Juarez,  251. 

Humboldt  on  the  destruction  of  Aztec  rec- 
ords, 35. 

Infallibility  decreed  by  Pius  IX.,  259. 

Inquisition  of  Puebla,  purchase  of  part  of 
the,  295. 

Intolerance  toward  the  dead  in  Spain,  161. 

Italian  soldiers  in  Wesleyan  service  in  Rome, 
266. 

Iturbide,  the  liberator,  T6. 

, the  election  and  coronation  of,  as  em- 
peror, 79. 

, exile  and  death  of,  80. 

Jecker  bonds,  their  nefarious  character,  140. 

, expulsion  from  Mexico  by  Juarez,  278. 

“ Jesuits,  farewell  1 ” in  1873,  280. 

Juarez,  outline  of  life  of,  127. 

response  to  the  invitation  of  Maximil- 
ian, 201. 

recognition  of  the  help  of  God  in  the 

struggle,  251. 

on  the  value  of  Protestantism  to  his 

country,  253. 

generous  terms  granted  to  the  con- 
quered, 247. 

tomb  of,  its  beauty  and  significance,  309. 

“ Kicked  out  of  Rome,”  the  papal  threat,  192. 

Las  Casas  protecting  the  Indians,  17. 

Latin  and  Teutonic  races,  illiteracy  com- 
pared, 175. 

“ Laws  of  Reform,”  meaning  of,  137. 

Legation  at  Rome  closed  by  Act  of  our  Con- 
gress, 193. 

Lerdo’s  exhibit  of  church  property,  18. 

Liberty  in  Rome  after  the  flight  of  the  pope, 

110. 

Lincoln’s  reply  to  the  workingmen  of  Lan- 
cashire, 191. 

Ldpez,  Colonel,  supposed  treachery  explained, 
241. 


Map  of  the  United  States  in  the  library  of 
the  Propaganda,  87. 

Martyrs  of  Protestantism  in  Mexico  since 
1873,  302. 

Maximilian’s  relation  to  the  Austrian  em- 
pire, 154. 

visit  to  Rome  to  receive  the  papal  bene- 
diction, 167. 

arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  to  establish  an 

empire,  169. 

crushing  burden  assumed  by  him,  170. 

mission  to  Mexico,  impracticable,  177. 

expostulated  with  by  Pius  IX.  for  his 

slowness,  179. 

failure  of  nuncio  to  subjugate  his  action, 

181. 

and  his  cabinet  break  with  the  papacy, 

183. 

attempt  to  leave  Mexico  privately,  217. 

induced  by  the  clericals  to  renew  the 

effort  for  empire,  218. 

issuance  of  the  “ Black  Decree,”  205. 

unworthy  efforts  to  make  terms  for  es- 
cape with  Escobedo,  222. 

capture  at  Queretaro  with  all  his  force, 

224. 

court-martial  and  defense,  225. 

condemnation,  with  reasons  therefor, 

232. 

attempts  to  escape  by  the  aid  of  friends, 

234. 

execution  of,  19th  of  June,  1867,  238. 

body  returned  to  Austria,  at  request  of 

royal  family,  254. 

McNamara’s  project  to  forestall  the  United 
States  in  California,  88. 

Mexico,  cruelties  of  Spanish  rule  in,  since 
the  Conquest,  64. 

degradation  of  the  clergy  of,  32. 

natural  wealth  of,  8. 

acquired  wealth  of  the  Church  of  Rome 

in,  18. 

unique  Mariolatry  in  her  religion,  42. 

war  with  the  United  States,  86. 

advanced  position  of  the  United  States 

in  her  favor  in  1866,  202. 

statistics  of  Protestant  missions  in, 

299. 

Milton's  prayer  for  the  Waldenses  an- 
swered, 116. 

Miramon’s  robbery  of  the  British  legation, 
124. 

“ Monroe  doctrine  ” and  its  application  in 
this  case,  82. 


INDEX. 


09^ 


Napoleon,  Louis,  sketch  of  his  history,  130. 

plans  against  freedom  of,  133. 

unfriendly  intentions  toward  the  United 

States,  16S. 

declares  war  against  Prussia,  200. 

utter  downfall  at  Sedan,  270. 

Netherland  League’s  address  to  Juarez, 
164. 

New  Granada,  protest  of  pope  against  its 
laws  of  freedom,  103. 

Orizava  and  the  morning  star,  281. 

Palmerston,  Lord,  view  of  Romanism,  102. 
Pius  IX.,  policy  of  freedom  at  his  acces- 
sion, 108. 

flight  from  Rome,  109. 

protest  of  the  “ Circulo  Populare  ” 

against  his  action.  111. 

letter  to  Maximilian  urging  stern  meas- 
ures, 179. 

— — wily  effort  to  Interfere  In  our  civil  war, 
193. 

recognition  of  the  Confederacy  by,  195. 

— encyclical  and  syllabus  to  dominate 
Christendom,  196. 

loss  of  his  temporal  power,  261. 

Purgatory,  reflections  on,  38. 

Rankin,  Miss  Melinda,  and  her  work.  287. 
Rome’s  designs  against  the  United  States, 
99. 

Romeros,  Matias,  great  service  to  his  coun- 
try, 129. 


Salazar's  letter  to  his  mother  when  about  to 
die,  209. 

San  Franciscan  monastery,  purchase  of  part 
of  the,  289. 

Santa  Anna’s  first  political  move,  82. 

negotiates  through  Estrada  for  a mon- 
archy, 118. 

tried  for  treason  and  bauished,  119. 

attempt  to  reopen  the  war  in  1867,  249. 

interview  with  shortly  before  bis  death, 

306. 

visit  to  the  grave  of,  308. 

South  America,  freedom  in,  resisted  by  pon- 
tiff, 96. 

sympathizing  with  Mexico,  163. 

Texas,  separation  from  Mexico  of,  S3. 

Treachery  at  Cherubusco,  93. 

Tripartite  treaty  of  England,  Spain,  and 
France,  143. 

Vattel  on  secularization  of  ecclesiastical 
property,  137. 

Vengeance  on  conspirators  against  Mexico, 
256. 

Victor  Emmanuel  enters  Rome  as  her  chosen 
king,  261. 

Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  legend  of,  48. 

of  Remedios,  42. 

Webster,  Daniel,  on  our  neglected  duty  to 
Mexico,  4. 

Zuloaga’s  usurpation  In  the  interests  or  the 
clericals,  122. 


THE  END. 


t . 


F1231.5  .B95  1893 

Mexico  in  transition  from  the  power  ot 


1 1012  00004  9082 


